The Indians had flattered themselves that the visit of the Spaniards to their country was only temporary, and used often to ask them when they meant to return home: But finding that they built stone houses, that they were much greater eaters than themselves, and were even obliged to bring part of their provisions out of Spain, many of the towns endeavoured to contrive to starve the Spaniards, so that they should either perish for want of food, or be compelled to return into Spain. For this purpose they discontinued the cultivation of provisions, and withdrew into the woods and mountains, trusting to wild roots and the vast numbers of an animal like a rabbit, called utias, for their subsistence. Although by this contrivance the Spaniards suffered greatly from want, and by ranging after the Indians, were often forced to feed on filthy and unwholesome things so that many of them died; yet the calamity fell heavily on the Indians themselves, who wandered about with their families in the utmost distress, not daring to hunt or fish, or to seek provisions, and skulking on the damp grounds, along the rivers, or among the mountains. Owing to these hardships and the want of proper food, a violent distemper broke out among the natives which carried off vast multitudes; insomuch that, through that illness and the casualities of the war, a third part of the population of the island had died by the year 1496.

Friar Boyle and Don Peter Margarite, who had deserted the island without leave, as before related, combined together on their return into Spain to discredit the admiral and his discoveries, because they had not found gold laid up in chests, or growing on trees, ready to lay hold of. They also grossly misrepresented the conduct of the admiral in his government of the colony; and there being other letters sent against him in the four ships commanded by Antonio de Torres, their Catholic majesties began to listen to the aspersions of the malcontents. Owing to this, about the same time that Columbus was taking the field against the insurgents in the Royal Plain, their majesties sent out Juan Aguado, one of the pages of their bed chamber, with authority to inquire into the actual situation of affairs in Hispaniola. They sent at the same time four ships under his command, carrying provisions and other necessaries for the assistance of the colony. The credentials with which he was furnished were in the following terms: "Gentlemen, yeomen, and others residing in the Indies, we send you our page of the bed chamber, Juan Aguado, who will discourse with you in our name, and to whom we command you to give full credit. Given at Madrid on the 9th of April." Aguado arrived at Isabella about the month of October, when the admiral was absent in the province of Maguana, prosecuting the war against the brothers of Caunabo. He immediately began to carry himself with a high hand, intermeddling in the government, reproving some of the officers of the colony who had been appointed by the admiral, imprisoning others, and paying no respect to Don Bartholomew Columbus, who had been left to govern the town of Isabella. He even resolved to go after the admiral with a military escort of cavalry and infantry, who gave out on their march that another admiral was come, who would kill the old one: The natives, being greatly dissatisfied by the war and the tribute of gold, were much pleased with this news; and several of the caciques met together privately in the house of a cacique named Manicaotex, whose territories were near the river Yaqui, when they agreed to complain against the admiral, and to demand redress of their grievances from the new commander. When he received intelligence of Juan Aguado coming in search of him, the admiral thought proper to return to the town of Isabella; where he received the letters of their majesties before all the people, with the sound of trumpets, and all the demonstrations of profound respect. Aguado, however, did not the less continue to shew his indiscretion, behaving disrespectfully to the admiral, and interfering with many things, by which he gave a bad example to others, and encouraged them to despise the admirals authority; who, on the other hand, honoured and entertained him generously, and bore his contumelious behaviour with great modesty. Among other things, Aguado pretended that the admiral had not received their majesties letters with becoming respect; and about four months afterwards he sent for the notaries to his house, requiring them to make out affidavits to that effect. When they desired him to send the vouchers on which this charge was grounded, he alleged that he could not trust them in their hands: At length, however, affidavit was made on this subject; but it was entirely favourable to the character of the admiral. The conduct and example of Aguado were very prejudicial to the authority of the admiral, and the inhabitants of Isabella were at the same time much dissatisfied with their condition; They were mostly sick, and had no other provisions beyond their allowances from the royal stores. Each man was allowed a small measure of wheat, which he had to grind for his own use in a hand-mill, though many used it boiled: Besides which they had rations of rusty bacon, or rotten cheese, and a few beans or peas, without any wine. As they were all in the royal pay, the admiral compelled them to work on the fort, his own house, or the other public structures, which reduced them almost to despair, and induced them to complain of their intolerable hardships to Aguado. Such of the colonists as were in health fared much better, as they were employed in going about the island keeping the natives in subjection. Having collected as he thought a sufficient number of complaints against the admiral, Aguado prepared to return into Spain; but his four ships were wrecked in the port, by one of these great storms which the Indians call Hurrancans, so that he had no vessel to return in except one of the two caravels belonging to the admiral.

Taking into consideration the disrespectful behaviour of Aguado, and being also informed of all that Friar Boyle and Don Peter Margarite had reported to his prejudice at court, where he had no other support but his own virtue, the admiral resolved to appear in person before their majesties, that he might clear himself of the many calumnies which had been invented by his enemies, and might acquaint them with the discoveries he had made respecting Cuba, and give his advice respecting the line of partition of the ocean between the crowns of Spain and Portugal. Before leaving the island, he thought fit to place certain forts in good order, which he had begun to erect for the security of the colony, and to keep the natives under subjection. Besides the fort of St Thomas, already mentioned, for protecting the mines of Cibao, there were the fort of St Mary Magdalen, called likewise the lower Macorix, situated in the district belonging to Guanozonel, one of the caciques in the Royal Plain, three or four leagues from where the town of Santiago now stands, the command of which fort was confided to Lewis de Arriaga. Another fort, named Santa Catalina, or St Catherine, was placed under the command of Ferdinand Navarro, a native of Logronno. Another fort on the banks of the Yaqui, towards Ciboa, was named Esperanza, or the Hope. Another, in the district of the cacique Guarionex, in the Royal Plain, was called the Conception, which was commanded by Juan de Ayala, who was afterwards succeeded by Michael Ballester. The caciques, who were much burdened by the gold tax, informed the admiral that there were good gold mines to the southward, and advised him to send a party of Christians to explore them. Being much interested in this matter, as conducive to support his reputation at court, for which this served very opportunely on his approaching return to Spain, the admiral sent a party under Francis de Garay, and Michael Diaz, with some guides furnished by the Indians, to examine into the truth of this report. From the town of Isabella, this party went by the forts of Magdalen and the Conception, quite across the royal plain, and thence through a pass in the mountains, two leagues long, after which they came in view of a plain belonging to a cacique named Bonao. Having travelled several leagues along the ridges of the mountains in this district, they came to a considerable river called Hayra, the banks of which are very fertile. In this place they were informed that much gold was to be found in all the brooks and rivulets, which they found to be the case. Likewise, by digging in several places, gold was found in such plenty, that a single labourer was able to get to the value of three pieces of eight every day. These new mines are now known by the name of the mines of St Christopher, from a fort of that name which the admiral left orders to build for their protection; but they were afterwards called the old mines. About this time, some inhabitants of Seville were soliciting permission from the court of Spain to fit out expeditions for new discoveries.

[1] Herrera is exceedingly inaccurate in his measures, as the real direct distance is only 55 Spanish leagues.—E.



SECTION XV.

Conclusion of the Discoveries of Columbus.

Having been very particular in relating the incidents of these two voyages of Columbus, and of the steps previous to their commencement, to shew by what means the discovery of America and the West Indies was first made, I shall only briefly touch upon the remaining particulars of the actions of that great man. Having left all things in Hispaniola in the best posture he was able, Columbus returned into Spain, labouring under severe illness and loaded with heavy accusations: But their Catholic majesties, considering his great services and extraordinary sufferings, cleared him in spite of all his enemies, only recommending to him to treat the Spaniards under his authority with kindness. After receiving from him a recital of the new discoveries which he had made, and of the immense wealth to be procured from these countries, they sent him back honourably to Seville, where eight ships were provided for his third voyage. Two of these he sent out to his brother Don Bartholomew, who had then begun to build the city of San Domingo, the capital of Hispaniola, which is situated on the southern coast of the island at the mouth of the river Ozama. With the other six ships, Columbus set sail from San Lucar de Barrameda on the 19th May 1497. In this voyage he held a southerly course till he came under the line, where he met with long continued calms, accompanied by such violent heat that the men thought they should all have perished. At length the wind sprung up and enabled him to proceed to the westwards; and, on the 1st of August, he discovered the island of La Trinidad, or the Trinity, near that part of the continent of South America, now called New Andalusia[1]. He then continued his voyage westwards along the coast of the continent, trading with the natives for gold and pearls, and giving names to noted places. After spending some time in this new discovery, he sailed back to Trinidad, discovering the island of Margarite by the way. Thinking his presence might be necessary in the colony of Hispaniola, he stood across the Caribbean sea from Trinidad, and arrived at the new city of San Domingo.

Several private adventurers fitted out ships from Spain, upon voyages of discovery to the new world, after this third voyage of Columbus. In particular, Alonso de Ojeda went out in 1499, being accompanied by Americas Vespucius, who gave his own name to the new world, which has ever since been called America. On his arrival in Hispaniola, Columbus found all the Indians in arms against the Spaniards, who gave them several defeats under the command of Don Bartholomew Columbus. In this war, Don Bartholomew took fifteen of the caciques prisoners, among whom was Guarionex, who acted as general of their army: But he set them all at liberty, on their engagement to become subject to their majesties. After this several of the Spaniards mutinied against the authority of Columbus and his brother the lieutenant, and separated themselves from the rest of the colony, which proved more pernicious than all that the natives were able to do. The discontented party transmitted complaints to the court of Spain against the admiral and his brother; on which Francis de Bovadilla, a knight of the order of Calatrava, was sent out with authority to investigate the cause of the troubles in the infant colony. Bovadilla carried matters with a high hand, and on very slight pretences sent Columbus and his brother in irons to Spain, in separate vessels. Immediately on their arrival in Spain, their majesties ordered them to be set at liberty, and to repair to court, which was then at Granada: And, although they cleared themselves of all that had been laid to their charge, they were deprived of the government of the West Indies, and put off with fair promises. Bovadilla was afterwards lost at sea, on his return to Spain.

On the 9th of May 1502, Columbus sailed again from Spain with 170 men. He arrived before San Domingo on the 29th of June, but the new governor Nicholas de Ovando would not permit him to come into the harbour, for which reason he was constrained to sail to the westwards. After struggling with adverse currents and long calms for some time, he had to contend against an almost continued storm of sixty days, and then discovered the island of Guana ja, to the northward of Cape Honduras, in Lat. 19 deg. N. He sent his brother on shore at this place, where he met with a canoe eight feet wide and as long as a Spanish galley. This canoe was covered with mats, and had men, women, and children on board, who had abundance of commodities for barter; such as long webs of cotton of several colours; short cotton shirts or jerkins without sleeves, curiously wrought; small cotton cloths used by the natives to conceal their nakedness; wooden swords edged with flints; copper hatchets, and horse-bells of the same metal; likewise plates of copper, and crucibles, or melting pots; cocoa nuts; bread made of maize or Indian corn, and a species of drink made from the same. Columbus exchanged some commodities with these Indians; and inquiring at them where gold was to be found, they pointed towards the east, on which he altered his course in that direction. The first land he came to was Cape Casinas in the province of Honduras, where his brother landed and took formal possession. The natives of this coast wore short cotton jackets without sleeves, and clouts before them. They behaved very peaceably to the Spaniards, whom they supplied with plenty of provisions. Sailing several days to the eastwards from thence with contrary winds, he arrived at a great cape or head-land, whence the coast trended to the southwards, and called this place Cabo de Garcias a Dios, or Cape thanks to God, because the east winds which had hitherto obstructed his voyage would now serve for navigating that part of the coast. He accordingly explored that coast, touching at Porto Bello, Nombre de Dios, Belen and Veragua, trading with the Indians. At Veragua he was informed of gold mines at no great distance, and sent his brother up the country in search of them. On his return, Don Bartholomew brought down a considerable quantity of gold, which he had procured from the natives for toys of little value. Being encouraged by the prospect of gold, he proposed to have left his brother in this place with 80 Spaniards to settle a colony, and even began to build houses for that purpose; but, being opposed by the Indians, and his own men becoming mutinous, he was obliged to relinquish his intention.

From Veragua he stood over towards Hispaniola; but his caravels were so much worm-eaten and shattered by storms that he could not reach that island, and was forced to run them on shore in a creek on the coast of Jamaica, where he shored them upright with spars, and built huts on their decks for his men, all below being full of water. He remained in this place almost a year, suffering many hardships. At length he found means to send a canoe over to Hispaniola with intelligence of his forlorn condition, and procured a vessel to transport him and his men to that island, whence he went to Spain. This was his last voyage; after which he spent the remainder of his life at Valadolid, where he died on the 8th of May 1506, aged 64 years. His body was carried to Seville, as he had ordered in his will, and was there honourably interred in the church of the Carthusians, called De las Cuevas, with a Latin epitaph commemorating his great actions.

[1] Trinidad, which is now subject to Britain, is on the coast of Cumana, or the Spanish main, on the north-eastern shoulder of South America, between Lat. 10 deg. and 10 deg. 50' N. Long. 61 deg. and nearly 62 deg. W.—E.

* * * * *



CHAPTER III.

THE VOYAGES OF AMERICUS VESPUCIUS TO THE NEW WORLD[1].

INTRODUCTION.

The relation which is here offered to the public, we believe for the first time in the English language, is only an abridged account of four voyages made by Americus Vespucius to the New World, as written by himself, in which he expresses his intention of publishing a more extensive work, wherein all the events of these four voyages were to be related at large. The information he has conveyed in the present article is by no means satisfactory; yet it constitutes an original document respecting the early discoveries of the southern continent of the New World, and is therefore essential to the principles and arrangement of our work. Ample opportunities will occur in the sequel, for inserting more extended accounts of the countries which were visited lay this early navigator, whose singular good fortune has raised him an eternal monument infinitely beyond his merit, by the adoption of his otherwise obscure name for designating the grand discovery of the immortal Columbus.

Various early editions of the voyages of this navigator are mentioned in the Bibliotheque Universelle des Voyages[2], a recent work of much research, published at Paris in 1808. In the titles of these he is named Americo Vespucio, and Alberico Vespucio. In the NOVUS ORBIS of Simon Grynaeus, from which our present article is translated, he is called Americus Vesputius. In another portion of that work, containing some very slight notices of these four voyages, his name is altered to Albericus[3]. A modern author, we know not on what authority, names him Amerigo Vespucci[4]. In all these publications, the authors or editors have used their endeavours to deprive the illustrious Columbus of the well earned glory of being the discoverer of the New World, and to transfer that honour most undeservedly to Americus, whose name has long been indelibly affixed to this new grand division of our globe. Americus himself pretended to have made the first discovery of the continent of the New World, alleging that his great precursor Columbus was only the discoverer of the large West India islands. It has been already mentioned, in the introduction to the voyages of Columbus, that in his first voyage Americus sailed under the command of a Spanish officer named Ojeda or Hojeda, who had accompanied Columbus in his second voyage: But, though it sufficiently appears from his own writings that Americus did not command in chief in any of his four voyages, he anxiously conceals the names of the commanders under whom he sailed. The actual accomplishment of any of these voyages by Americus has even been doubted[5]. At all events, there are strong reasons for believing that all their dates have been industriously falsified, on purpose to ground a pretension for having discovered the continent or main-land of Paria, prior to the third voyage of Columbus, in 1498, when that country and the islands of Trinidada and Margarita certainly were discovered by Columbus. The same author here quoted as doubting the reality of the navigations of Americus to the New World, gives the following account of his pretensions as a discoverer. "Americus Vespucius, by the interest of Bishop Fonseca, the enemy of Columbus, was made chief pilot of Spain, and to him all the journals of discovery were communicated, from which he constructed elegant maps, helping out by his fancy whatever was deficient in his materials, so as to exhibit things in graceful proportions, and the only thing wanting to his cosmographic delineation was a strict regard to truth. But they answered well his purpose; as, besides securing him a good place and competent salary, they enabled him to impose his own name on the new world, before he had discovered one foot of its coasts[6]." These are heavy charges; but, as Harris quotes no authorities, it is utterly impossible to determine on their justice at this distance of time. In another part of his work, Harris acknowledges the reality of the first voyage of Americus, under the command of Alonso Hojeda, and assigns the 20th May 1499 as its commencement[7]. Americus was probably only pilot of the different navigations he relates. It will be seen in the first section of this chapter, that Americus dates his first voyage two years earlier; obviously to warrant his pretended discovery of the coast of Paria, which Columbus had actually discovered in July or August 1498.

It has been alleged, but we have forgot the authority for this assertion, that the two first voyages of Vespucius, as given in this article, were in reality one and the same; but thus divided by himself, for giving the better colour to his assuming a false date to ground his pretended priority of discovering the continent of Paria.

Soon after the departure of this expedition under Hojeda. Peter Alonso Nino and Christopher Guerro of Seville obtained a license from the court of Spain to sail upon discovery to the New World, on condition that they were not to anchor or land within fifty leagues of any place that had been discovered by Columbus. Nino had sailed in the third voyage along with Columbus, when Trinidada, Paria, and Margarita were discovered, and the sole object of these interlopers appears to have been the acquisition of pearls, which were found by Columbus in considerable numbers on this coast. Accordingly, they do not appear to have extended their researches beyond the coast which Columbus had already discovered; and in what is called the Bay of Pearls, which is formed between the Island of Margarita and the main, they procured great numbers of that precious commodity from the natives, in barter for hawks-bells, and various baubles made of tin. From thence they proceeded westwards to Coro and Venezuela, where they augmented their store of pearls. This last place, the name of which signifies Little Venice, appears to have been the town built in the water, which is mentioned in the first voyage of Americus. Farther on, at a place which they named Curiana, they procured some gold, both wrought and in its native state, with monkeys and beautiful parrots. In the course of this voyage, they are said to have procured 150 marks, or 1200 ounces of pearls, all very beautiful, and of a fine water, some as large as hazel-nuts, but ill bored, owing to the imperfect tools of the natives. Besides pearls and gold, they took on board a considerable quantity of Brazil wood, though contrary to their instructions. They returned eastwards along the coast of Paria or Cumana to the gulf of Paria, whence they took their departure for Spain, and arrived in Galicia on the 6th February 1500; where they were accused by their own crew of concealing the pearls, on purpose to deprive the crown of the established duty, being a fifth of all importations[8].

Vincent Yanez Pinzon, who had accompanied Columbus during his first and second voyages, sailed on a voyage of discovery about the close of the year 1499, with four stout vessels fitted out at his own expence. In this voyage Pinzon appears to have sailed along the east coast of South America, and to have discovered Cape St Augustine in Brazil, to which he gave the name of Cape Consolation. On his return to the northwards, he likewise appears to have discovered the great Maranon, or river of the Amazons, and the mouth of the Oronoko; which latter he named Rio Dulce, or Fresh River, because he took up fresh water twenty leagues out at sea. He thence proceeded to the coast of Paria, where he took in a cargo of Brazil wood, and stood over to the islands between that coast and Hispaniola, losing two of his ships in a great storm. With the two which remained he went to Hispaniola to refit, and returned thence into Spain about the end of September 1500[9].

In the immediately subsequent chapter a summary will be found of the discoveries and settlements of the Spaniards in the West Indies, from the death of the great Columbus to the commencement of the expedition under Cortes, by which the rich and populous empire of Mexico was added to the Spanish dominions in the New World. The present chapter consists of voyages to the New World which were contemporary with those of the immortal Columbus, and all surreptitiously intended to abridge the vast privileges which he had stipulated for and obtained the grant of for his inestimable services; but which the court of Spain was anxious to procure pretexts for abrogating or circumscribing.

Of the other early voyages of discovery to America, very imperfect notices now remain. England lays claim to have been the next nation in succession, after the Spaniards and Portuguese, to explore the New World; yet, like Spain, under the guidance of an Italian. We have already seen that Columbus, when disappointed in his first views of patronage from the king of Portugal, and while he went himself to offer his services to the court of Spain, dispatched his brother Bartholomew into England, to lay his proposals for discovery before Henry VII. and the circumstances have been already detailed by which this scheme was disappointed, though Henry is said to have agreed to the proposals of Columbus four years before that archnavigator began his career in the service of the crown of Castile. After the king of England had thus, as it were by accident, missed reaping the advantage and glory of patronizing the first discovery of the New World, he is said to have encouraged other seamen of reputation to exert their talents in his service, by prosecuting the faint light which had transpired respecting the grand discovery of Columbus. Giovani Gabota, or John Cabot, a citizen of Venice, who had been long settled in Bristol, was among those who offered their services to the king of England on this occasion, and his services appear certainly to have been employed. By patent, dated 5th of March 1495 at Westminster, John Cabot and his three sons, Lewis, Sebastian, and Sancio, their heirs and deputies, were authorised, with five ships of any burthen they thought fit, and as many mariners as they pleased, to sail under the flag of England to all countries of the East, West, and North, at their own cost and charges, to seek out and discover whatever isles, countries, regions, or provinces of the heathens and unbelievers were hitherto unknown to all Christians; with power to subdue, occupy, and possess all such towns, cities, castles, and isles as they were able, leaving the sovereignty to the crown of England, and bound to bring back to Bristol all fruits, profits, gains, and commodities procured in their voyages, paying the fifth part of the profit to the king, all necessary costs and charges first deducted from the proceeds. And forbidding all the subjects of England from frequenting or visiting their discoveries, unless by license from the Cabots, their heirs or deputies, under forfeiture of their ships and goods[10].

In pursuance of the authority of this patent, and of a farther licence dated 13th February 1497, allowing John Cabot to sail from any of the ports of England with six ships of 200 tons burthen or under, John Cabot and his son Sebastian sailed from Bristol, and discovered a land which had never been before seen, on the 24th June 1497, about five in the morning, to which they gave the name of Prima Vista, because that part was first seen from sea. The island seen opposite, they named the Island of St John, because discovered on the day of St John the Baptist. The inhabitants of this island wore the skins of beasts, which they held in as much estimation as we do our finest garments. In their wars they used bows, arrows, spears, darts, wooden clubs, and slings. The land is barren and unfruitful, but has white bears, and stags of unusual size. It abounds in fish of great size, as seawolves, or seals, salmon, and soles above a yard long; but chiefly in immense quantities of that kind which is vulgarly called bacalaos. The hawks of this island are as black as crows, and the eagles and partridges are likewise black[11].

The foregoing account is given by Hakluyt on the authority of a map, engraved by Clement Adams after the design of Sebastian Cabot, which map was then to be seen in the private gallery of Queen Elizabeth at Westminster, and in the houses of many of the merchants of London. From Ramusio, however, Hakluyt gives rather a different account of this matter. By this account, it would appear that the father John Cabot had died previous to the voyage, and that Sebastian went as commander of two vessels furnished by King Henry. He sailed to the north-west, not expecting to find any other land than Cathay, or northern China, and from, thence to proceed for India. But falling in with land, he sailed northwards along the coast, to see if he could find any gulf that permitted him to proceed westwards in his intended voyage to India, and still found firm land to lat 56 deg. N. Finding the coast here turning to the east, he despaired of finding a passage in that direction: he sailed again down the coast to the southwards, still looking everywhere for an inlet that would admit a passage by sea to India, and came to that part of the continent now called Florida; where, his victuals failing, he took his departure for England[12]. In the preface to the third volume of his navigations, Ramusio, as quoted by Hakluyt, says that Sebastian Cabot sailed as far north in this voyage as 67 deg. 30', where on the 11th June the sea was still quite open, and he was in full hope of getting in that way to Cathay, but a mutiny of his people forced him to return to England[13]. Peter Martyr of Angleria, as likewise quoted by Hakluyt, says that Sebastian was forced to return to the southwards by the immense quantities of ice which he encountered in the northern part of his voyage[14].

Sebastian Cabot, on his return to England, found matters in a state which did not promise him any farther advantages as a mariner, on which he went into Spain, where he was employed by Ferdinand and Isabella, in whose service he explored the eastern coast of South America, and discovered the Rio Plata, up which he sailed above 360 miles, finding it to flow through a fine country, everywhere inhabited by great numbers of people, who flocked from all parts to admire his ships. After making many other voyages, which are not specified, he settled in Seville, where he employed himself in making sea charts, and had the appointment of pilot-major, all pilots for the West Indian Seas having to pass his examination, and to have his license[15]. He thought fit, however, to return into England, and was employed by Henry VIII. In the service of that sovereign he made a voyage to the coast of Brazil in 1516, under the superior command of Sir Thomas Pert, vice-admiral of England, of which the following imperfect account is preserved by Haklyut.

"That learned and industrious writer Richard Eden, in an epistle to the Duke of Northumberland, prefixed to a work which he translated from Munster in 1553, called A treatise of the New India, makes mention of a voyage of discovery made from England by Sir Thomas Pert and Sebastian Cabota, about the eighth year of Henry VIII. The want of courage in Sir Thomas Pert occasioned this expedition to fail of its intended effect; otherwise it might have happened that the rich treasury called Perularia, now in Seville, in which the infinite riches which come from the new-found country of Peru, would long since have been in the Tower of London to the great honour of the king, and the vast increase of the wealth of this realm. Gonsalvo de Oviedo, a famous Spanish writer, alludes to this voyage, in his General and Natural History of the West Indies, as thus quoted by Ramusio. In the year 1517, an English corsair, under pretence of a voyage of discovery, came with a great ship to the coast of Brazil, whence he crossed over to the island of Hispaniola, and arrived near the mouth of the harbour of St Domingo, where he sent his boat to demand leave of entry for the purpose of traffic. But Francis de Tapia, the governor of the castle, caused some ordnance to be fired from the castle at the ship, which was bearing in for the port; on which the ship put about, and the people in the boat went again on board. They then sailed to the island of St John, or Porto Rico, where they went into the harbour of St Germaine, where they required provisions and other necessaries for their ship, and complained against the inhabitants of St Domingo, saying that they came not to do any harm, but to trade for what they wanted, paying in money or merchandize. In this place they procured provisions, and paid in certain vessels of wrought tin and other things. They afterwards departed towards Europe, where it was thought they never arrived, as we never heard any more news of them[16]."

From the above hint respecting the riches of Peru finding their way to the Tower of London, and as combined with the former voyage of Cabot to the north-west; in search of a passage to India, it may be inferred, that the object of the present voyage was to discover a passage to India by the south-west, or by what is now called Cape Horn. The passage to India by the Cape of Good Hope, had been granted exclusively by the Pope to the Portuguese; and Henry VIII. then a good catholic, wished to evade this exclusive privilege by endeavouring to discover a new route. It was well observed by one of the kings of France, in reference to the Pope having granted all the East to the Portuguese, and all the West to the Spaniards, "I wish my brothers of Spain and Portugal would shew me the testament of our father Adam, by which they claim such ample inheritance." The supposition that Cabot had perished on his voyage from Porto Rico to England was unfounded. He was alive there in 1549, in which year Edward VI. granted a yearly pension for life to him and his assigns, of L.166, 13s. 4d. to be paid quarterly, in consideration of the good and acceptable service done and to be done by him[17].

We have been induced to insert this long digression in this place, because no journals remain of the voyages to which they relate. The other early voyages of the English to the New World, were all for the purpose of discovering a N.W. passage by sea to India, or for colonizing the provinces of North America, and will fail to be particularly noticed in other divisions of our work.

[1] Novus Orbis, p. 111.

[2] Vol. I. 262, and Vol. V. 479.

[3] Nov. Orb. 87.

[4] Mod. Geogr. III. 8.

[5] Harris, Col. of Voy. and Trav. II. 167.

[6] Harris, Coll. of Voy. and Trav. II. 62.

[7] Id. II. 87.

[8] Harris, II. 33.

[9] Harris, II. 38.

[10] Hakluyt, III. 25.

[11] Hakluyt, III. 27.

[12] Hakl. III. 28.

[13] Id. III. 29.

[14] Id. ib.

[15] Id. ib.

[16] Hakl. III. 591.

[17] Hakl. III. 31.



DEDICATION.

To the most illustrious Renee, King of Jerusalem and Sicily, Duke of Lorain and Bar, Americas Vespucius in all humble reverence and due gratitude, wisheth health and prosperity.

Most illustrious sovereign, your majesty may perhaps be surprised at my presumption in writing this prolix epistle, knowing, as I do, that your majesty is continually engaged in conducting the arduous affairs of government. I may deserve blame for presuming to dedicate to your majesty this work, in which you will take little interest, both because of its barbarous style, and that it was composed expressly for Ferdinand king of Spain. But my experience of your royal virtues has given me a confident hope that the nature of my subject, which has never yet been treated of by ancient or modern writers, may excuse me to your majesty. The bearer, Benvenuto, a servant of your majesty, and my valued friend, whom I met with at Lisbon, earnestly entreated me to write this history, that your majesty might be informed of all those things which I had seen during the four voyages to different parts of the world, which I had undertaken for the discovery of unknown countries. Of these four voyages, two were made through a vast extent of ocean towards the West, at the command of the illustrious Don Ferdinand king of Spain: The other two were to the south, in the service of Don Manuel king of Portugal. I have used my utmost diligence in the composition of this work, in hopes that your majesty would graciously receive me among the number of your dependants, considering that we were formerly companions during youth, while studying grammar under the tuition of my venerable uncle, Fra George Antony Vespucius. I wish that I were able to imitate that worthy person, as I should then be quite different from what I am: Yet I am not ashamed of myself, having always placed my chief delight in the practice of virtue, and the acquisition of literature. Should these voyages displease you, I may say, as Pliny said to his patron, "formerly my pleasantries used to delight you." Although your majesty is always occupied in affairs of state, you may certainly have as much leisure as will permit you to peruse these pages; which, however trivial in comparison, may yet please by their novelty. After the cares of government, your majesty will, I hope, receive amusement from my labours, as a pleasant desert promotes digestion after a plentiful repast. But, if I have been too tedious in my narrative, I ask pardon and take my leave.

Be it known to your majesty that I first went to these new countries in search of trade, in which I was occupied for four years, during which I experienced various reverses of fortune; at one time raised to the summit of human wishes, and afterwards reduced to the lowest ebb of misery, in so much that I had resolved to abandon commerce, and to confine my exertions to more laudable and safer exertions. I disposed myself, therefore, to the purpose of exploring various parts of the world, that I might see the wonderful things which it contains. An opportunity soon fortunately offered for satisfying this desire, as King Ferdinand of Spain fitted out four ships for the discovery of new countries towards the west, and was pleased to employ me upon this service. We set sail on the 20th of May 1497 from the port of Cadiz, taking our course through the great gulf of the ocean, in which voyage we were occupied for eighteen months, discovering many continents, and almost innumerable islands, most of which were inhabited, all of which were utterly unknown to our predecessors and the ancients. If I am not mistaken, I have somewhere read that the ocean is entirely void of countries and inhabitants, as appears to have been the opinion of our poet Dante, in his Inferno. But of the wonderful things which I have seen there, your majesty will find an account in the following narrative.



SECTION I.

The first Voyage of Americus Vespucius.

As already mentioned, we set sail with four ships in company from Cadiz on the 20th May 1497[1], shaping our course with the wind at S.S.W.[2] for the islands formerly called the Fortunate, and now named the Grand Canaries; which are situated in the western extremity of the then known habitable world, and in the third climate, the elevation of the pole being twenty-seven degrees and two thirds. These islands are 280 leagues distant from Lisbon, where this work was written. After spending about a week there, taking in wood, water, and other necessaries, commending ourselves to GOD, we set sail with a fair wind towards the west, one quarter south-west[3], and made such progress that in about twenty-seven we arrived at a country which we believed to be a continent, about a thousand leagues distant from the Great Canaries, in 16 deg. north latitude, and 75 deg. west longitude from the Canary islands[4]. Our fleet cast anchor at this place, a league and a half from shore, to which we went in some boats well armed and full of men. On nearing the beach, we could plainly see great numbers of naked people going about, at which circumstance we were much rejoiced. The natives, however, were astonished on seeing us, on account of the unusual appearance of our dress and manners, so that as we advanced they all fled to a hill in the neighbourhood, whence at that time we could not allure them by any signs of peace and friendship. On the approach of night, considering that the place in which our ships were anchored was altogether unsafe in the event of any storm arising, we determined to quit this part of the coast in the morning, for the purpose of seeking out some harbour where our ships might ride in safety. We accordingly made sail along the coast, and in sight of the shore, on which we could always see the natives, and after two days sail we found a convenient anchorage for the ships at the distance of half a league from the shore. At this place we saw a great multitude of people, and being anxious to examine them, and to establish a friendly intercourse, we landed that same day with about forty of our men in good array. But the natives shewed themselves extremely averse to any communication with us, and could not be allured to a conference by any means. At length a small number of them were induced to come near by presents of bells, small mirrors, glass beads, and similar toys, and a friendly intercourse was thus established. As night came on, we left them and returned to the ships. At dawn of the following day, we saw immense numbers of the natives on shore, men, women, and children:, and could observe that they had all their household stuff along with them, of which an account will be given hereafter. On our approach towards the shore, many of the natives threw themselves into the sea, being most expert swimmers, and came to meet us with much appearance of kindness, and joined us in perfect confidence of security, as if we had been old acquaintances, which gave us much pleasure.

The whole of these people, men as well as women, went entirely naked. Though of rather small stature, they are exceedingly well proportioned, their complexion being reddish brown, like the hair of lion; but if they were always clothed, they would in my opinion become as white as our people. They have no hair on any part of their bodies, except on the head, where it is long and black; especially the women, who wear their long black hair in a very comely manner. Their faces are by no means handsome, being broad like the Tartars, and they allow no hair to remain on their eyebrows or eyelids, nor on any other part of their bodies, as already mentioned, it being esteemed by them quite beastly to have hair remaining on their bodies. Both men and women are amazingly agile in walking and running, as we frequently experienced, the very women being able to run one or two leagues at a stretch with the utmost ease, and in this exercise they greatly excelled us Christians. They are likewise wonderfully expert swimmers, in which the women excel the men and we have seen them swim two leagues out to sea without any aid whatever. Their arms are bows and arrows, which are more craftily made than ours; and, being destitute of iron or any other metal, they arm the points of their arrows with the teeth of wild beasts or fishes, often hardening their ends in the fire to make them stronger. They are most expert archers, hitting any thing they aim at with wonderful precision; the women also, in some places, being excellent archers. Their other arms are a kind of very sharp lances or pointed stakes, and clubs, having their heads very nicely carved. They are chiefly accustomed to make war against their neighbours speaking a different language; and as they give no quarter, unless to such as are reserved for the most horrid tortures, they fight with extraordinary fury. When they go to battle they are accompanied by their wives, not to assist them in fighting, but on purpose to carry their provisions and other necessaries; and one of their women will carry a greater weight on her back for a journey of thirty or forty leagues, than a strong man is able to lift from the ground, as we have often seen. They have no regular captains or commanders in their wars; and although any one may assume the office of leader, they always march onwards without any order whatever. Their wars do not originate in any desire of extending their power or territory, neither from any inordinate lust of dominion, but from ancient enmities, transmitted from one generation to another; and when asked the cause of these enmities, their only answer is that they are bound to revenge the death of their ancestors. These people living in perfect liberty, are not subjected to any kings or rulers, and are chiefly excited to war when any of their tribe happens to be slain or made prisoner. On such occasions, the elder relations of the slain person or of the prisoner go about among the huts and villages, continually crying out, and urging all the warriors of the tribe to make haste and accompany them to war, that they may recover their friend from captivity, or revenge his death. All being moved to compassion and revenge by these incitements, immediately prepare for war, and march away in haste to the assistance of their friends.

These people have no laws, or any idea of distributive justice, neither are malefactors ever punished among them. Parents even neither teach nor chastise their children. We have sometimes seen them conferring together among themselves in a strange manner. They seem very simple in their discourse, yet are they very cunning and shrewd. In speaking they are neither loud nor loquacious, using accents similar to ours, but squeezing as it were most of their words between the teeth and the lips. They have a great number of dialects, as at every hundred leagues distance we found a different language, the different tribes not understanding each other. Their manner of feeding is very barbarous, as they have no fixed periods for eating, but just as inclination or opportunity offers, whether by day or night. When taking food they recline on the ground, using neither table-cloths nor napkins, as they have no linen or any other kind of cloth. Their food is put into vessels of earthen ware, manufactured by themselves, or into half gourd shells instead of dishes. They sleep in large net hammocks made of cotton, suspended at some height; and however extraordinary or disagreeable this custom may appear, I have found it exceedingly pleasant, and much preferable to the carpets which we use. Their bodies are very clean and sleek, owing to their frequent bathing. When about to ease nature they are at great pains to conceal themselves from observation, yet are very indecent in discharging their urine, which they would do at any time, both men and women, while conversing with us. They observe no law or covenant in regard to marriage, every man having as many wives as he pleases or can procure, and dismissing them at pleasure, and this license is common both to men and women. They are little addicted to jealousy, yet much given to lust, in which the women far exceed the men. From motives of decency I here omit describing the expedients they put in practice for satisfying their inordinate desires. The women are very prolific, and do not shun labour or fatigue while pregnant. Their deliveries are attended with little pain, so that they are able immediately afterwards to go about their usual occupations in perfect health and vigour; going in the first place to wash themselves in the nearest river. Yet such is their proneness to cruelty and malignant spite, that if exasperated by their husbands, they take a certain poison in revenge, which kills the foetus within them, so that they afterwards miscarry, by which abominable practice vast numbers of their children are destroyed. Their bodies are so elegant and well proportioned, that hardly is any the smallest deformity to be seen among them. Though they go entirely naked among the women, their appearance is tolerably decent[5], yet are they no more moved by this exposure than we are by shewing our faces. It is rare among them to see any women with lax breasts or shrivelled bellies through frequent child-birth, as they are all equally plump and firm afterwards as formerly. Their women were extremely fond of our men.

We could not perceive that this nation had any religion, nor ought they on that account to be accounted worse than the Jews, or Moors, since these nations are much more reprehensible than the pagans or idolaters. We could not discover that they performed any sacrifices or sacred rites of any kind, neither had they any temples or other places for worship. Their way of living, which is exceedingly voluptuous, I consider as epicurean[6]. Their houses, which are common to all, are built in the shape of a bell, firmly constructed of large pieces of timber, and covered over with palm leaves, so strong as to be able to resist winds and storms; some of them so large as to be able to contain six hundred persons. Among these we found eight that were exceedingly populous, as in them there dwelt ten thousand souls[7]. Every seven or eight years they change their place of residence; and when asked the reason of this, they said that through the heat of the sun, the air would become infected by a longer residence in the same place, which would occasion various diseases. Their riches consisted in the various coloured feathers of different birds, in certain stones resembling those called pater-nosters, in plates, or beads made of fish bones, or of green or white stones, which they hang by way of ornaments on their cheeks, lips, and ears. They likewise consider as valuable several other trifling things which we despise. They employ no medium for sale or barter, being satisfied with those things which are offered spontaneously by nature. Gold, pearls, and precious stones, and others of like nature, which are considered in Europe as riches, they hold in no estimation, or rather despise them as of no use. They are extremely liberal of every thing they possess, so that they never refuse any thing that is asked from them; but are equally greedy in their demands, after they have entered into friendship with any one. As the greatest mark of friendship, they give their wives and daughters to their friends; and every parent thinks himself much honoured when any one asks from him his virgin daughter, which cements the firmest friendships among them. They use various rites and customs in burying their dead. Some deposit them in the earth, accompanied with victuals and water at their head, which they believe are used by the deceased. After this no farther mourning or ceremonial is customary. In other places, their mode of sepulture is very barbarous and cruel. When any person is considered to be near his end, his relations carry him out into a large wood, where they suspend him in a hammock from two trees; and having danced round him for a whole day, they place at night as much water and provisions as may suffice him for four days, and every one returns to his own home. After this, if the sick person is able to eat and drink, and is so far restored to health as to be enabled to return to his habitation, he is received back by his relations with much ceremony. But very few are able to do so, as no one ever visits the sick person after his suspension. Should any of these leave the hammock and die in the wood, they get no other burial. They have several other barbarous customs, which I omit mentioning, to avoid being prolix.

They use various medicines for curing their diseases, which are so totally different from those used among us, that it is wonderful any one should recover by their means. When any one is ill of a fever, they plunge the patient at its heighth in the coldest water, after which he is forced to run round a large fire for two hours till he is all over in a violent perspiration, and is then taken to bed. By this strange remedy we have seen many restored to health. They will sometimes refrain from food for three or four days. They draw blood, not from the arms, but from the loins and the calves of the legs. They excite vomiting by means of certain herbs which they chew, and keep in their mouths. They use likewise various other remedies and antidotes, which it were tedious to enumerate. They are subject to different sanguineous and phlegmatic humours, occasioned by the nature of their food, which consists of fish, with various roots, fruits, and herbs. They use no meal of any kind of corns or other seeds; but their chief food is made from the root of a certain tree, which they bruise down into a tolerably good kind of meal. This root is called by some jucha, by others chambi, and by others igname. They scarcely eat of any kind of flesh except that of men, in the use of which they exceed every thing that is brutal and savage among mankind; devouring their enemies, whether slain or taken prisoners, both men and women indiscriminately, in the most ferocious manner that can be conceived. I have often seen them employed in this brutal feast, and they expressed surprize that we did not eat our enemies as they did. All this your majesty may be assured is absolutely true; and that their customs are so many and barbarous, it were tedious to describe them all. Having seen many things during my four voyages exceedingly different from our manners and customs, I have composed a book in which all these are particularly described, but which I have not yet published.

In this beginning of our course along the coast, we did not discover any thing from which any great profit could be derived, probably because we did not understand the language of the natives, except that we observed several indications that gold was to be found in this country, which in all other repects is most admirably situated. It was therefore agreed upon to continue our voyage, always keeping as near as possible to the shore, which occasioned us to make many tacks and circuits, keeping up frequent intercourse with the natives as we proceeded. After several days sailing, we arrived at a certain port, where it pleased God to rescue us from very imminent danger. Immediately on entering this harbour; we descried a town built in the water, as Venice is, consisting of about twenty large bell-shaped houses, founded on solid wooden foundations, and having draw-bridges by which the inhabitants could pass from house to house. As soon as the inhabitants of this place saw us they drew up their bridges for security, and retreated into their houses. Soon afterwards we perceived twelve almadias or canoes, each of them hollowed out of the trunk of a large tree, which advanced towards us, surrounding us on all sides at some distance, their crews admiring our dress and appearance. We likewise continued looking at them, endeavouring by friendly signs to make them come towards us without fear, which however they declined. We therefore steered towards them, on which they all hastened to land, giving us to understand that they would soon return. They went in all haste to a certain mountain, from whence they brought sixteen girls, whom they took into their canoes, and brought towards us, putting four of them on board each of our four ships, to our great surprize. After this they went about among our ships with their canoes, and conversed with us so peaceably that we thought them in every respect friendly disposed. About this time likewise a vast number of people came swimming towards our ships from the town before-mentioned, and we did not in the least suspect any evil intention. By and by we beheld several old women at the doors of the houses, who set up violent outcries, tearing their hair in token of great distress, by which we began to suspect some evil was intended towards us. The young women who had been put on board our ships leapt all of a sudden into the sea, and those in the canoes removing to some distance bent their bows and plied us briskly with arrows. Those likewise who were swimming towards the ships were all armed with lances, which they concealed under water. Being now convinced of their treachery, we stood on the defensive, and in our turn attacked them so hotly that we destroyed several of their canoes and killed a considerable number of the natives. The survivors abandoned the remaining canoes, and made for the shore by swimming, after twenty of the natives were slain and many wounded. On our side only five men were wounded, all of whom are restored to health by the blessing of God. We took two of the before-mentioned young women, and three men, after which we visited the houses of the natives, where we only found two old women and a sick man. We returned to the ships, not choosing to burn the town, and put the five prisoners in fetters; but the two girls and one of the men made their escape from us next night.

Leaving this harbour on the day following, we sailed eighty leagues farther along the coast, when we found another nation quite different from the former, both in language and behaviour. We agreed to anchor at this place and to go ashore in our boats, when we saw a crowd of near 4000 people, who all fled into the woods on our approach, leaving every thing behind them. On landing we proceeded about a gun-shot along a road leading into the woods, where we found many tents which the natives had erected for a fishing station, and in which we found fires on which abundance of victuals were boiling, and various kinds of wild beasts and fishes roasting. Among these was a certain strange animal very like a serpent, without wings, which seemed so wild and brutal that we greatly admired its terrible fierceness. As we proceeded farther among the tents, we found many more serpents of this description, having their feet bound, and their mouths tied to hinder them from biting. They had so hideous and fierce an aspect that none of us dared to touch them, from fear of being poisoned. They were equal in size to a wild goat, and about a yard and a half long, having long and strong feet, armed with strong claws. Their skins were variegated, with many colours, and their snouts and faces resembled those of real serpents. From their nostrils to the extremity of their tails, a line of rough bristles extends along the ridge of the back, insomuch that we concluded they were actually serpents, yet they are used as food by this nation[8]. Instead of bread, these Indians boil the fish, which they catch abundantly in the sea, for a short time, then pounding them together into a cake, they roast this over a hot fire without flame, which they preserve for use, and which we found very pleasant food. They have many other articles of food, which they prepare from various roots and fruits, but which it would be tedious to describe. Finding that the natives did not return from the woods to their dwellings, we resolved not to take away any of their effects, lest they should be afraid of us, and even left many trifling European articles hung up in their huts, after which we returned to the ships.

Going on shore early next morning, we saw a vast number of people collected on the shore, who were at first very timid on our approach, yet mingled freely among us, and soon became quite familiar, shewing great desire to enter into a friendly correspondence. They soon made us understand that they did not dwell in this place, to which they resorted merely for the purpose of fishing, and solicited us in a most friendly manner to go along with them to their villages. Indeed they conceived a great friendship for us on acccount of the two prisoners whom we had in custody, who happened to belong to a nation with whom they were at enmity. In consideration of their great importunity, twenty-three of us agreed to go along with them well armed, with a fixed resolution to sell our lives dear if necessity required. Having remained with them for three days, we arrived after a journey of three leagues inland at a village consisting of nine houses, where we were received with many barbarous ceremonies not worth relating, consisting of dances, songs, lamentations, joy, and gladness, strangely mixed together, and accompanied with plentiful entertainments. We remained in that place all night, on which occasion the natives pressed their wives upon us as companions with so much earnestness that we could hardly resist. By the middle of the following day a prodigious number of people crowded to see us, shewing no signs of fear, and we were entreated by their elders to accompany them to their other villages, farther inland, with which we complied. It is not easy to describe the multiplied attentions which we received from them during nine days, in which time we visited a great number of their villages, on which occasion those who remained at the ships were exceedingly anxious at our long absence. On our return to the ships we were accompanied by an incredible number of men and women, who paid us every possible attention. If any of us were fatigued with walking, they were eager to carry us in one of their hammocks. As we had to pass a great many rivers, some of which were large, they contrived to carry us over with perfect safety. Many of the natives who were in our train carried in hammocks great quantities of their own commodities which they had given us, such as the many-coloured feathers which have been already mentioned, many of their bows and arrows, and great numbers of variegated parrots. Others of them carried all their household goods and animals. They were so eager to serve us, that he who happened to carry any of our company over a river, seemed transported at his good fortune. When we came to the boats which were to carry us on board our ships, such numbers pressed in to accompany us, that they might see our ships, that our boats were ready to sink under the load. We accordingly carried as many of them to the ships as our boats could possibly accommodate, and vast numbers followed us by swimming, insomuch that we were somewhat alarmed at their numbers, though naked and unarmed, more than a thousand of them being on board at once, admiring the prodigious size of our ships as compared with their own canoes, and astonished at every part of the tackle and artillery. A ludicrous scene took place on occasion of firing off some of our guns, for immediately on hearing the prodigious report, the greatest part of the natives jumped overboard; just as frogs are apt to do when, sunning themselves on a bank, they happen to hear any unusual noise. We were a good deal concerned at this incident, but we soon reconciled the natives and removed their terror, by explaining to them that we used such weapons for destroying our enemies. Having entertained the natives on board our ships the whole of that day, we advised them to go on shore at night, as it was our intention to depart on the day following, and they all took leave of us with every demonstration of friendship. While here, we observed many singular customs among these people, which I do not propose enlarging upon at present, as your majesty will be afterwards more particularly informed of every thing worthy of attention, when I shall have completed the geographical relation of my four voyages, which still requires revision and enlargement.

This country is exceedingly populous, and abounds everywhere with many animals of different kinds, few of which resemble ours, and even these differ in some measure from ours in shape and appearance. They have no lions, bears, deer, swine, roes, or goats; neither have they any horses, mules, asses, or dogs; sheep likewise and cows are not to be found among them. Their woods, however, abound with great numbers of different kinds of animals, which I cannot easily describe, as they are all in a wild state, none of them being domesticated by the natives. Their birds are so numerous, and so different from ours in colours and species, as is quite surprising to the beholders. The country is extremely pleasant and fruitful, abounding everywhere with beautiful groves and extensive forests, consisting of trees which are verdant during the whole year, and never lose their leaves, producing innumerable fruits entirely different from ours. This land is situated in the torrid zone, directly under the parallel described by the tropic of cancer, and in the second climate, where the pole is elevated 23 degrees above the horizon[9]. While there, a prodigious number of people came to see us, wondering at our colour and appearance, and inquiring whence we came. We answered, that we had come down from heaven to visit the earth, and they believed us. We constructed several fonts in this place, at which a prodigious number of people came to be baptized, calling themselves charaibs, which word in their language signifies wise men. The country is by them named Parias.

Leaving the before-mentioned harbour, we sailed along the coast, which we kept always in sight for the space of 860[10] leagues, during which we had to make many tacks and circuitous courses, always holding intercourse with the numerous nations on the coast. We procured gold in many places, but not in any considerable quantities, as our principal object was to discover and explore these regions, and to learn whether they produced any gold. Having employed thirteen months already in our voyage, and nearly expended our stores and provisions, and our men being worn out with continual watching and fatigue, we determined to take measures for repairing our ships, which let in water on all sides, that we might return into Spain. For the purpose, therefore, of repairing our ships, we entered one of the best harbours in the world, where we were received in a most friendly manner by the natives, who were here very numerous. Having constructed a raft or lighter from the remains of our old boats and casks, we carried all our guns and stores ashore. After completely unloading our ships, we hauled them upon the beach, where we repaired them effectually. In this laborious employment we were materially assisted by the natives, who likewise most liberally supplied us with provisions, so that we consumed very little of our own sea stores during our stay at this place. This circumstance was of singular importance to us, as our own provisions were much diminished, and we should hardly have been able to reach Spain without this assistance, unless upon short allowance. We remained thirty-seven days at this port, going frequently along with the natives to their villages, where we were always received with much respect. When ready to resume our voyage, the natives complained to us of a certain very savage nation which was in use at certain times of the year to invade their territories by sea, sometimes falling upon them by surprise, and at other times by main force, who killed many of their people and devoured the slain, carrying away others into captivity. They told us that this nation, against whom they were hardly able to defend themselves, inhabited a certain island at about an hundred leagues from their country; and as we sympathised in their distress, we engaged to revenge them upon their cruel enemies. They greatly rejoiced at this intelligence, and offered to accompany us in the expedition, which we declined for substantial reasons, and only agreed to take seven of them along with us by way of guides, who were to go in one of their own canoes, as we could not engage to bring them back to their own country; with which arrangement they gratefully acquiesced, and we parted from them in great friendship.

Having repaired our ships and taken every thing belonging to them on board, we put to sea, and sailed seven days with the wind at E.N.E. beating to windward, after which we fell in with several islands, some of which were inhabited and others not, near one of which we came to anchor, called Ity[11] by the natives, on which we saw a great crowd of people. Arming our boats with a good number of picked men and three pieces of ordnance, we approached the shore at a place where there were at least 400 men and many women. All of these, as noticed in formerly visited places, went entirely naked, of strong bodies, and warlike appearance, and were all armed with bows, arrows, and lances, many of them having round or square shields for their defence, which did not at all impede them in discharging their arrows. All of them had their bodies painted of many colours, and were adorned with the feather's of various birds; and the friendly Indians who had accompanied us from the continent assured us that their painting and adornment were sure indications that they were prepared for battle. Accordingly, when we had reached to within an arrow-flight of the beach, they all advanced into the sea towards us, and began to let fly a vast number of arrows, using their utmost efforts to prevent our landing, insomuch that we were constrained to make several discharges from our artillery against them. Oh hearing the reports of our guns, and seeing a good many of their companions slain, all the rest retreated to the shore. Having called a council of war, it was resolved, that forty-two of us should land and attack them boldly. We accordingly leaped from the boats with our arms in our hands, and were so manfully opposed, that the battle lasted almost two hours, till at length we gained a complete victory, killing a considerable number of the natives, and taking some prisoners. The enemy then fled into the woods, several of them being slain in their flight by our hand-guns[12], but we did not pursue far, as we were already much fatigued. We returned therefore to our ships, the seven friendly natives being greatly rejoiced at our victory.

Next day we saw an immense number of the islanders collecting on the shore, sounding horns and other instruments used by them in war, all painted and adorned with feathers, so that it was wonderful to behold them. It was again determined in council that we should go on shore in force, and should treat the natives as enemies if they rejected our friendship. We accordingly landed in a body, unopposed by the islanders, who seemed afraid of our cannon. Our force consisted on this occasion of four bodies of fifty-seven men, each under its proper commander, and we had a long and severe engagement with the natives hand to hand. After many of them were slain, they at length took to flight, and we pursued them to one of their villages, where we took twenty-five prisoners, and burned the village; and we killed and wounded a great many more on our return towards the ships. On our side one only was slain in this fight, and twenty-two wounded, all of whom, by the blessing of God, recovered from their wounds. It was now determined to return into Spain: wherefore the seven men who had accompanied us from the continent, of whom five were wounded in the battle, embarked in a canoe which we seized at this place, and returned to their own country, very joyful for the vengeance we had taken of their cruel enemies, and full of admiration at our war-like prowess. On this occasion we gave them seven of our prisoners, three men and four women. Proceeding from this place in our voyage to Spain, we arrived at Cadiz on the 15th October 1498, carrying with us 222 prisoners whom we had taken during the voyage, all of whom we sold. These are all the circumstances worthy of notice which occurred during our first voyage.

[1] It is highly probable that the date is here falsified by error, or rather purposely to give a pretext for having discovered the continent of the New World before Columbus; for we are assured by Harris, II. 37, that the real date of this voyage was 1499. Alonzo Hojeda and Americus Vespucius were furnished by Fonseca, bishop of Burgos, with charts and projects of discovery made by Columbus, whose honour and interest the bishop was eager to destroy by this surreptitious invasion of his rights as admiral and viceroy of the West Indies.—E.

[2] In the original, having the wind between south and south-west. It is often impossible to ascertain, as here, from the equivocal language of the original, whether the author intends to express the course of the voyage or the direction of the wind. The course of the voyage from Cadiz to the Cananaries, whither Americus was now bound, certainly was towards the direction expressed in the text, and to this course the wind indicated is adverse.

[3] In the original, per Ponentem, sumpta una Lebeccio quarta. Ponente is the West in Italian, and Lebeccio the south-west; but it is difficult to express in English nautical language the precise meaning of the original, which is literally translated in the text.—E.

[4] The latitude and longitude of the text would indicate the eastern coast of Yucutan, near the bay of Honduras; but from other circumstances, it is probable the coast now visited by Americus was that of Paria or the Spanish main, between the latitudes of 10 deg. and 12 deg. N. and perhaps twenty-five degrees less to the west than expressed in the text. But the geographical notices in this work of Americus are scanty and uncertain.—E.

[5] Praeterquam regiuncula illa anterior, quam verecundiore vocabulo pectusculum imum vocamus.

[6] The author appears to mean here that they were entirely destitute of religious belief.—E.

[7] The expression of the author seems here ambiguous. He probably means towns or collections of huts as containing such large numbers; and it is hard to say whether he meant to say that these eight populous habitations had 10,000 each, or altogether.—E.

[8] The expression of the original serpens, here translated serpent, had been better expressed, perhaps, by the fabulous term dragon. The animal in question was probably the lacerto iguana, or it may have been a young alligator.—E.

[9] This is a most singularly mistaken account of the situation of the coast of Paria, now Cumana or the Spanish main; which, beginning on the east at the island of Trinidad, about lat. 10 deg. N. joins Carthagena in the west about the same latitude, and never reaches above 12 deg. N. Were it not that the author immediately afterwards distinctly names the coast of Paria, the latitude of the text would lead us to suppose that he had been exploring the northern coast of Cuba.—E.

[10] Even supposing Americus to have coasted along the whole northern shore of South America, from Trinidad to Costa-rica, the distance does not exceed twenty-three degrees of longitude, and the coast of Paria or Cumana is scarce 15 degrees. The number of leagues, therefore, in the text is greatly exaggerated, unless we suppose them only to have been Italian miles.—E.

[11] The relation of this voyage is so exceedingly vague that we have no means of determining any of the places which were touched at. From the resemblance of the name in the text to Haiti, or Aiti, this island may possibly have been Hispaniola.—E.

[12] The author affects classical names for modern fire-arms, naming what we have translated hand-guns balistae colubrinae. Cannon are sometimes called tormenta bellica, and at other times machina saxivoma—E.



SECTION II.

The Second Voyage of Americas Vespucius.

We set sail from Cadiz on our second voyage on the 11th of May 1499, taking our course past the Cape Verds and Canaries for the island of Ignis, where we took in a supply of wood and water: Whence continuing our voyage with a south-west wind for nineteen days, we reached a certain undiscovered land, which we believed to be the continent, over against that which we had explored in our former voyage, and which is situated in the torrid zone upon the southern side of the equator, and in 5 deg. of south latitude[1], being 500 leagues from the before-mentioned islands, to the south-west. In this country we found the days and nights to be equal on the 27th of June, when the sun was in the tropic of cancer[2]. We found this country inundated and pervaded by large rivers, having a very verdant appearance, with large tall trees, but with no appearance of any inhabitants. Having anchored our ships, we went to land with some of our boats, but after a long search we found the whole land so covered with water that we could not land anywhere, though we saw abundant indications of a numerous population, after which we returned to the ships. Hoisting our anchors, we sailed along shore with the wind at S.S.E. for above forty leagues, frequently endeavouring to penetrate into the land, but in vain, as the flux of the sea was so rapid from the S.E. to the N.W. that it was impossible for the vessels to stem the current. In consideration of this circumstance, we resolved to steer a course to the N.W. in the course of which we came to a harbour, where we found a beautiful island, and an excellent creek at the entrance. While sailing with the intention of entering this harbour, we saw an immense number of people on this island, which was about four leagues from shore. Having hoisted out our boats on purpose to land on the island, we perceived a canoe with several natives coming from seawards, which we endeavoured to surround with our boats, that we might make them prisoners. After a long chase, finding that we gained upon them, the whole of the natives in the canoe, to the number of about twenty, jumped into the sea about two leagues from shore, and endeavoured to escape by swimming, which they all did except two whom we secured. In the canoe which they had deserted, we found four young men of another nation whom they had made prisoners, and whose members had been quite recently cut off, at which strange circumstance we were greatly astonished. On taking these unfortunate captives to our ships, they made us understand by signs that they had been taken away from their own country to be eaten, as the nation by whom they had been made captives were savage cannibals. After this, taking the captured canoe along with us, we brought our ships to anchor within half a league of the shore, where we observed great numbers of the natives wandering about. We then went on shore, taking the two prisoners belonging to the canoe along with us; but immediately on landing, all the natives fled into the woods. Seeing this, we set free one of our prisoners, to whom we gave several trinkets, as bells and small mirrors, in token of friendship, assuring him that he and his countrymen need not be afraid of us, as we were desirous of entering into friendship with them. This man soon brought back about four hundred of the natives from the woods, accompanied by many of their women, all of whom came to us unarmed, and an entire friendship was established between us to all appearance, on which we set free the other prisoner, and restored the captured canoe. This vessel, which was hollowed from a single piece of wood, measured twenty-six paces long, and two yards broad, and was very artificially constructed. As soon as they had secured their canoe in another part of the river beyond our reach, the whole of the natives suddenly deserted us, and never could be brought to renew their intercourse.

Being disappointed in our expectation of any friendly connection with these people, among whom we only saw a small quantity of gold, which they wore as ornaments in their ears, we sailed about eighty leagues further along the coast, when we discovered a safe harbour, into which we brought our ships, and found the country exceedingly populous. We soon established a friendly intercourse with these people, and even accompanied them to several of their villages, where we found ourselves in perfect security, and received the kindest treatment imaginable, and procured from them about five hundred pearls for one bell and a small quantity of gold. The natives of this country make a kind of wine, which they express from fruits and seeds, resembling beer, both red and white. The best is made from a species of apple[3]. Of these and many other excellent fruits of fine flavour, we eat abundantly, and found them extremely wholesome. The inhabitants of this place were more peaceably disposed, more civilized in their manners and dispositions, and more abundantly supplied with all kinds of necessaries and household-stuff than any we had seen hitherto. We remained seventeen days in this harbour with much satisfaction, vast numbers of the natives coming daily to visit us, admiring our appearance, the whiteness of our complexions, the fashion of our clothes and arms, and the magnitude of our ships. From these people we were informed of another nation more to the west, by whom they were very much annoyed, and who possessed great quantities of pearls; both because they had these in their own country, and were accustomed to carry them off from those other tribes against whom they went to war. They likewise informed us in what manner the pearls originated, and how they were fished for; all of which we afterwards found to be true.

Leaving this harbour, we continued our voyage along the coast, all of which was numerously inhabited by different nations. Having entered a certain harbour for the purpose of repairing one of our vessels, we there found a great number of inhabitants, with whom we were unable to establish any intercourse, either by force or good-will. When we endeavoured at any time to land from our boats, they fiercely opposed us; and finding all their resistance ineffectual, they fled into the woods, and could not be prevailed on to enter into any intercourse with us. For which reason we departed from their inhospitable shore.

Continuing our voyage, we came to a certain island about fifteen leagues from the coast, which we agreed to visit, that we might see if it were inhabited; and we accordingly found it possessed by a race of exceedingly savage people, who were notwithstanding extremely simple and very courteous. In manners and appearance they are little better that brutes, and all of them have their mouths constantly filled with a certain green herb, which they are continually chewing like ruminating cattle, so that they can hardly speak to be understood[4]. Each individual among them carries two small gourd shells hung from the neck, one of which contains the herb which they chew, and the other is filled with a particular kind of white meal resembling powdered gypsum, which, with a small stick chewed and moistened, they draw out from this gourd, and sprinkle therewith the chewed herb, which they again replace in their mouths. Although we wondered much at this strange custom, we could not for a long while discover its reason and object. But, as we walked about their country, trusting to their friendly attentions, and endeavoured to learn from them where we could procure fresh water, they explained to us by signs that none was to be had in these parts, and they offered us the herb and powder which they are in use to chew as a substitute. After accompanying them a whole day, without food or drink, we learnt that all the water which they used was gathered during the night, by collecting dew from certain plants having leaves resembling asses ears, which are filled every night by the dews of heaven. This nation is likewise destitute of any vegetable food, and live entirely on fish, which they procure abundantly from the sea. They even presented us with several turtles, and many other excellent fish. The women of this nation do not use the herb which is chewed by the men, but each of them carries a gourd shell filled with water to serve them for drink.

This nation has no villages, nor even any huts or cabins, their only shelter consisting in certain prodigiously large leaves, under which they are protected from the scorching heat of the sun. When employed in fishing, each individual carries one of these enormous leaves, which he sticks into the ground directly between him and the sun, and is thus enabled to conceal himself entirely under its shade; and although this is not a sufficient protection against rain, it is wonderful how little rain falls in this country. This island has many animals of various kinds, all of which have only very dirty water for drinking.

Finding no prospect of advantage at this island, we went from it to another in hope of procuring a supply of water. At our first landing, we believed this other island to be uninhabited, as we saw no people on its coast at our arrival; but on walking along the beach, we noticed the prints of human feet of such uncommon magnitude, that if the rest of the body were of similar proportions, the natives must be of astonishing size. We at length noticed a path which led into the country, which nine of us determined to pursue, that we might explore the island, as we imagined it was of small size, and could not consequently have many inhabitants. Having advanced near a league, we observed five cabins in a valley which we believed to be inhabited; and going into these, we found five women, two of whom were old, and three of them young, all of whom were of most unusual stature, so that we were much amazed. On their side, likewise, they were so much astonished at our appearance, that they were even unable to run away from us. The old women spoke kindly to us in their language, and all of them accompanying us into one of their huts, presented us with plenty of their victuals. All of these women were taller than the tallest men of our country, being as tall even as Francisco de Albicio[5], but better proportioned than any of us. After consulting together, we agreed among ourselves to carry off the young women by force, that we might shew them in Spain as objects of wonder; but, while conversing together on this project, about thirty-six of their men began to enter the cabin. These men were much taller than the women, and of such handsome proportions that it was a pleasure to behold them. They were armed with bows, arrows, spears, and large clubs, and inspired us with such dread that we anxiously wished ourselves safe back at the ships. On entering, they began to talk among themselves, and we suspected that they were deliberating upon making us prisoners, on which account we consulted together how we should act for own safety. Some of our party proposed to attack them in the hut, while others thought it would be safer to do so in the open ground, and the rest were against proceeding to extremities till we were quite certain of the intentions of the natives. We accordingly stole out of the cabin, and resumed the path which led towards the shore. The men followed us at the distance of a stones-throw, always speaking among themselves, and apparently as much afraid of us as we were of them,; for when we stopped they did the same, and only continued to advance as we retreated, always keeping at a respectful distance. When at length we reached the boats, and had pushed off from the shore, they all leapt into the sea, and shot a number of their arrows against us, of which we were not now in much fear. We fired two shots among them, more for the purpose of intimidation than of killing them; and scared by the report, they all fled away into the woods, and we saw no more of them. All of these people went naked, as has been said of the other natives whom we had seen; and on account of the prodigious size of these men, we named this place the island of Giants.

Proceeding on our voyage at no great distance from this last place, we had frequent encounters with the natives, as they were unwilling to allow of any thing being taken from their country. On this account, and because our stock of provisions had become scanty, as we had been near a year at sea, we resolved on returning to Spain. Since our departure from the Cape Verde islands, we had been always in the torrid zone, and had twice crossed the equator, insomuch that the remaining provisions in our ships were much injured by the heat of the climate. In prosecuting our determination of returning home, it pleased God to conduct us to a place for repairing our vessels, where we found a people who received us with much kindness, and from whom we procured a great number of oriental pearls. During forty-seven days which we spent among this tribe, we purchased an hundred and nineteen fine pearls, at an expence not exceeding forty ducats; as we gave them in return bells, mirrors, and beads of glass and amber of very little value. For one bell we could obtain as many pearls as we pleased to take. We also learned where and how they procured their pearls, and they even gave us many of the oysters in which they are found, several of which we likewise bought, in some of which we found an hundred and thirty pearls, but in others considerably fewer. Unless when perfectly ripe, and quite detached from the shells in which they grow, they are very imperfect, for they wither and come to nothing, as I have frequently experienced; but when ripe, they separate from among the flesh, except that they then merely stick to it, and these, are always the best.

After a stay of forty-seven days at this place in great friendship with the natives, we took our departure, and went to the island of Antilia[6], which was discovered a few years ago by Christopher Columbus, where we remained two months and two days repairing our vessels and procuring necessaries for the voyage home. During our stay there we suffered many insults from the Christian inhabitants, the particulars of which are here omitted to avoid prolixity. Leaving that island on the 22d of July, we arrived at the port of Cadiz on the eighth of September[7], after a voyage of six weeks, where we were honourably received; having thus, by the blessing of God, finished our second voyage.

[1] This latitude of 5 deg. S. would lead to Cape St Roquo on the coast of Brazil; but the indications given by Americus during his several voyages are exceedingly vague and uncertain.—E.

[2] The sun on the 27th of June has just passed to the south side of the equator, and is in the tropic of cancer on the 23d of March.—E.

[3] Called in the text myrrh-apples, Poma myrrhae, perhaps meant to imply mirabolans.—E.

[4] This appears to refer to chewing tobacco, and gives a strong picture of that custom carried to excess.—E.

[5] This person was probably a noted giant, or remarkably tall man, then well known in the south of Europe: Or it may refer to a colossal image of St Francis.—E.

[6] The island of Hispaniola is certainly here meant, to which Americus has chosen to give the fabulous or hypothetical name of Antilia, formerly mentioned; perhaps with the concealed intention of depreciating the grand discovery of Columbus, by insinuating that the Antilles were known long before his voyage.—E.

[7] Though not mentioned in the text, this date must have been of the year 1500; or at least intended to be so understood by Americus—E.



SECTION III.

The Third Voyage of Americus Vespucius.

While I was at Seville recovering from the fatigues of my late voyages, and intending again to visit the Land of Pearls, it happened that Emanuel king of Portugal chose, for what reason I know not, to send me a letter by a messenger, earnestly desiring my immediate presence at Lisbon, where he engaged to do much for my advantage. I signified by the messenger that I was entirely disposed to comply with the commands of his majesty, but was then ill, and should certainly evince my obedience if I recovered. The king of Portugal afterwards sent Julian Bartholomew Jocundus from Lisbon, with orders to use his endeavours to bring me with him to the royal presence; and as all my acquaintances urged me against attempting another voyage on account of my bad health, I was obliged to comply, and immediately departed from Spain, where I had been very honourably entertained, the king even having conceived a good opinion of me, and so great was the urgency that I set out without taking leave of my host. On presenting myself to Emanuel, I was graciously received, and strongly urged to go along with three of his ships which had been fitted out for discovering new countries; and as the requests of kings are equivalent to commands, I consented to his desire.

I accordingly departed from Lisbon with the three ships belonging to his majesty on the 10th of May 1501. We steered, in the first place, for the Canaries, after which we proceeded for the western coast of Africa, where during three days stay we took a prodigious number of certain fishes which are called Phargi. From thence we went to that part of Ethiopia which is called Besilica[1], which is situated in the torrid zone and first climate, in 14 deg. of north latitude. We here remained for eleven days, taking in wood and water to enable us to continue our voyage through the southern Atlantic. Leaving this port with a S.E. wind, we arrived in about sixty-seven days at a certain island which is 700 leagues to the S.E. of the before-mentioned port. During this voyage, we suffered prodigiously, owing to the tempestuous weather which we encountered, especially near the equator. At that place it was winter in the month of June, the days and nights were of equal length, and our shadows were always towards the south. At length it pleased the Almighty to conduct us to a new country on the 17th of August, where we came to anchor about a league and a half from the shore, to which we went in our boats to see whether it were inhabited. We accordingly found that it was full of inhabitants, who were worse than beasts; though at our first landing we could not see any of the natives, we yet saw by numerous traces on the shore that the country was very populous. We took possession of this land for the king of Castile[2], finding it in all appearance fertile and pleasant. This place is five degrees beyond the equator to the south. After the ceremony of taking possession, we returned to our ships; and as we required a supply of wood and water, we went on shore next day for that purpose. While employed on that service, we saw some natives on the top of a hill at some distance, who could not be prevailed on to come towards us. They were all naked, and of a similar colour and appearance with those we had seen in the former voyages. As we had not been able to have any intercourse with the natives, we left some bells, looking-glasses, and other trifles for them on the ground, when we returned to our ships in the evening. When they saw us at some distance from the shore, they came down from the hill to where we had been, and shewed many tokens of surprise at the things we had left.