The general was much concerned at this event, not only for the loss of his men, but on seeing how little confidence could be reposed on the promises of the zamorin after all the presents he had received, and the services which had been performed for him. He had now spent three months at Calicut, during which he had only loaded two of his ships, and knew not how to procure loading for the rest; especially as he could not expect a favourable reception at Cochin on account of having captured the ship with the elephant as before related. Considering the treason which had been practised on our men, the general determined upon taking a signal revenge, if the zamorin did not make an ample excuse for what had taken place, and make a full reparation by immediately providing the rest of the ships with lading. The zamorin, however, had no such intentions, being much pleased with what the Moors had done, and even ordered all the goods in our factory to be seized, to the value of 4000 ducats. He likewise ordered all of our people who had been taken on shore to be made captives, four of whom died of their wounds. Seeing that no message or excuse was sent by the zamorin all that day, the general held a council with his officers as to the proper steps to be taken on the present emergency; when it was determined to take immediate and ample revenge, without giving time to the zamorin to arm his fleet. On this, orders were issued to take possession of ten large ships which lay in the road or harbour of Calicut, which was done after some resistance, many of their crews being killed or drowned, and others made prisoners who were reserved to serve as mariners on board our fleet. Some spices and other merchandize were taken in these ships, and three elephants, which were killed and salted as provisions for the voyage; and it appeared that 600 Moors were slain in defending these ships. After every thing of value was taken from the Moorish ships, they were all burnt in sight of the city. Many of the Moors embarked in their almadias to attempt succouring their ships, but our men soon put them to flight by means of their ordnance.

The zamorin and the whole city of Calicut were much mortified to see so many ships destroyed, and them unable to help, but their astonishment and terror were much increased by the events of the ensuing day. During the night, the general ordered all the ships of the fleet to be towed as near as possible to the shore by means of the boats, and spread out at some distance from each other, that they might be able to reach the city with their ordnance; which, as soon as day broke, was directed to play upon the city in every direction, doing vast damage among the houses. The natives brought down to the shore such small pieces of ordnance as they possessed, which they fired off against us, but without being able to do us any injury; whereas not a shot of ours missed taking effect, either among the multitude of our enemies which flocked to the shore, or on the buildings of the city, both the houses of the inhabitants and the temples of their deities receiving incredible damage. So great was the consternation, that the zamorin fled from his palace, and one of his chief nayres was killed by a ball close beside him. Part even of the palace was destroyed by the cannonade. Towards afternoon two ships were seen approaching the harbour, which immediately changed their course on seeing how our fleet was employed; on which the general ceased firing against Calicut, and made all sail after these two ships to Pandarane, where they took shelter among other seven ships lying at anchor close to the shore and filled with Moors. Finding that our fleet could not get near enough to attack them, owing to shallow water, and considering that it was now late in the season for his voyage back to Lisbon, the general resolved to be contented with the revenge he had already taken upon Calicut, and made sail for Cochin, where he was informed there was more pepper to be had than even at Calicut, and where he hoped to enter into a treaty with the rajah of that place.'

On his way towards Cochin, Cabral took two ships belonging to the Moors, which he set on fire, after taking out of them some rice which they had on board. On the 20th of December the fleet arrived at Cochin, which is nineteen leagues to the south of Calicut, and is in nine degrees towards the north[25]. Cochin is in the province of Malabar, on a river close to the sea, and is almost an island, so that it is very strong and difficult of access, having a large and safe harbour. The land in its neighbourhood is low and intersected by branches of the river into many islands. The city itself is built much after the same manner with Calicut, and is inhabited by idolaters, with a good many Moorish strangers, who come hither to trade from many countries, two of whom were so rich as to have each fifty ships employed. This country does not abound in provisions, but produces large store of pepper, even Calicut being mostly supplied from hence: But as Calicut is greatly more resorted to by merchants, it is therefore much richer than Cochin. The king is an idolater, of the same manners and customs with him of Calicut; but his country being small he is very poor, and has not even the right to coin money, being in many respects subordinate to the zamorin; who, on his accession to the throne always goes to Cochin, and takes possession of that kingdom, either retaining it in his own hands, or restoring the rajah as he may think proper. The rajah of Cochin, consequently, is bound to assist the zamorin in all his wars, and must always be of the same religion with his paramount.

Having come to anchor in the harbour of Cochin, the general sent one Michael Jogue[26] on shore with a message to the rajah, as he feared to send Caspar on shore, lest he might run away. This person, though an idolater and a stranger, had come aboard our fleet with the intention of becoming a Christian, and of going into Portugal, and our general had him baptised by the name of Michael. He was ordered to give the rajah of Cochin an account of all that had happened at Calicut, and that Cabral had brought great store of merchandize to barter for the commodities of Cochin; or if the rajah were not satisfied with these, he was willing to give ready money for what he wanted; requesting to be furnished with loading for four of his ships in either way, as most agreeable to the rajah. To this message the rajah[27] made answer, that he was exceedingly glad of the arrival of the Portuguese, of whose power and valour he had already heard, for which he esteemed them highly, and that they were welcome to purchase what spices his country afforded, either in barter for their goods, or for money, as they thought proper. He added, that the general might freely send any agents he pleased on shore to make purchases and sales, and sent two principal nayres as hostages for their safety; conditioning only, that they might be changed daily for others, because any of that cast who chanced to eat even once on shipboard could never appear again in the rajahs presence. Cabral was well pleased with this promising beginning, and immediately appointed Gonzalo Gil Barbosa as factor, who had been assistant to Aries Correa, giving him Laurenco Morena as clerk, and Madera de Alcusia as interpreter, with four of the banished men as servants.

On receiving notice of the landing of Barbosa, the rajah sent the register[28] of the city to meet him, accompanied by many of the nayres, or principal men of the court, who brought him to visit the rajah, who was much inferior in dress and appearance of state to the zamorin, even the hall of audience having only bare walls, seated around like a theatre, in which the rajah sat with very few attendants. Barbosa presented to the rajah, in name of our general, a basin of silver filled with saffron, a large silver ewer filled with rose water, and some branches of coral, which the rajah received with much satisfaction, desiring his thanks to be returned to the general; and after some conversation with the factor, and interpreter, he gave orders for them to be properly lodged in the city. The general gave especial orders that no more than the seven persons already mentioned should remain on shore, thinking it imprudent to risk a greater number, in case of experiencing a similar misfortune with what had lately happened at Calicut. But there was here no cause for distrust, as the rajah of Cochin was a person of truth and honour, as appeared by his good usage of our men, the quick dispatch that was used in loading our ships with spices, and the orders he gave to his people to afford every assistance, which they did with much alacrity and zeal: so that it seemed ordained of God, that the trade should be transferred from Calicut to Cochin, for the advancement of the Catholic faith in the Indies, and the enrichment of the crown of Portugal[29].

After the ships were laden, two Indians came to wait upon the general, who said that they were brothers, and Christians, born in Cranganore near Cochin, who were desirous of going to Portugal, and thence to visit the Pope at Rome, and the holy sepulchre at Jerusalem[30]. Being asked by the general what kind of a city Cranganore was, whether it was entirely inhabited by Christians, and whether these Christians followed the order of the Greek or Roman church, one of them gave the following answers.

Cranganore is a large city in the province of Malabar on the mainland, standing near the mouth of a river, by which likewise it is encompassed, inhabited both by idolaters and Christians, and by some Jews who are held in small esteem. It is much frequented by strangers, among whom are merchants from Syria, Egypt, Persia, and Arabia, who come thither to purchase pepper, a great deal of which commodity is gathered in its territories. It has a king of its own, to whom all the Christian inhabitants pay a certain tribute, and have a quarter of their own in the city, where they have a church resembling ours, in which there were crosses, but no images of the saints, and no bells, being summoned to prayers by the priests as in the Greek church. These Christians hail their popes, with twelve cardinals, two patriarchs, and many bishops and archbishops, all of whom reside in Armenia, to which country their bishops always went for consecration. He had been there himself along with a bishop, where he was ordained a priest. That this rule was observed by all the clergy of the Indies and of Cathay, who have to go to the pope or Catholicos of Armenia for consecration. Of their two patriarchs, one resides in the Indies, and the other in Cathay[31], their bishops residing in different cities as it may seem convenient. Their tonsure is made in form of a cross.

The cause of their having a pope is said to have been on the following account: 'When St Peter was residing at Antioch, there happened a great schism, occasioned by Simon Magus, on which Peter was called to Rome to assist the Christians in overthrowing that heresy; and, that he might not leave the eastern church without a shepherd, he appointed a vicar to govern at Antioch, who should become pope after the death of Peter, and should always assist the pope of Armenia. But, after the Moors entered into Syria and Asia Minor, as Armenia remained always in the Christian faith, they came to be governed by twelve cardinals. Marco Polo, in writing concerning Armenia, mentions this pope or Catholicos, and says there are two sects of Christians, the Nestorians and Jacobites, their pope being named Jacobus, whom this Joseph named their Catholicos. The priests of Cranganore are not shaven in the same manner with ours, but shave the whole head, leaving a few hairs on the crown and they have both deacons and subdeacons. In consecrating the elements, they use leavened bread and wine made of raisins, having no other in the country. Their children are not baptized till they are eleven days old, unless they happen to be sickly. They confess as we do, and bury their dead after a similar manner. They do not use the holy oil to the dying, but only bless them; and when any one dies, they gather a large company and feast for eight days, after which the obsequies are celebrated. If any person dies without making a testament, their lands and goods go to the nearest heir; but the widow is entitled to her dower if she remain a year unmarried. On going into church they use holy water. They hold the writings of the four Evangelists in great veneration. They fast during Lent and Advent with much solemnity, and on Easter Eve they neither eat nor drink the whole day. They have regularly sermons on the night of Holy Friday, and they observe the day of the Resurrection with great devotion. Likewise the two following days, and the ensuing Sunday, are particularly kept holy, because on that day St Thomas thrust his hand into the side of our Saviour. Ascension Day, Trinity Sunday, the Assumption and Nativity of the Blessed Virgin, Candlemas Day, Christmas Day, all the days of the apostles, and all the Sundays throughout the year, are kept with much devotion. They sanctify in a particular manner the first day of July every year in honour of St Thomas, but they could give no reason why this was done. They have also native friars and nuns, who live with much regularity. Their priests also live chastely, as those who do otherwise are debarred from executing their functions. They allow of no divorce between married people, who must live together till death. They receive the sacrament regularly three times in every year. They have among them certain learned men, or great doctors, who keep schools, in which they teach the Scriptures, and likewise some excellent interpretations which were left in old times by their ancient doctors. Their dress is similar to that of the Moors. Their day consists of forty hours; and, having no clocks, they judge of the time of the day by the sun, and in the night by the motion of the stars[32]. The general was very glad to receive this Joseph and his brother, and gave orders to provide them with a good cabin in his ship.

While Cabral remained at Cochin, he received messages from the kings of Cananor and Coulan, both considerable princes in the province of Malabar, requesting him to come to their ports, where he should be supplied cheaper than at Cochin, and giving him many offers of friendship. He made answer, with his hearty thanks, that he could not now visit their ports, having already begun to take in his loadings bet that he should certainly visit them on his return to India. Immediately after the Portuguese ships were laden, a fleet of twenty-five great ships, and other small vessels was descried in the offing; and notice was sent by the rajah of Cochin to our general, that this fleet contained fifteen thousand fighting men, and had been fitted out on purpose to make him and all his people prisoners. At the same time the rajah offered to send men to his assistance, if he stood in need; but the general answered he had no need of any such aid at the present, as he trusted, with God's blessing, to convince his enemies they were ill advised in seeking now to attack him, having already given them a trial of his strength; alluding to what he had already done to them at Calicut. The enemy continued to hover off at sea, but did not venture to come nearer than a league, though they seemed in fighting order. Seeing this shyness, the general weighed anchor, and went out with all his fleet against them, having on board the two nayres who were hostages for the factory on shore, but his intentions were to have returned with them to Cochin. Soon after leaving the harbour, a great storm arose with a foul wind, so that he was forced to come to anchor without attaining to the enemy. Next morning, being the 10th January 1501, the wind came fair, and being desirous to attack the fleet of Calicut, the general made sail towards them; but missing the ship commanded by Sancho de Toar, who had parted from the fleet in the night, and that being the largest and best manned ship of the fleet, he deemed it prudent to avoid fighting with so large a force, especially as many of his men were sick. The wind, likewise, was now quite fair for beginning his voyage home, and was quite contrary for going back to Cochin to land the hostages. He determined, therefore, to commence his voyage, and stood out to sea; the enemy following him during the whole of that day, but returned towards Calicut when night drew on. Cabral now turned his attention to the forlorn nayres, who had been five days on board without eating, and by dint of much and kind entreaty, he at length prevailed on them to take food.

On the 15th of January, the fleet came in sight of Cananore, which lies on the coast of Malabar, thirty-one leagues north of Cochin. This is a large city with a fine bay, the houses being built of earth, and covered with flat stones or slates, and it contains many Moors who trade thither for many kinds of goods. The neighbourhood produces hardly any more pepper than is necessary for its own consumpt; but has plenty of ginger, cardamoms, tamarinds, mirabolans, cassia-fistula[33], and other drugs. In several pools of water near this city there are many very large alligators[34], similar to the crocodiles of the Nile, which devour men when they come in their way. They have very large heads with two rows of teeth, and their breath smells like musk, their bodies being covered all over with hard scales like shells. In the bushes near this city there are many large and very venomous serpents, which destroy men by means of their breath. There are bats likewise as large as kites, which have heads like a fox and similar teeth, and the natives often eat these animals. The city of Cananore abounds in fish, flesh, and fruits, but has to import rice from other places. The king or rajah is a bramin, being one of the three kings of Malabar, but is not so rich and powerful as the zamorin, or even as the rajah of Coulan. The general came to anchor at this port, both because he had been invited by the rajah, and because he wished to take on board some cinnamon, of which commodity he had not as yet any on board. He accordingly purchased 400 quintals, and might have had more if he would, but refused it; on which the people of the place concluded that he had no more money. On this coming to the knowledge of the rajah, he sent him word that he would trust him with any quantity he had a mind for of that or any other commodity, till his return from Portugal, or the arrival of any other in his stead. The rajah was induced to make this offer, from his knowledge of the just dealings of the Portuguese, and their faithful performance of their promises. The general sent his hearty thanks to the rajah for his liberality, promising to inform the king his master of his good will, and assuring his highness that he might depend on his constant friendship.

Cabral now took on board an ambassador from the rajah of Cananore for the king of Portugal, who was sent to conclude a treaty of amity between them. Departing from Cananore, and standing across the gulf, he took a great ship richly laden on the last of January: But on learning that it belonged to the king of Cambaya, he permitted it to proceed on its voyage uninjured; sending word to that sovereign, that the Portuguese did not come to the Indies to make war on any one, excepting indeed with the zamorin of Calicut, who had scandalously broken the peace which had been made between them. He therefore only took a pilot out of this ship, to conduct him through the gulf between India and Africa. While continuing their voyage, and approaching the African shore, a great storm arose on the 12th of February, by which in the night the ship of Sancho de Toar was driven on shore, and taking fire was entirely burnt, the men only being saved. As the tempest still continued, they were unable to stop at Melinda, or any other place till they came to Mozambique, where they cast anchor, in order to take in water and to refit their ships, the seams of which were all open. From this place, the general dispatched Sancho de Toar to discover Sofala, with orders to make the best of his way from that place to Portugal, with an account of its productions.

The ships being refitted, Cabral resumed the voyage to the Cape of Good Hope, near which they again experienced a violent storm, in which one of the ships was separated from the fleet, after firing signals of distress, and was never seen again during the voyage. At length, after many great storms and dangers, which it were tedious to recount, Cabral doubled the Cape on Whitsunday the 22d of May; whence continuing his voyage with a fair wind, he came to anchor at Cape Verd, where he found Diego Diaz, who had separated from the fleet on the outward bound voyage. Diaz had been driven into the Red Sea, where he wintered and lost his boat, and as most of his men died from sickness, his pilot could not venture to carry him to India. He endeavoured therefore to find his way back to Portugal; but after leaving the Red Sea, his men were so consumed with hunger, thirst, and sickness, that only seven of his crew remained. After remaining some time at Cape Verd waiting in vain for the missing ships, Cabral proceeded on his voyage, and arrived safe at Lisbon on the last day of July, in the year 1501. Soon after his arrival, the ship which had separated in a storm off the Cape of Good Hope, came in; and shortly after that, Sancho de Toar arrived from Sofala. He described Sofala as a small island close on the continent of Africa, inhabited by a black people called Caffres; and reported that much gold is brought to this place from certain mines on the adjacent continent; on which account Sofala is much frequented by Moors from India, who barter merchandize of small value for gold. He brought along with him to Lisbon a Moor whom he had received as an hostage or pledge for the safety of one of his own men, whom he had left there to acquire a knowledge of the country and its language; and from this Moor they got ample information respecting the people and trade of those parts of Africa, which I shall afterwards communicate. Including this last ship, there returned six to Portugal out of the twelve which had sailed on the voyage for India, the other six having been lost.

[1] It will appear in the sequel that there was another captain named Vasco de Tayde.—E.

[2] Astley says only 1200,—Astl. I. 40.

[3] According to Astley, there were eight Franciscan friars besides the vicar, eight chaplains, and a chaplin-major; and that their orders were to begin with preaching, and in case that failed, to enforce the gospel by the sword. In other words, to establish the accursed tribunal of the inquisition in India, to the eternal disgrace of Portugal, and of the pretended followers of the ever-blessed Prince of Peace.—E.

[4] The remainder of this paragraph is given in the precise words and orthography of the original translator, Nicholas Lichfild, as a curious specimen of the nautical language of Britain in 1582.—E.

[5] According to De Faria, this vessel parted in a storm near Cape Verd, and returned to Portugal.—Astl. I. 41. a.

[6] By some unaccountable mistake, the translation of Castaneda by Lichefild says to the east.—E.

[7] It appears that Cabral had twenty malefactors on board for such purposes, who had received pardon on condition of submitting to be landed on occasions of danger.—E.

[8] Puerto Seguro is in lat. 16 deg.S. and about long. 39 deg. 40'W. This country of Brasil derived its name from the dye-wood so called.—E.

[9] Originally, according to Castaneda, there were only ten ships and two caravels: Both the caravels have been already accounted for as having left the fleet; and after the loss of four ships, six only ought to have remained. Astley makes the whole fleet originally to have consisted of thirteen vessels, which will allow of seven now remaining. —E.

[10] This part of the voyage is very indistinctly described. From the lat. of 27 deg.S. where Cabral is said to have fallen in with the eastern coast of Africa, to Sofala, in lat. 19 deg.S. the coast stretches out nearly five degrees to the east, to Capes Corientes and St Sebastian, with many rivers, the great bays of Delogoa and Asnea, and the islands of Bocica or Bozarnio, all of which must have been seen by Cabral during the slow navigation close along shore, but all of which are omitted in the text.—E.

[11] Named Inhazato. Sofala is in lat. 13 deg.S. and almost 36 deg.E. from Greenwich.—E.

[12] According to De Faria, this person was uncle to the king of Melinda, and was named Sheikh Foteyma.—Astl. I. 41. b.

[13] In modern maps this extensive line of coast is divided into the following separate territories, Inhambane, Sabia, Sofala, Mocaranga, Mozambico, and Querimba; which will be illustrated in future portions of this work.—E.

[14] This word miso is probably an error of the press for mylyo, by which the African grain named millet is distinguished in other parts of Castaneda. The small cattle of the text are probably meant for sheep, as they are frequently thus contradistinguished in other parts of the original from great cattle, not here mentioned.—E.

[15] These vessels were probably precisely similar to the Arab dows of the Red Sea and Persian Gulf, which will be afterwards more particularly described.—E.

[16] Thus the translation of Castaneda by Lichefild. It was more probably a superstitious ceremony to guard against witches.—E.

[17] In an account of this voyage by a Portuguese pilot, inserted in the collection of Ramusio, the name of the reigning zamorin is said to have been Gnaffer. Ramus. I. 125.

[18] Probably the person who was carried prisoner from Anchediva by De Gama, in the former voyage.—E.

[19] According to De Faria, the hostages demanded on this occasion were six principal men of the Bramin cast, whose names were brought from Portugal by Cabral, by the advice of Bontaybo or Moncayde, the Moor who went off with De Gama.—Astl. I. 43. b.

[20] Named by De Faria, Coje Cimireci.—Astl. I. 44, a.

[21] Called Coje Bequi by De Faria; or rather Khojah Beki, or Beghi: But most of the foreign names are so corruptly given that it is difficult to rectify them.—Astl. I. 44. b.

[22] According to De Faria, this house was granted not without great difficulty, and was taken possession of by Correa with sixty men.— Astl. I. 45.

[23] According to De Faria, this event was occasioned by the Moorish admiral of Calicut, without the knowledge of the zamorin, who instigated Cabral to the attempt in hope of injuring the Portuguese, and sent information to the Moors to be on their guard. He adds that Cabral, having discovered the fraud, restored the ship and cargo to the owners, whom he satisfied for their damages, in order to gain the favour of the rajah of Cochin.—Astl. I. 45.

[24] Perhaps meant by Lichefild instead of emperor; or it may be some native term of dignity.—E.

[25] The latitude of Cochin is almost 10 N. while Calient is about 11 10'.—E

[26] This Michael Jougue or Joghi, is said to have been a bramin, or Malabar priest; one of these devotees who wander about the country, girt with chains and daubed with filth. Those wanderers, if idolaters, are named Jogues; and Calandars if Mahometans.—Astl. I. 47. a.

[27] The rajah who then reigned at Cochin is named Triumpara, or Trimumpara, by De Faria, De Barros, and other early writers.—Astl. I. 47. b.

[28] In other parts of Castaneda, this officer is called the kutwal—E.

[29] According to De Barros, the rajah of Cochin was offended by the conduct of the zamorin, on several accounts, and among the rest for monopolising the trade on the Malabar coast.—Astl. I. 43. a. We may easily conceive that one strong ground of favour to the Portuguese at Cochin, was in hopes by their means to throw off the yoke of the zamorin.—E.

[30] One of these Christians died during the voyage, but the other, named Joseph, arrived in Portugal. This is the Josephus Indus, or Joseph the Indian, under whose name there is a short voyage in Grynaeus: which properly speaking is only an account of Cranganore and its inhabitants, particularly the Christians and their ceremonies, with some account of Calient, Kambaya, Guzerat, Ormuz, and Narsinga, very short and unsatisfactory.—Astl. I. 48. b.

[31] Called Caitaio in the original, but obviously Cathay, or Northern China, in which we have formerly seen that there were Nestorian Christians.—E.

[32] In Lichefilds translation, the account of the day of these Indian Christians runs thus, which we do not pretend to understand: "They have their day, which they do call Intercalor, which is of forty hours."

This account of the Christians found in India by the Portuguese, is exceedingly imperfect and unsatisfactory; but it would lead to a most inconvenient length to attempt supplying the deficiency. Those of our readers who are disposed to study this interesting subject, will find it discussed at some length in Mosheim, and there is a good abstract relative to these Oriental sects given by Gibbon, in the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire.—E.

[33] Named Canyfistola in Lichefilds translation.

[34] Lagartos in the original.

* * * * *

Note.—In the Novus Orbus of Simon Grynaeus, p. 202-211, there is an article entitled, Short Account of India, by Joseph, an Indian Christian, who accompanied Cabral[A] to Lisbon in 1501. We were inclined to have inserted this account at this part of our collection as an ancient and original document: But, on an attentive perusal, it is so jejune, contused, and uninstructive as not to merit attention. It evidently appears to have been penned by some person in Cabral's ship during the voyage home, from repeated conferences with Joseph: But, as the writer of this article informs us himself, many particulars were unknown to Joseph, because he had little intercourse with the idolaters, or because the reporter could not understand the answers which Joseph made to his inquiries.—E.

[A] In Grynaeus, Pedro Alvarez de Cabral, is named Peter Aliares.—E.



SECTION IV.

Voyage of John de Nueva, being the third made by the Portuguese to India.

Is the same year 1501, supposing all differences to have been settled amicably at Calicut by Cabral, and that a regular trade was established both there and at Sofala and Quiloa, the king of Portugal dispatched three ships and a caravel from Lisbon, under the command of John de Neuva, a native of Galicia in Spain, who was accounted a valiant gentleman; having under his orders, Francisco de Navoys, Diego Barboso, and Hernando de la Pyna, as captains of three of the ships. Two ships of this fleet were destined to carry merchandize to Sofala[1], and the other two to Calicut, and all the four contained only eighty men[2]. The instructions given to Nueva were, that he was to touch at the island of St Blas, where he was to wait ten days if any of his ships had separated. He was then to proceed for Sofala, where, if a factory were settled he was to deliver the goods destined for that place before going to India. If a factory were not already settled there, he was to do every thing in his power for that purpose, leaving Alvaro de Braga there as factor, with the merchandize embarked in the caravel for that market. From Sofala, he was to proceed to Quiloa; and thence directly to Calicut. He was farther directed, in case of meeting with Cabral, to obey him as general, and desire him to settle a factory at Sofala, if his own attempt should fail.

Nueva left Lisbon on this voyage in March, four months before the return of Cabral, and arrived in safety at the isle of St Blas; where he found a letter in an old shoe suspended from the branch of a tree, written by Pedro de Tayde[3], informing him that the fleet of Cabral had passed this island on its way back to Portugal, and giving an account of what had happened at Calicut, of the good treatment the fleet had received at Cochin, where some of our men remained, and of the friendly disposition of the king of Cananor[4]. On consulting with the other captains, it was judged improper to leave the caravel at Sofala, in these circumstances, as their whole force did not exceed eighty men; wherefore they proceeded directly for Quiloa, where they found one of the exiles who had been left there by Cabral, from whom they received a particular account of all that had happened at Calicut, and of the loss of several of his ships, all of which he had learnt from some Moors. From Quiloa Nueva sailed on to Melinda, where the king confirmed the intelligence he had received from the exile at Quiloa[5]. Thus fully instructed in the state of matters, Nueva deemed it prudent to keep all the ships of his small squadron, and sailed across from Melinda to Anchediva, where he came to anchor in November, intending to take in a supply of water at that place. While here, seven large ships belonging to Cambaya, which were bound for the Red Sea, appeared off the anchoring ground, and seemed at first disposed to attack our ships; but being afraid of the Portuguese ordnance, they continued their voyage. From Anchediva Nueva proceeded for Cananor, where he had an audience of the rajah, from whom he received particular notice of all that had happened in Calicut to Cabral, and of the offer which the rajah had made to load all his ships at Cananor. The rajah assured him of his earnest desire of doing every thing in his power to serve the king of Portugal, and pressed him to take in his loading at that port; but Nueva declined this offer for the present, until he had consulted with the factor at Cochin, for which port he took his departure from Cananor. On his way between Cananor and Cochin, Nueva took a ship belonging to some of the Moorish merchants at Calicut, after a vigorous resistance, and set it on fire.

On his arrival at Cochin, the factor who had been left there by Cabral came on board with the rest of his company, and acquainted him that the rajah was greatly offended with Cabral for leaving the port without seeing him, and for carrying away the hostages; yet had always kindly entertained and the other members, of the factory, lodging them every night in the palace for security, and always sending a guard of nayres along with any of them who had occasion to go out during the day, on purpose to defend them from the Moors who sought their destruction, and who had one night set fire to the house in which they lodged before their removal to the palace. He also informed Nueva that the Moors had persuaded the native merchants to depreciate the price of the Portuguese merchandize, and not to take these in exchange for pepper, so that unless he had brought money for his purchases he would have little chance of procuring a loading. On this intelligence, and considering that he had not brought money, Nueva immediately returned from Cochin to Cananor, expecting to procure his loading at that port, in consequence of the friendly dispositions of the rajah towards the king of Portugal[6]. On his return to Cananor, he found that money was as necessary there for his purchases as at Cochin: But, when the rajah, was informed of his difficulties from want of money, he became his security to the native merchants for 1000 quintals or hundred weights of pepper, 450 quintals of cinnamon, and fifty quintals of ginger, besides some bales of linen cloth[7]. By this generous conduct of the rajah, Nueva procured a loading for his ships, and left his European merchandize for sale at Cananor under the management of a factor and two clerks.

On the 15th December, while waiting for a fair wind to begin his homeward voyage, the rajah sent notice to Nueva that eighty paraws were seen to the northward, which were past mount Dely, and that these vessels were from Calicut, sent expressly to attack the Portuguese ships; and the rajah advised him to land his men and ordnance for greater security: But the general was not of this mind, and sent word to the rajah that he hoped, with the assistance of God, to be able to defend himself. Next day, being the 16th of December, before dawn, about an hundred ships and paraws full of Moors came into the bay, sent on purpose by the zamorin, who was in hopes to have taken all our ships and men. As soon as Nueva perceived this numerous armament, he hoisted anchor and removed his squadron to the middle of the bay, where he ordered all his ships to pour in their shot against the enemy without intermission. Doubtless, but for this, the enemy would have boarded his ships, and they were so numerous it would have been impossible for him to have escaped; but as the Moors had no ordnance, they could do our people no harm from a distance, and many of their ships and paraws were sunk, with the loss of a vast number of men, while they did not dare to approach for the purpose of boarding, and not a single person was killed or hurt on our side. The enemy towards evening hung out a flag for a parley; but as Nueva feared this might be intended as a lure, he continued firing, lest they might suppose he stopped from weariness or fear. But the Moors were really desirous of peace, owing to the prodigious loss they had sustained, and their inability to escape from the bay for want of a fair wind. At length, most of his ordnance being burst or rendered unserviceable by the long-continued firing, and seeing that the Moors still kept up their flag of truce, Nueva ceased firing and answered them by another flag[8]. Immediately on this, a Moor came to Neuva in a small boat, to demand a cessation of hostilities till next day. This was granted, on condition that they should quit the bay and put out to sea, which they did accordingly. Although the wind was very unfavourable, Nueva stood out to sea likewise, which the enemy could hardly do, as their ships and paraws can only make sail with a fair wind. Notwithstanding all that had happened, Nueva was constrained to come to anchor close to the fleet of the enemy, and gave orders to keep strict watch during the night. At one time they were heard rowing towards our fleet, and it was supposed they intended setting our ships on fire; on which Neuva ordered to veer out more cable, to get farther off. Perceiving that the boats of the enemy continued to follow, he commanded a gun to be fired at them, on which they made off; and the wind coming off shore and somewhat fair, they made sail for Calicut.

Nueva, after returning thanks to God for deliverance from his enemies, took his leave of the rajah of Cananor, and departed for Portugal, where he arrived in safety with all his ships[9].

After the departure of Nueva from Cananor, one of his men named Gonsalo Pixoto, who had been made prisoner and carried to Calicut, came to Cananor with a message from the zamorin to Nueva, making excuses for all that had been done there to Cabral, and for the attempt against his own fleet at Cananor, and offering, if he would come to Calicut, to give him a full loading of spices, and sufficient hostages both for his safety and the performance of his promise.

[1] It afterwards appears that one vessel only was destined for this particular trade: Perhaps the second was meant for Quiloa.—E.

[2] According to Astley, I. 49. the crews of these four vessels consisted in all of 400 men.—E.

[3] Called de Atayde by Astley.—E.

[4] According to Astley, I. 49. Nueva discovered in this outward voyage the Island of Conception, in lat. 8 deg. S. But this circumstance does not occur in Castaneda.—E.

[5] Before arriving at Melinda, Nueva gave chase to two large ships belonging to the Moors, one of which he took and burnt, but the other escaped.—Astl. I. 49.

[6] According to De Faria, Nueva took in a part of his loading; at Cochin, with a view perhaps to preserve the credit of the Portuguese nation at that place.—Astl. I. 50. a.

[7] In the original this linen cloth is said to have been made of algadon, a word left untranslated by Lichefild, probably al-cotton, or some such Arabic word for cotton: The linen cloth, therefore, was some kind of calico or muslin.—E.

[8] According to De Faria, five great ships and nine paraws were sunk in this action. De Barros says ten merchant ships and nine paraws.—Astl. I. 50. c.

[9] On this part of the voyage, Astley remarks, on the authority of De Faria, that Nueva touched at the island of St Helena, which he found destitute of inhabitants; though it was found peopled by De Gama in his first voyage, only four years before. What is called the island of St Helena in De Gamas first voyage, is obviously one of the head-lands of St Elens bay on the western coast of Africa. The island of St Helena is at a vast distance from the land, in the middle of the Atlantic ocean.—E.



SECTION V.

The Second Voyage of De Gama to India in 1502; being the Fourth made by the Portuguese to the East Indies.

As the king of Portugal felt it incumbent upon him to revenge the injurious and treacherous conduct of the zamorin, he gave orders to prepare a powerful fleet for that purpose; the command of which was at first confided to Pedro Alvares de Cabral, but, for certain just considerations was taken from him and bestowed on Don Vasco de la Gama. Every thing being ready, De Gama sailed from Lisbon on the 3d of March 1502, having the command of thirteen great ships and two caravels[1]. The captains of this fleet were, Pedro Alonso de Aguilar, Philip de Castro, Don Lewis Cotinho, Franco De Conya, Pedro de Tayde, Vasco Carvallo, Vincente Sodre, Blas Sodre, the two Sodres being cousins-german to the captain-general, Gil Hernand, cousin to Laurenco de la Mina, Juan Lopes Perestrello, Rodrigo de Castaneda, and Rodrigo de Abreo; and of the two caravels Pedro Raphael and Diego Perez were commanders. In this powerful squadron they carried out the materials of a third caravel, which was directed to be put together at Mozambique, and of which Hernand Rodrigues Badarsas was appointed to be commander. Besides this first fleet of seventeen sail, a smaller squadron of five ships remained in preparation at Lisbon, which sailed on the 5th of May under the command of Stephen de la Gama[2].

When De Gama had doubled the Cape of Good Hope, and was arrived at the farther end of the currents[3], he went himself with four of the smallest vessels to Sofala, sending on the remainder of the fleet to wait his arrival at Mozambique. This visit to Sofala was in consequence of orders from the king, to examine the situation of the city and to endeavour to find a proper situation for a fort, that the Portuguese might monopolize the trade in gold at that place. He remained there twenty-five days, during which he settled a treaty of amity with the king, and had leave to establish a factory; after which mutual presents were interchanged, and De Gama departed for Mozambique. In going out of the river from Sofala, one of the ships was lost, but all the men were saved. At Mozambique he made friendship with the king, who had proved so unfriendly in the first voyage, and even obtained leave to settle a factor with several assistants, who were left on purpose to provide victuals for such ships as might touch here on the voyage to or from India. Here likewise the caravel destined for that purpose was set up and provided with ordnance and a sufficient crew, and was left for the protection of the factory. On leaving Mozambique, De Gama sailed for Quiloa, having orders to reduce the king of that place to become tributary, as a punishment for his unfriendly conduct towards Cabral. On his arrival in that port, Ibrahim the king came on board to visit the admiral, afraid of being called to account for the injuries he had done to Cabral. De Gama, knowing that he was not to be trusted, threatened to make him a prisoner under the hatches, if he did not immediately agree to pay tribute to the king of Portugal[4]. The king from fear engaged to pay 2000 miticals of gold yearly, and gave one Mehemed Aleones, a principal man among the Moors whom he hated, as an hostage for the payment. The reason of his dislike to Mehemed was this: Ibrahim was himself an usurper, having seized the government in prejudice to the right heir, and was afraid that Mehemed intended to dethrone him. When the king found himself at liberty, in consequence of this arrangement, he refused to send the promised tribute, in hope that De Gama might put the hostage to death, by which means he might get rid of his enemy: But the Moor, on finding the tribute did not come, was fain to pay the same himself, by which means he procured his own liberty. While at Quiloa, the fleet was joined by the squadron of five ships under Stephen de Gama.

Leaving Quiloa, De Gama proceeded with the whole fleet for Melinda, where he took in water and visited the king[5]. Going from thence for India, and being arrived off Mount Dely, to the north of Cananor, he met a ship belonging to the Moors of Mecca, and bound for Calicut, which was taken by our men after a stout resistance[6]. When the ship surrendered, De Gama went on board and commanded the owners and all the principal Moors to come before him, whom he ordered to produce all their goods on pain of being thrown overboard. They answered that they had nothing to produce, as all their goods were in Calicut; on which De Gama ordered one of them to be bound hand and foot and thrown into the sea. The rest were intimidated by this procedure, and immediately delivered up every thing belonging to them, which was very valuable; all of which was committed to the charge of Diego Hernando Correa, the factor appointed for conducting the trade at Cochin, by whose directions they were transported into one of the Portuguese ships. De Gama ordered all the children belonging to the Moors to be taken on board one of his own ships, and vowed to make them all friars in the church of our Lady at Belem, which he afterwards did[7]. All the ordinary merchandize belonging to the Moors was divided among his own men; and when all the goods were removed, he ordered Stephen de la Gama to confine the Moors under the hatches, and to set the ship on fire, to revenge the death of the Portuguese who were slain in the factory at Calicut. Soon after this was done, the Moors broke open the hatches, and quenched the fire; on which the admiral ordered Stephen de Gama to lay them, aboard. The Moors rendered desperate by this inhuman treatment, defended themselves to the utmost, and even threw firebrands into our ship to set it on fire. Night coming on, Stephen had to desist, but was ordered to watch the Moorish ship carefully that it might not escape during the dark, and the Moors all night long were heard calling on Mahomet to deliver them out of the hands of the Christians. When day appeared, the admiral again ordered Stephen de la Gama to set the ship on fire, which he did accordingly, after forcing the Moors to retreat into the poop. Some of the Moors leapt into the sea with hatchets in their hands, and endeavoured to swim to our boats; but all of these were slain in the water by our people, and those that remained in the ship were all drowned, as the vessel sunk. Of 300 Moors, of whom thirty were women, not one escaped alive; and some of our men were hurt.

De Gama came soon afterwards to Cananor, where he sent on shore the ambassadors, and gave them a message for the king, informing him of his arrival, and craving an audience. Upon this the rajah ordered a platform of timber to be constructed, which projected a considerable way into the water, covered over with carpets and other rich cloths, and having a wooden house or pavilion at the end next the land, which was likewise covered like the bridge, and was meant for the place of meeting between the rajah and the admiral. The rajah came first to the pavilion, attended by 10,000 nayres, and with many trumpets and other instruments playing before him; and a number of the principal nayres were arranged on the bridge or platform, to receive the admiral in an honourable manner. The admiral came in his boat, attended by all: the boats of the fleet decked out with flags and streamers, carrying certain ordnance in their prows, and having many drums and trumpets making a very martial appearance. The admiral disembarked at the outer end of the platform, under: a general salute from the ordnance of the boats, and was accompanied by all his captains and a number of men well armed. There were carried before him two great basins of silver gilt, filled with branches of coral and other fine things that are esteemed valuable in India. The admiral was received at the head of the platform by the nayres placed there on purpose, and was conducted to the rajah, who waited; for him at the door of the pavilion, and welcomed him with an embrace. They then walked together into the pavilion, in which two chairs were placed out of compliment to the admiral, on one of which the rajah sat down, though contrary to his usual custom, and desired the admiral to be seated on the other. At this interview a treaty of friendship and commerce was settled, and a factory allowed to be established at Cananor. In consequence of this, the admiral gave orders for some of the ships to load here, while others were to do the same at Cochin[8].

Having settled all things to his mind at Cananor and Cochin, the admiral proceeded with his fleet to the harbour of Calicut, where he took several paraws in which were about fifty Malabars who could not escape; but he forbore making any farther hostilities against the city, till he might see whether or not the zamorin would send him any message. Soon afterwards there came a boat with a flag to the admirals ship, a which was a person in the habit of a Franciscan friar, who was taken at first sight for one of those who had accompanied Ayres Correa, and who they supposed had remained a prisoner. On entering the ship, he saluted them, saying Deo gratias; but was immediately recognized as a Moor. He excused himself for coming in that disguise, to secure permission of getting on board, and said that he brought a message from the zamorin to the admiral, about settling a trade in Calicut. To this the admiral made answer, that he would by no means treat on this subject, unless the zamorin would previously satisfy him for all the goods which had been seized in the factory, when he consented to the death of Correa and the rest who were there slain. On this subject three days were spent ineffectually in messages between the zamorin and the admiral, as the Moors used every influence to prevent any friendly agreement. At length, perceiving that all these messages were only meant to gain time, the admiral sent notice to the zamorin that he would wait no longer than noon for his final answer, and if that were not perfectly satisfactory and in compliance with his just demands, he might be assured he would wage cruel war against him with fire and sword, and would begin with those of his subjects who were now prisoners in his hands. And, that the zamorin might not think these were only words of course, he called for an hour-glass, which he set down in presence of the Moorish messenger, saying that as soon as the sand had run out a certain number of times, he would infallibly put in execution all that he had threatened. All this, however, could not induce the zamorin to perform his promise; for he was of an inconstant and wavering disposition, and influenced by the counsels of the Moors. The outward shew he had made of peace was only feigned, or occasioned by the fear he had of seeing so great a fleet in his port, from which he dreaded to sustain great injury; but the Moors had now persuaded him into a contrary opinion, and had prevailed on him to break his word.

When the time appointed by the admiral was expired, he ordered a gun to be fired, as a signal to the captains of his ships to hang up the poor Malabar prisoners, who had been distributed through the fleet. After they were dead, he ordered their hands and feet to be cut off and sent on shore in a paraw, accompanied by two boats well armed, and placed a letter in the paraw for the zamorin, written in Arabic, in which he signified that he proposed to reward him in this manner for his deceitful conduct and repeated breach of faith; and, in regard to the goods belonging to the king of Portugal which he detained, he would recover them an hundred fold[9]. After this, the admiral ordered three of his ships to be warped during the night as near as possible to the shore; and that these should fire next day incessantly on the city with all their cannon, by which vast injury was done, and the royal palace was entirely demolished, besides several other houses belonging to the principal inhabitants of the place. The admiral afterwards departed for Cochin, leaving Vincente Sodre with six well armed ships to command the coast, who was to remain in India when the rest of the fleet returned to Portugal, and was likewise directed to go upon a voyage of discovery to the straits of Mecca, and the coast of Cambaya[10].

From Calicut the admiral sailed for Cochin; and immediately on his anchoring in that port, the rajah[11] sent on board certain hostages to remain as his sureties; and when the admiral landed, the rajah went in person to meet him. At this interview, the rajah delivered up to the admiral Stephen Gyl and others who had remained in his country, and the admiral presented a letter from the king of Portugal to the rajah, returning thanks for the kindness he had shewn to Cabral, and declaring his satisfaction at the settlement of a factory for trade at Cochin. The admiral also delivered a present from the king of Portugal to the rajah, consisting of a rich golden crown set with jewels, a gold enamelled collar, two richly wrought silver fountains, two pieces of figured arras, a splendid tent or pavilion, a piece of crimson satin, and another of sendal[12]; all of which the rajah accepted with much satisfaction. Yet, not knowing the use of some of these things, the admiral endeavoured to explain them; and particularly, ordered the pavilion to be set up to shew its use, under which a new treaty of amity was settled. The rajah appointed a house for the use of the Portuguese factory, and a schedule of prices were agreed upon, at which the various spices, drugs, and other productions of the country were to be delivered to the Portuguese factors, all of which were set down in writing in form of a contract. The rajah likewise delivered present for the king of Portugal, consisting of two gold bracelets set with precious stones, a sash or turban used by the Moors of cloth of silver two yards and a half long, two great pieces of fine Bengal cotton cloth, and a stone as large as a walnut taken from the head of an animal called bulgoldolf, which is exceedingly rare, and is said to be an antidote against all kipds of poison[13]. A convenient house being appointed for a factory, was immediately taken possession of by Diego Hernandez as factor, Lorenzo Moreno, and Alvaro Vas as clerks, and several other assistants.

While the ships were taking in their cargoes at Cochin, a message was brought to the admiral from the zamorin, engaging, if he would return to Calicut, to make a complete restitution of every thing that had been taken from the Portuguese, and that a treaty of friendship and commerce would be immediately arranged between them. After considering this message, the admiral ordered the messenger to prison, meaning to take revenge on him in case the zamorin should prove deceitful in this instance as he had already been in many others[14]. After this precaution, he went to Calicut, more for the purpose of endeavouring to recover the merchandize, than from any expectation of procuring the friendship of the zamorin. For this reason he took only his own ship[15], leaving Stephen de Gama in the command at Cochin in his absence. The captains of the fleet were much averse to this rashness; yet could not persuade him to take a larger force, as he said he would be sufficiently protected by the squadron of Vincente Sodre, which was cruizing on the coast, whom he could join on any emergency. On his arrival at Calicut, the zamorin immediately sent notice that he would satisfy him next day for all the goods which had been taken from Cabral, and would afterwards renew the trade and settle the factory on a proper footing. But as soon as he understood that the admiral had come with so small a force, he commanded thirty-four paraws to be got in readiness with all expedition, for the purpose of taking his ship. And so unexpectedly did these assail him, that the admiral was forced to cut one of his cables and make out to seaward, which he was fortunately enabled to do, as the wind came off from the land. Yet the paraws pursued him so closely, that he must infallibly have been taken, if it had not been for the squadron of Sodre making its appearance, on sight of which the paraws gave over the chase and retired to Calicut.

On his return to Cochin, die admiral immediately ordered the messenger of the zamorin to be hanged[16]. The failure of this treacherous attempt against De Gama gave much concern to the zamorin; who now resolved to try if he could induce the rajah of Cochin to refuse a loading to the Portuguese, and to send away their factory from his port. With this view he transmitted a letter to that prince, in the following terms:

"I am informed that you favour the Christians, whom you have admitted into your city and supplied with goods and provisions. It is possible you may not see the danger of this procedure, and may not know how displeasing it is to me. I request of you to remember the friendship which has hitherto subsisted between us, and that you now incur my displeasure for so small a matter in supporting these Christian robbers, who are in use to plunder the countries belonging to other nations. My desire is, therefore, that for the future you may neither receive them into your city, nor give them spices; by which you will both do me a great pleasure, and will bind me to requite your friendship in whatever way you may desire. I do not more earnestly urge these things at the present, being convinced you will comply without further entreaty, as I would do for you in any matter of importance."

The rajah of Cochin answered in the following terms: That he knew not how to expel the Christians from his city, whom he had received as friends, and to whom he had passed his word for trade and amity. He denied that his friendly reception of the Christians could be construed as any offence to the zamorin, as it was the custom in the ports of Malabar to favour all merchants who resorted thither for trade; and declared his resolution to maintain his engagements inviolate to the Portuguese, who had brought great sums of gold and silver, and large quantities of merchandize into his dominions in the course of their trade. The zamorin was much offended by this answer of the rajah of Cochin; to whom he wrote a second time, advising him earnestly to abandon the Portuguese if he had any respect for his own welfare. The rajah of Cochin was not to be moved, either by the persuasions or threatening of the zamorin, and sent a reply to his second letter, in which he declared he should never be induced to commit a base or treacherous action by fear of the consequences, and was resolved to persist in maintaining his treaty of trade and amity with the Portuguese. Finding that he could not prevail on the rajah of Cochin to concur with him, he commanded twenty-nine large ships to be fitted out in order to assail the Portuguese fleet when on its return homewards, expecting that he should be able to destroy them with more ease when fully laden.

The rajah of Cochin gave no intimation to the admiral of the letters and messages which had been interchanged between him and the zamorin, until he went to take leave; at which time, he declared he would hazard the loss of his dominions to serve the king of Portugal. The admiral, after many expressions of gratitude for his friendly disposition and honourable regard for his engagements, assured him that the king his master would never forget the numerous demonstrations he had given of friendship, and would give him such assistance as should not only enable him to defend his own dominions, but to reduce other countries under his authority. He desired him not to be in fear of the zamorin, against whom there should henceforwards be carried on so fierce war, that he would have enough of employment in defending himself, instead of being able to attack others. In this the general alluded to the aid which the rajah might expect from the ships that were to remain in India under the command of Vincent Sodre. All this conversation took place in presence of many of the principal nayres, of which circumstance the rajah was much pleased, as he knew these people were in friendship with the Moors, and had opposed the grant of a factory to us at Cochin[17].

Having completed the loading of ten ships, the admiral sailed from Cochin on his homeward-bound voyage; and when about three leagues from Pandarane, he descried the Moorish fleet of twenty-nine large ships coming towards him. After consulting with the captains of his fleet, and the wind being favourable for the purpose, he immediately bore down to engage them. The ships commanded by Vincente Sodre, Pedro Raphael, and Diego Perez, being prime sailers, closed up first with the enemy, and immediately attacked two of the largest ships of the Moors. Sodre fought with one of these alone, and Raphael and Perez assailed the other. Almost on the first onset, great numbers of the enemies were so dismayed that they leapt into the sea to escape by swimming. On the coming up of De Gama with the rest of the fleet, all the enemies ships made off as fast as they could towards the shore, except those two which were beset at the first, and were unable to escape, which were accordingly taken possession of. De Gama, considering that all his ships were richly laden, would not pursue the flying enemy, being afraid he might lose some of his ships on the shoals; but our men went in their boats and slew about 300 of the Moors who had endeavoured to save themselves by swimming from the two captured ships. These vessels were accordingly discharged of their cargoes; which consisted of great quantities of rich merchandize, among which were six great jars of fine earthen ware, called porcelain, which is very rare and costly and much admired in Portugal; four large vessels of silver, and many silver perfuming pans; also many spitting basons of silver gilt: But what exceeded all the rest, was a golden idol of thirty pounds weight, with a monstrous face. The eyes of this image were two very fine emeralds. The vestments were of beaten gold, richly wrought and set with precious stones; and on the breast was a large carbuncle or ruby, as large as the coin called a crusado, which shone like fire.

The goods being taken out, the two ships were set on fire, and the admiral made sail for Cananor, where the rajah gave him a house for a factory, in which Gonzalo Gill Barbosa was settled as factor, having Sebastian Alvarez and Diego Godino as clerks, Duarte Barbosa as interpreter, and sundry others as assistants, in all to the number of twenty. The rajah undertook to protect these men and all that might be left in the factory, and bound himself to supply lading in spices to all the ships of the king of Portugal at certain fixed prices[18]. In return for these favourable conditions, the admiral engaged on behalf of the king of Portugal to defend the rajah in all wars that might arise from this agreement; conditioning for peace and friendship between the rajahs of Cochin and Cananor, and that the latter should give no aid to any one who might make war upon the former, under the pain of forfeiting the friendship of the Portuguese. After this, the admiral gave orders to Vincente Sodre to protect the coast with his squadron till the month of February; and if any war should break out or seem probable between the zamorin and Trimumpara, he was to winter in Cochin for the protection of that city; otherwise he was to sail for the straits of the Red Sea, to make prize of all the ships belonging to Mecca that traded to the Indies.

All these matters being properly arranged, De Gama departed from Cananor for Portugal on the 20th December 1502[19]; with thirteen ships richly laden, three of which had taken in their cargoes at Cananor, and the other ten at Cochin. The whole fleet arrived in safety at Mozambique, where the ship commanded by Stephen de Gama having sprung a great leak, was unladen and laid on shore to be repaired. Seven days after their departure from Mozambique, the ship commanded by Lewis Cotinho sprung a great leak, and they were forced to endeavour to return to Mozambique to repair her; but, the wind being contrary, they had to do this in a creek on the coast. Continuing their voyage, they were assailed by a sudden tempest off Cape Corientes, in which the ship commanded by Stephen de Gama had her sails all split by the storm, owing to which she was separated from the fleet, and no more seen till six days after the arrival of the admiral at Lisbon, when she came in with her mast broken. The storm having abated, during which the fleet took shelter under the lee of Cape Corientes, the admiral prosecuted his voyage to Lisbon, and arrived safe at Cascais on the 1st September 1503. All the noblemen of the court went to Cascais to receive him honourably, and to accompany him to the presence of the king. On his way to court, he was preceded by a page carrying a silver bason, in which was the tribute from the king of Quiloa. The king received him with great honour, as he justly merited for his services in discovering the Indies, and in settling factories at Cochin and Cananor, to the great profit of the kingdom; besides the great fame and honour which redounded to the king, as the first sovereign who had sent to discover the Indies, of which he might make a conquest if he were so inclined. In reward for these brilliant services, the king made him admiral of the Indies, and likewise gave him the title of Lord of Videgueyra, which was his own.

* * * * *

Note.—As De Gama did not return again to India till the year 1524, which is beyond the period contained in that part of Castaneda which has been translated by Lichefild, we shall have no occasion to notice him again in this part of our work. For this reason, it has been thought proper to give the following short supplementary account of his farther services in India.

"In 1524, Don Vasco De Gama, now Count of Videgueyra, was appointed viceroy of India by John III. king of Portugal, and sailed from Lisbon with fourteen ships, carrying 3000 fighting men. Three were lost during the voyage, with all the men belonging to two of them. While in the Gulf of Cambaya, in a dead calm, the ships were tossed about in so violent a manner that all onboard believed themselves in imminent danger of perishing, and began to consider how they might escape. One man leapt over-board, thinking to escape by swimming, but was drowned; and such as lay sick of fevers were cured by the fright. The viceroy, who perceived that the commotion was occasioned by the effects of an earthquake, called aloud to his people, courage my friends, for the sea trembles from fear of you who are on it. To make some amends for the misfortunes of the voyage, Don George de Meneses, one of the captains, took a large ship belonging to Mecca, worth 60,000 crowns, a large sum in those days. After his arrival at Goa, the viceroy visited some forts, and issued the necessary orders for regulating the affairs of his government; but he had not time to put any of his great designs into execution, as he died on Christmas eve, having only held the government of Portuguese India for three months. De Gama is said to have been of middle stature, with a ruddy complexion, but somewhat gross. His character was bold, patient under fatigue, well fitted for great undertakings, speedy in executing justice, and terrible in anger. In fine, he was admirably fitted for all that was entrusted to his conduct, as a discoverer, a naval and military commander, and as viceroy. He is painted with a black cap, cloak, and breeches, edged with velvet, all slashed, through which appears the crimson lining. His doublet is of crimson satin, over which his armour is seen inlaid with gold. He was the sixth successive governor of India, and the second who had the rank of viceroy."—Astl I. 54. b.

[1] According to Astley, much difference of opinion took place in the council of Portugal, whether to continue the trade to India for which it was requisite to employ force, or to desist entirely from the attempt; but the profits expected from the trade, and the expectation of propagating the Romish religion and enlarging the royal titles, outweighed all considerations of danger; and it was resolved to persist in the enterprize.—Astl. I. 50.

[2] The distribution, of this force is somewhat differently related by Astley. Ten ships only are said to have been placed under the immediate command of Vasco de Gama; five ships under Vincente Sodre, who had orders to scour the coast of Cochin and Cananor, and to watch the mouth of the Red Sea, on purpose to prevent the Moors, or Turks and Arabs, from trading to India; the third, as in the text, was under Stephen de Gama, but with no particular destination mentioned; and the whole were under the supreme command of Vasco de Gama, as captain- general.—Astl. I. 50.

[3] Such is the expression in the translation by Lichefild; but which I suspect ought to have been, "and had passed Cape Corientes."—E.

In Astley, the following incident is mentioned: When off Cape Verd, Vasco de Gama met a caravel bound from La Mina, on the western coast of Africa, carrying much gold to Lisbon. He shewed some of this to the ambassadors whom Cabral had brought from Cananor, and who were now on their return to India. They expressed much surprize at this circumstance; as they had been told by the Venetian ambassador at Lisbon, that the Portuguese could not send their ships to sea without assistance from Venice. This insinuation proceeded from envy, as the Venetians were afraid of losing the lucrative trade with India which they had long enjoyed through Egypt. —Astl. I. 51.

[4] According to De Faria, De Gama began by cannonading the city of Quiloa; but on the king consenting to become tributary, all was changed to peace and joy—Astl. I. 51. a.

[5] According to Astley, De Gama was forced beyond Melinda, and took in water at a bay eight leagues farther on; and going thence towards India, he spread out his fleet that no ship might escape him; in consequence of which he took several, but was most severe on those belonging to Calicut. —Astl. I. 51.

[6] In Astley this ship is said to have belonged to the soldan of Egypt, and was very richly laden, besides being full of Moors of quality, who were going on pilgrimage to Mecca.—Astl. I. 51.

[7] DeFaria says there were twenty of these children, whom De Gama caused to be made Christian friars, to make amends for one Portuguese who turned Mahometan.—Astl. I. 51. c.

[8] Castaneda, or rather his translator Lichefild, gets somewhat confused here, as if this factory were settled at Cochin, though the whole previous scene is described as at Cananor.—E.

[9] De Faria says the bodies of these unfortunate Malabars were thrown into the sea, to be carried on shore by the tide.—Astl. I. 52. a.

[10] By the straits of Mecca are here meant the straits of Bab-el-mandeb, or the entrance from the Indian Ocean into the Red Sea; and by the coast of Cambaya, what is now called Guzerat.—E.

[11] The rajah or king of Cochin has already been named Triumpara, or Trimumpara, on the authority of De Barros, De Faria, and other ancient authors; yet De Faria, in other instances, calls him Uniramacoul—Astl. I. 52. b.

[12] It is difficult to say what may have been meant by this last article. In old French writings Rouge comme Sendal means very high red, or scarlet; from which circumstance, this may have been a piece of scarlet satin or velvet.—E.

[13] Of the animal called bulgoldolf in the text we have no knowledge, nor of this stone of wonderful virtue; but it may possibly refer to the long famed bezoar, anciently much prized, but now deservedly neglected.—E.

[14] According to De Faria, this messenger was a bramin, who left his son and nephew at Cochin as hostages, and accompanied De Gama to Calicut, where he carried various messages between the zamorin and the admiral. —Astl. I. 53. b.

[15] De Faria says he was accompanied by a caravel.—Astl. 1.53. b.

[16] The son and nephew of the messenger, according to De Faria.—Astl. I. 53. c.

[17] In addition to the narrative of Castaneda, De Barros, Maffi, and De Faria relate, that ambassadors came to De Gama while at Cochin from the Christian inhabitants in Cranganore and that neighbourhood, who they said amounted to 30,000. They represented, that they knew he was an officer of the most Catholic king in Europe, to whom they submitted themselves; in testimony of which, they delivered into his hands the rod of justice, of a red colour, tipped with silver at both ends, and about the length of a sceptre, having three bells at the top. They complained of being much oppressed by the idolaters; and were dismissed by De Gama with promises of a powerful and speedy assistance.—Astl. I. 53. d.

[18] De Faria alleges that the persons who were appointed to settle matters relative to trade at this port, differed much upon the price of spices: on which occasion many threatening messages were sent to the rajah, who at length through fear complied with all the demands of the Portuguese. He says that the rajahs of Cochin and Cananor were as refractory and adverse at first as the zamorin; and that when De Gama arrived at Cochin, the three princes combined to make him winter there by fraud, and joined their fleets to destroy him. That on the failure of this combination, a durable peace was made with Trimumpara; and the rajah of Cananor, fearing the Portuguese might not return to his port, sent word to De Gama that he was ready to comply with all his demands, —Astl. I. 54, a.

[19] In Castaneda this date is made 1503; but from an attentive consideration of other dates and circumstances in that author, this must have been a typographical error.—E.



SECTION VI.

Transactions of the Portuguese in India, from the departure of De Gama in December 1502, to the arrival of Alonzo de Albuquerque in 1503.

As soon as the zamorin was assured of the departure of De Gama for Europe, he determined on putting his threats in execution against the rajah of Cochin, for which purpose he gathered an army at the village of Panani, not far from Cochin[1]. This was soon known to the inhabitants of Cochin, who were exceedingly afraid of the great power of the zamorin, and were much dissatisfied with their sovereign for incurring the displeasure of that prince out of respect to the Christians, whom they inveighed against with much bitterness on all occasions, and openly insulted wherever they were seen. Some that were in high credit with the rajah said openly, that as the zamorin was much more powerful than their state, our men ought to be delivered up to him, as the war was entirely on our account, for whom the kingdom ought not to be put in hazard. But the rajah, much offended at these people, declared that he was resolved to defend the Portuguese against the zamorin, trusting that God would favour him in so just a cause. Yet many of his subjects were much inclined to have seized the Portuguese belonging to the factory, but durst not, as the rajah gave them a place of considerable strength to dwell in, and appointed a guard for their security.

At this time Vincente Sodre arrived with his squadron in the bay of Cochin, after having done much damage on the coast of Calicut, both by land and sea. The Portuguese head factor sent Laurenzo Moreno to inform Sodre of the preparations which were making by the zamorin for the attack of Cochin, and requiring him in the name of the king of Portugal to land with his men for its defence. But Sodre answered, that his orders were to defend the sea and not the land; for which reason, if the zamorin had prepared to attack Cochin by sea, he would certainly have defended it; but as the war was to be carried on by land, he could not interfere, and the rajah must defend himself. The factor sent a second message, entreating him, in the name of God and on his allegiance to the king of Portugal, not to abandon the factory in this state of danger, as the power of the rajah was inadequate to defend Cochin against the zamorin; and as the sole object of the war was for the destruction of the factory and the ruin of the Portuguese trade, it certainly was his duty, as captain-general for the king of Portugal in these seas, both to defend the factory and to give every assistance in his power to the rajah. But Sodre was immoveable, pretending that he had been ordered to discover the Red Sea, where he expected to make many rich prizes, and set sail from Cochin for Cape Guardafui, preferring the hope of riches to his duty in defending the factory of Cochin.

The zamorin collected his army, as already mentioned, at the village of Panani, where, besides his own subjects and allies, several of the principal subjects of the rajah of Cochin joined his standard, deserting their own sovereign, and carrying along with them all the power they were able to muster: Among these were the caimalls or governors of Chirapipil and Cambalane, and of the large island which is opposite to the city of Cochin. At this place, the zamorin made a long speech to his assembled chiefs, in which he endeavoured to justify his enmity to the Portuguese, whom he represented as thieves, robbers, and pirates, and as having first commenced hostilities against him without cause. He contrasted the quiet and friendly conduct of the Moors, who had traded for 600 years with Malabar, having never done injury to any in all that time, and had greatly enriched the country, and had raised his city of Calicut to be the greatest emporium in all the Indies: Whereas the Portuguese had taken and destroyed his ships, made his ambassadors prisoners, insisted on having their ships laden before those belonging to the Moors, had taken a ship of the Moors, burnt ten of his ships in his own harbour, had destroyed his city and forced him to escape for safety from his palace; taking law and vengeance for pretended grievances into their own hands, instead of applying regularly to him for redress. And, since the rajah of Cochin was fully informed of all these things, yet persisted in favouring the Portuguese in despite of all remonstrances, he had resolved to make war upon him, to deprive him of his dominions, and to drive these Christian intruders out of India.

This address gave much satisfaction to all the assembled chiefs, and most especially to the lord of Repelim, who entertained a rooted enmity against the rajah of Cochin, who had dispossessed him of an island called Arrnuul. The only person who opposed the zamorin on this occasion was Nambeadarin[2], who was brother and next heir to the zamorin. He strongly urged the impolicy of driving the Christians from Malabar, to which merchants resorted from all places of the world, seeing that the Portuguese had made richer presents to the zamorin, than he had ever received before, and had brought much gold and silver into the country for the purchase of commodities, which was not usually done by such as came to make war. He represented the attempt of the hostages to escape who had been given for the safety of the Portuguese chief, and whom the zamorin was pleased to call ambassadors, as the first cause of jealousy and distrust; yet they were afterwards reconciled, and took the large Moorish ship at the desire of the zamorin, to whom they presented the great elephant. He said their conduct in trade and otherwise while in Calicut was quite satisfactory to all except the Moors, who were envious against them for interfering in their trade, and accused them falsely of taking pepper against the will of the owners, which in fact they had done themselves to prevent the Christians from loading their ships; nay that this was so evident that even the zamorin had licensed the Portuguese to take the pepper from the Moorish vessels. After which the Moors had risen against them, slaying their men and seizing all their goods. Yet, after all these outrages, they had given the zamorin a whole day in which to offer reparation, and had not sought revenge of their injuries treacherously like the Moors. That he saw no cause of going to war against the rajah of Cochin for receiving the Portuguese into his city like any other merchants who might frequent his harbour, as had likewise been done by the rajahs of Cananor and Koulan, who would not have done so if they had been robbers and pirates. And if the zamorin meant to drive the Portuguese from the Indies, besides making war on Cochin, it would be necessary for him to do the same against Canauor and all the other princes on the coast.

The zamorin was a good deal staggered by the discourse of Nambendarin, who had much credit and authority with him; insomuch, that it is thought he would have desisted from prosecuting the war, if it had not been for the Moors and the caymals, who represented that it would be a great disgrace to his character to recede after the assemblage of so great an army, and that it was to be expected the rajah of Cochin might now agree from fear to do what the zamorin had desired him. The zamorin then desired his sorcerers to point out a fortunate day for marching forward with his army, which they did accordingly, and promised him an assured victory. With this assurance, on which he placed great reliance, the zamorin departed from Panani, and took possession of Repelim, which is four leagues from Cochin.

The rajah of Cochin had regular intelligence of all that passed in the camp of the zamorin by means of spies, and was in great trouble respecting the event, not having sufficient force for his defence, as many on whom he most relied had gone over to the enemy. Even those who remained served against their inclination, more especially the inhabitants of Cochin, who abhorred our people, and said openly that it were proper the rajah should either deliver them up to the zamorin or send them away from Cochin, to avoid the impending war. Many of the inhabitants of Cochin deserted the place for fear of the consequences. The members of the Portuguese factory were much alarmed by all these circumstances, and requested permission from the rajah to withdraw to Cananor, where they might remain in safety till the arrival of the next fleet from Portugal; hoping by this means to remove the cause of war, and to satisfy the subjects of the rajah. Trimumpara was displeased at this request, as not reposing sufficient confidence in his word, and declared he would rather forfeit his kingdom, and even his life, than deliver them up to the zamorin or any other who sought to injure them; and that, although he might lose Cochin in the war, there still were places of sufficient strength in which to keep them safe till reinforcements should arrive from Portugal. That although the zamorin had a great army, yet victory did not always follow numbers, as a few valiant men were often victorious over great odds, especially having justice on their side. He therefore desired the factory to remain, and to pray God to give him the victory. The Portuguese now offered to give him such aid as their small number would allow; but he declined allowing them to expose themselves to any danger on the present occasion, as his credit depended upon the preservation of their lives, that they might witness, for his faithful adherence to the treaty of amity which he had formed with their nation. Upon this he placed them under the safeguard of certain naires in whom he had confidence. After this, the rajah called all his nobles into his presence, together with the chief naires, who were the cause of all the murmurs against the Portuguese, and addressed the assemblage to the following effect:

"I am much concerned to find that truth and loyalty should be wanting among men of your quality. I do not wonder at the present misconduct of the lower orders, who are often constrained by their poverty and wretchedness to commit all manner of wickedness. But that naires, who have always been noted for fidelity, should desire me to forfeit the promise which I have made, to the captain-general in behalf of the Portuguese, to defend them to the utmost of my power against all violence as my own subjects, astonishes and distresses me beyond measure. Under these assurances of protection, which were given with your consent, these men were left in my city; and yet, because you see the zamorin coming against me with more men than I have, you would have me to break my promise. Were I so unjust, you of all men ought to abhor me. If you dwelt with any sovereign on the assurance of his word, how would you conceive of him, if he were to treat you as you would now have me to act by these Christians? Is it because you are afraid of the great power of the zamorin? Be assured it were better for us all to die in the discharge of our duty, and the preservation of our promise, than to live dishonoured. To me no evil can be greater than to break my word, nor can there be a greater dishonour to yourselves than to be the subjects of a false and treacherous king. These Christians have brought much profit to me and my country, and the zamorin might have kept them in his own city, if he had permitted their factory to settle there in peace. Were it his intention to drive the Christians out of India, and to make war on all who receive them into their dominions, he ought to have begun this war with the rajah of Cananor: But his cause of war is the envy he has conceived at seeing me benefited by the trade which he has lost through his own misconduct, and because he believes in his pride that I am unable to withstand. But I trust in God and the justness of my cause, that with your assistance, I shall obtain the victory, and shall be able to protect the Christians, and preserve my honour inviolate." This speech had great effect upon the assembled naires, who were astonished at the constancy and resolution of the rajah. They all therefore craved pardon for the fears they had entertained, and promised to live and die in his service. The rajah immediately called the factor and the rest of the Portuguese into his presence, to whom he gave an account of all that had taken place between him and the naires; and named before them the prince Naramuhin[3], his brother and next heir, as general of the army which was destined to act against the forces of the zamorin, commanding every one to obey him in every respect as if he were himself present. Naramuhin accordingly marched with 5500 naires, and entrenched himself at the ford which forms the only entry by land into the island of Cochin, and which is only knee- deep at low water.

When the zamorin received notice of the army of Cochin having taken post at this ford, he was somewhat afraid, more especially as he knew Naramuhin was considered to be the bravest and most fortunate warrior in Malabar. He therefore made a fresh attempt to induce the rajah of Cochin to accede to his demands, of delivering up the Portuguese and their goods, otherwise threatening to conquer his dominions, and to put all the inhabitants to the sword. Although the rajah of Cochin was quite sensible of the inferiority of his military force, and was convinced what the zamorin threatened might readily happen, he yet determined to remain firm to his engagements, and sent the following answer:

"If you had required with civility what you have proudly commanded me, I should not have esteemed your valour lessened by your courtesy: For with men of wisdom and power there is no need for insolent vaunts. I have not as yet so sinned against God, that I should humble myself to vain boasting, or think that he should grant you the victory over me and those brave men who fight on my side. In spite of all your pride, I trust even with the small number I have to defend me in my just quarrel, that I shall be enabled to overcome you and all my enemies. However much you may have practised deceit and injustice, it has ever been my rule to avoid shame and dishonour, and I will never consent to deliver up the Christians or their goods, which I have engaged to defend."

The zamorin was much offended by this answer from the rajah of Cochin, and vowed to destroy his whole country in revenge: Leaving, therefore, the isle of Repelim on the last day of March, he entered on the territories of Cochin, yet refrained from doing any injury, as he now occupied those parts which belonged to the chieftains who had joined him against their own sovereign. On the 2d of March, the army of the zamorin made an attempt to force a passage by the ford which was defended by prince Naramuhin; yet, in spite of all his prodigious superiority of numbers, he was forced to retire with considerable loss. Disappointed in this first essay, the zamorin encamped close by the ford, and sent the lord of Repelim next day with a still stronger force than had been employed in the first assault, to attempt forcing the passage. He even joined several armed paraws in this attack; but Naramuhin made a resolute defence, in which he was bravely seconded by Laurenzo Moreno and several other Portuguese, and effectually resisted every effort of the zamorins troops, who were obliged to retreat with much loss. Several such assaults were made on the ford, in all of which the zamorin lost many men, and was constantly repulsed, insomuch that he became fearful of a sinister end to his unjust enterprise, and even repented of having begun the war. He sent, however, a fresh message to the rajah, requiring him to deliver up the Christians as a preliminary of peace. But the rajah replied, that as he had refused to do so unjust an action when he had some reason to dread the superior power of the zamorin, it was absurd to expect any such thing now, when the advantage in the war was evidently of his side. He then advised the zamorin to beware of continuing the war, as he would not now satisfy himself with defence, but even hoped to give him a signal overthrow. And this certainly had been the case, if the subjects of the rajah had not shamefully deserted him in this war and given assistance to the enemy. The zamorin almost despaired of success, and would have given over the enterprize, if he had not been advised by some of his chiefs to assail several other towns belonging to the dominions of Cochin, so as to distract the attention of Naramuhin, and to weaken his force by obliging him to send detachments for their defence. But that brave prince provided against every emergency, and made so judicious a disposition of his forces, that he repulsed every effort of the enemy, and slew many of their men.

Foiled in every attempt with severe loss, by the bravery and excellent dispositions of Prince Naramuhin, the zamorin corrupted the paymaster of the troops of Cochin, who changed the usual order of payment which had been daily made in the camp, and obliged the soldiers to come up to Cochin for that purpose. Naramuhin was obliged to submit to this arrangement, by giving leave to the naires to go for their wages, yet charged them punctually to return to the camp before day. But the treacherous paymaster kept them waiting till after day-light, by which means the prince was left with very few troops to defend the ford. Taking advantage of this concerted stratagem, the zamorin made an assault upon the ford with his whole force by sea and land, and constrained Naramuhin to retire with his small band into a grove of palm trees, where he was surrounded by the whole army of Calicut, yet fought the whole day against such terrible odds with the utmost resolution, several times throwing his enemies into disorder, of whom many were slain. But at length, overpowered by numbers, he and two of his cousins who fought along with him were slain, together with most of his faithful followers.

When this melancholy event was announced to the rajah of Cochin, he fainted from extreme grief, and was for some time thought to have actually expired. At this time, the naires were much exasperated against our men, to whom they attributed the overthrow and death of prince Naramuhin, and the desperate situation of their country, and seemed much inclined to have put the Portuguese to death, or to have delivered them up to the zamorin. On the recovery of the rajah, and learning the designs of his people against our men, he called the Portuguese into his presence; he gave them assurance that even this reverse of his affairs should not alter his resolution of protecting them, both against the zamorin and his own subjects. He then addressed his assembled naires, urging them not to stain his honour and their own by injuring the Portuguese, whom he and they had sworn to protect. He exhorted them to persevere honourably and bravely in defending their country and preserving their honour inviolate to the Christians, and comforted them with the assurance that the Portuguese fleet would soon arrive with sufficient reinforcements to drive out the zamorin and to restore him to his dominions. In the meantime, he proposed that they should retire with what force remained, into the isle of Vaipi, which was of difficult access; and where they could defend themselves till the arrival of the Portuguese fleet, more especially as the winter was at hand, which would stop the progress of the war for some time. The naires were astonished at the resolution of their sovereign, and promised faithfully to obey his commands in all things.