Continuing his course along the coast, the fleet came on the ensuing Thursday among certain rocky islands, from one of which that was inhabited there came off several almadias, having fish and other victuals for sale. The general treated these people kindly, giving them shirts and other articles to their great contentment; and, with their approbation, set up a cross on the island, which was named El padron de Sancta Maria. As soon as night approached, and the wind began to blow from the shore, the fleet made sail, always keeping near the land. On the Thursday after, being the 19th of September, they came in sight of a pleasant high land, off which lay six little islands, where he came to anchor. Going here on shore in search of fresh water, a young man was met with, who was or pretended to be a Christian. This person carried our men to a river, where they found a spring of excellent water issuing out of the rock; and for his services they gave him a red nightcap. Next morning four natives came off in a small boat, with many gourds and cucumbers for sale. These people said that their country produced cinnamon, and two of our people were sent onshore to see whether this were true, who brought with them two green boughs which were said to be cinnamon, of which they had seen a large grove, but it turned out only to be the wild kind. At their return, these men were accompanied by more than twenty natives, who brought hens, gourds, and cows milk for sale, and who said, if the general would send some of his men on shore, he might have abundance of dried cinnamon, hogs, and poultry: But he dreaded treachery, and would not allow any of his people to go on shore. Next forenoon, when some of our men went to a part of the shore at some distance from the ships to cut wood, they suddenly came in sight of two boats lying close to the land, and returned with intelligence of what they had seen; but the general would not send to inquire what these might be until after dinner. In the mean time, one of the men in the top gave notice that he saw eight large ships out at sea, which were then becalmed. The general gave immediate orders to have every thing in readiness in case of an attack, and as the wind served both fleets, they soon came within two leagues of each other. The enemies perceiving our fleet approaching, fled towards the shore; but one of their rudders breaking, the men belonging to that ship escaped in their boats, and Coello immediately took possession, expecting to find it laden with rich commodities. Nothing was found however, except cocoa-nuts and a kind of sugar called melasus, which is prepared from palms or date trees. He also found on board many bows and arrows, swords, spears, and targets. The other seven ships were run aground, so that our ships could not get near them, as drawing too much water; but our people followed in their boats, and drove them out of their vessels by firing upon them with their ordnance. Next day, while our fleet was at anchor, seven men came off from the land in an almadia, who reported that these eight ships had been sent by the zamorin from Calicut to capture our fleet, as they had been informed by some of the fugitives[64].

From this place the general removed to the island of Ansandina, at a short distance, where he was told he might procure good water. This island is very small, and only a league from the continent. It contains several woods, and two cisterns, or conduits, built of freestone, one of which is six feet deep, supplied with excellent water from certain springs; and the sea around has great quantities of fish. Before the Moors traded with India, this island was well inhabited by the native idolaters, having many goodly buildings, and especially some fine pagodas. But when the Moors resorted to this coast from the Red Sea, they used to take in their wood and water at this place, and abused the inhabitants so intolerably that they abandoned the place, and pulled down most of their pagodas and all their other buildings. These Gentiles were natives of that part of the continent which belongs to the king of Narsingas, and used often to repair thither to perform their devotions to three black stones which were in a chapel of one of the pagodas, which still remains. This island is called Ansandina[65] in the Malabar language, which signifies the Five Islands, and is so named because there are other four islands round about.

Coming to anchor here, the general sent Coello on shore with an armed escort, to examine the country, and to see if there were any convenient place for new-graving their ships bottoms, as they had been long at sea and had a long run before them. Every thing being found convenient, and the measure approved of by all the captains, it was determined to lay their ships successively aground for this purpose. The ship called the Berrio was first laid on shore; and while occupied in repairing and cleaning her bottom, many of the natives came off from the continent to sell victuals to our people. While this was going forwards two small brigandines were seen rowing towards our ships, ornamented with flags and streamers on their masts, beating drums and sounding trumpets, and filled with men who plied their oars. At the same time, five similar vessels were seen creeping along shore, as if lying by to help the others if needful. The Malabars who supplied our people with provisions, warned the general to beware of these vessels, which belonged to pirates who roamed about in these seas, robbing all they met under pretence of peace[66]. The general believed he might have taken these two vessels, if he had allowed them to come close up with his ships, but did not choose to run any risk; wherefore, as soon as they came within gun-shot, he ordered all the cannon belonging to the two ships which remained afloat to be fired at them; on which, calling out in a loud voice, Tambarane! Tambarane! which is their name for God, they fled away. Nicholas Coello, who was in his boat, followed after them, firing off his ordnance; but the general, fearful of any mischance, called him back by signal.

Next day, when the general and all his men were on shore at work upon the Berrio, twelve natives, who appeared to be men of some consequence, came to the island in two small paraos, and presented a bundle of sugar canes. These people asked permission to go on board the ships, as they had never seen any such before; but the general was much offended with this, fearing they might be spies. While engaged in conversation with these men, other two paraos made their appearance, having as many men. But those who came first, seeing the general displeased, advised these new comers not to land. When the Berrio was repaired, the generals ship was brought aground to receive the same attentions.

While the general and the other captains were on shore, busied in the repairs of the San Michael, there came one day a man in a little parao, seemingly about forty years old, and not of that country, as he was dressed in a sabaco, or gown of fine cotton reaching to his heels, his head covered with a kerchief or towel, which partly covered his face, and wearing a faulchion or crooked cymeter at his girdle. Immediately on landing, he went up and embraced the general, as if he had seen or known him before, and treated the other captains with the same politeness. He told them he was a Christian, born in Italy, and had been brought when a child into the Indies. That he now dwelt with a Moorish lord named Sabayo, who ruled a certain island called Goa, about twelve leagues from thence, and who had 40,000 horsemen on that island. That, as his dwelling was now among the Moors, he conformed externally to their worship, though in his heart a Christian. That learning certain men had come in ships to Calicut, such as had never been seen before in the Indies, and that no one understood their language, he immediately understood that they must be Frangnes,[67] for so the Christians are named in the Indies. That he was desirous of seeing them, and had asked leave of Sabayo to come and visit them; which, if he had not obtained, he would have died of vexation. That Sabayo had not only granted him leave for this purpose; but desired, if he found the strangers to be from his country, to offer them any thing they might stand in need of which his country produced; particularly spices and provisions. And besides, if they would come and live with him, Sabayo would entertain them honourably, and give them sufficient to live on. The general asked many questions concerning the country of Sabayo and other things, to which he made answer. After which he requested to have a cheese from the general, to send on shore to a companion, as a token of having been well received. The general suspected some mystery in this man, yet ordered a cheese and two new loaves to be given him, which he sent away to his companion. He continued talking with great volubility, and sometimes so unguardedly as to raise suspicions of his being a spy. On this Paulo de la Gama, who particularly suspected him, inquired of some of the natives if they knew who this man was; they immediately told him he was a pirate, who had boarded many other ships while laid aground. On receiving this information, the general ordered him to be carried on board his ship, then aground, and to be whipped well till he should confess whether all that he had said was true or false; also, what was his purpose in coming thither, and whether he were actually a Moor or a Christian. He still insisted that he was a Christian, and that all he said was true, declaring the information given by the natives to be entirely groundless. The general now ordered a more cruel torment to be inflicted to extort confession, causing him to be hoisted up and down by the members: when at length he declared he would tell the truth. He then acknowledged himself a spy, sent to discover how many men the general had, and what were their weapons, as he was much hated on all that coast for being a Christian; and that many atalayas or foists were placed in all the bays and creeks of the coast to assail him, but dared not till they were joined by forty large armed vessels that were getting ready to fall upon him. But he said he knew not certainly when these vessels might be ready. The general now ordered him to be confined under hatches, intending to carry him into Portugal, as a fit person to give the king his master intelligence respecting the Indies, and ordered him to get refreshing victuals, and that his cure should be looked well after.

On receiving this information of the designs of his enemies, the general would stay no longer than was necessary for completing the repairs of his own ship, which was got ready in ten days. About this time, the general was offered 1000 fanons for the ship which had been taken by Coello; but he refused to sell any thing to his enemies, and ordered her to be burnt. When the generals ship was ready, and the fleet had taken in a supply of water, they departed from the island of Ansandina, or Anchediva, on the 5th of October 1498, steering directly out to sea on their course for Melinda. After sailing about 200 leagues from that island, the Moor[68] whom they had taken prisoner, seeing no prospect of escape, now made a full and true confession. He acknowledged that he lived with Sabayo, the lord of Goa, to whom word was brought that the general was wandering about in those seas, like one who knew not where he was, upon which orders were given to fit out a powerful fleet to make him prisoner. In the mean time, learning that the general was at the isle of Anchediva, Sabayo commanded him to go thither to visit him, to get intelligence of his strength and intentions, and to endeavour to entice him to Goa; where it was Sabayos intentions to make him and all his people prisoners, and to employ them in his wars against the neighbouring princes, as they were reported to be valiant men. After this confession, the general gave this man better treatment, allowing him both clothes and money. Some time afterwards he became a Christian, by the name of Gaspar de la Gama, taking his name of Gaspar from one of the three kings of the Magi[69], and his surname from the general, who stood god-father at his baptism.

The general pursued his course for Melinda, where he proposed to take on board an ambassador from the xeque of that place. In the early part of this voyage he endured severe storms and contrary winds, which were succeeded by calms, during which the heat of the sun was quite insufferable, and the voyage much delayed, insomuch, that water began to grow scarce, and the people had to be put on short allowance. Owing to these circumstances, the people were afflicted with the same disease in their gums, from which they had formerly suffered such great distress in the river of Good Signs[70], on the outward voyage. Their arms and legs also swelled, and many tumours broke out over their bodies, proceeding from a pestilent stinking humour, which threw them into a flux, of which thirty persons died. From the continuance of calms and contrary winds, and the mortality among the people, the whole company became amazed, and believed they should never be able to get out from their present distressing situation; insomuch, that they solicited the general to return to Calicut, or some other part of India, and submit to what God might appoint, rather than to die on the sea of these terrible diseases, for which there was no remedy, especially as both provisions and water began to fail. De Gama reasoned with them to little purpose, as they had been now four months at sea, and there hardly remained, sixteen persons in each ship able to do duty, some of whom even were afflicted with the diseases of which the others had died. It is even said that Paulo de la Gama and Nicholas Coello had agreed to return to India, if any wind should spring up that would have served for the voyage.

At length a favourable wind sprung up unexpectedly, and in sixteen days they came in sight of land on Wednesday the 2d of February 1499, at which the mariners were much rejoiced, and soon forgot all their past troubles and dangers. As they came near the land towards evening, the general gave orders to keep their heads out to sea during the night, to avoid rocks or shoals. As there were no person on board who knew where they were, a Moor alleged they had steered direct for Mozambique; saying there were certain islands 300 leagues from the shore, and directly over against that place, where the natives were continually subject to the disease which had been so fatal to our men. When morning came, they stood towards the land, when they came before a large and goodly city, surrounded with walls, having fair and lofty houses, and a large palace on a height in the middle of the city, seeming to be a magnificent building. This city is called Magadoxo, and stands on one side of the Gulf of India on the coast of Ethiopia[71], an hundred and thirteen leagues from Melinda, the situation of which I shall explain hereafter. Knowing this to be a city of the Moors, he would not stop at this place, but commanded many shots of ordnance to be fired as he sailed past. Not being sure how far it was to Melinda, and fearing to overshoot that port, he lay too every night; and on Saturday the 5th of February, lying over against a village of the Moors, named Pate[72], 103 leagues from Magadoxo, there came off eight terradas, or boats of that country, filled with soldiers, and making direct for our fleet, from whence we shot off so many pieces of ordnance, that they soon fled back to the shore, and our people could not follow for want of wind. Next Monday, being the 7th of February, the fleet arrived at Melinda. The king immediately sent off his congratulations to the general on his arrival, with a present of fresh provisions. De Gama sent Fernan Martinez on shore to return the compliments of the king, to whom he sent a present. On account of the great number of sick on board, the fleet stopped here for ten days, during which time he caused a land- mark to be erected on shore, with leave of the king, as a token of friendship. Having provided provisions and water for the ships at this place, he departed on the morning of Wednesday the 17th of February, taking with him an ambassador from the king of Melinda, to negotiate a treaty of perpetual peace and friendship with the king of Portugal.

Considering that there were not sufficient men remaining for navigating all the ships, the general and the other captains agreed to burn one of them, and the San Rafael was chosen to be sacrificed, because she was all open, and had not been brought aground at Anchediva when the other two were repaired. Accordingly, after taking out all her stores and merchandize, which employed them during five days, she was burnt at certain shoals, called the Shoals of St Raphael[73]. During these five days, the fleet procured a considerable quantity of hens from a village on the coast called Tangata. Leaving this place, the two remaining ships came on the 20th February to the island of Zenziber, which is in six degrees of S. latitude, at ten leagues distance from the continent. This is a considerable island, having other two in its neighbourhood, one called Pemba, and the other Moyfa. These islands are very fertile, having abundance of provisions, and great quantities of oranges. The inhabitants are Moors, who are by no means warlike and have few weapons, but are well clothed in silk, and cotton vestments, which they purchase at Mombaza from the merchants of Cambaya. The women are ornamented with jewels of gold and silver, the former being procured at Sofala, and the latter from the island of St Lawrence, or Madagascar. Each of these three islands has a separate king, who, with all their subjects, are of the Mahometan religion.

When the king of the island of Zenziber was informed of the arrival of our ships, he sent immediately to compliment the general, accompanied with great presents of the fruits and other productions of the country, and requested his friendship, to which the general gladly agreed and sent suitable answers. After remaining here eight days for refreshments, the general departed on the 1st of March, and came to anchor beside the isle of St George in the bay of Mozambique. Next day he caused a mark to be erected on this island, where he went on shore and heard mass; and departed thence without any intercourse with the inhabitants of Mozambique. On the 3d of March, he came to the island of St Blas, where the ships remained for some time to take in water, and to provide a stock of sea wolves, and solitarios, which were salted to serve as provision for the remainder of the voyage, and for which they were most thankful to God. Departing from thence, they were driven back by a westerly wind right contrary; but Providence sent them a fair wind, by means of which they doubled the Cape of Good Hope with infinite pleasure on the 20th of March, all the remainder of the crews being now strong and in good health, with the cheering prospect of speedily returning to Lisbon. They now had a fair wind, which lasted them twenty days, and sped them on towards St Jago. The fair wind now failed them and delayed their voyage. Trying the lead on Thursday the 25th of April, they found twenty-five fathom; and the least water they had all that day was twenty fathom, on which account the pilots concluded they were on the shoals of the Rio Grande.

Of the rest of this voyage, till the arrival of the general at the island of St Jago, I have found no account; except that, when, approaching that place, Nicholas Coello parted company one night with the general, and made direct for Portugal, that he might carry the first intelligence to the king of the discovery of India; and arrived at Cascais on the 10th of July 1499[74]. He went immediately to the king, whom he informed of all that had befallen the general in his discovery of the Indies, and of the commodities which had been brought from thence; of which discovery, and of the prospect which it held out of a direct trade with India by sea, the king was as glad as when he had been proclaimed king of Portugal.

After the separation of Coello, De Gama pursued his voyage for the island of St Jago, both because his brother Paulo was sick with consumptive complaints, and because his ship was in very bad condition; all her seams being open. At that island, he freighted a caravel, in hope of being able to get his brother home to Portugal, and left John de Sala in charge of his own ship, to have her repaired and new rigged before proceeding for Lisbon. The general and his brother left St Jago in the hired caravel for Lisbon; but the disease of Paulo de Gama increased so rapidly, that he was forced to put in at the island of Tercera, where Paulo de Gama departed this life like a good Christian and a worthy gentleman. When he had buried his brother, Vasco de Gama set sail for Portugal, and arrived at Belem in September 1499; having been two years and two months absent on this voyage. Of 108 men whom he had taken with him, only fifty[75] came home alive; which was a large proportion, considering the great and numerous dangers they had gone through.

When the general had returned thanks to God for his preservation and success, he sent notice of his arrival to the king, who sent Diego de Sylva y Menesis, Lord of Portugalete, and many other gentlemen, to conduct him honourably to court, which they did through a prodigious concourse of people, eager to see the man who had made so wonderful a voyage, and whom they had long thought dead. Being come into the presence, the king honoured him as one who, by the discovery of the Indies had done so much for the glory of God, for the honour and profit of the king of Portugal, and for the perpetual fame of the Portuguese name in the world. The king made him afterwards a knight, and gave him and his heirs permission to bear the royal arms of Portugal, as also to set at the foot of the escutcheon two does, which are called gamas in the Portuguese language. He also gave him a perpetual pension or rent-charge of 300,000 rees[76] yearly, out of the tythe fish in the village of Sinis, in which he was born, and a promise of being made lord of that village; and till these grants were executed in form, he allowed him 1000 crowns a-year; which, after the royal grants were made, reverted to the house of the Contratation of the Indies. It was also granted, that when the trade with India should be established, he might bring home spices to the value of 200 ducats yearly, without paying any duty. He also gave him other possessions and rents, and a note of remembrance or promise to make him a lord[77]. Nicholas Coello was promoted to be a gentleman of the royal household, and received possessions and rents to bear his charges[78]. The king himself, in consequence of these discoveries, assumed the new title, of Lord of the conquest and navigation of Ethiopia, Arabia, Persia, and the Indies.

[1] By Mr Clarke this person is named Goncalo Nunez.

[2] Mr Clarke alleges, that Lichefield, our original translator, has fallen into an error in this date, which ought to have been the 28th July.—E.

[3] If Saturday were the 5th July, on which the fleet sailed from Lisbon, the 3d of August must have been on Thursday. But it does not seem necessary to insist upon such minute critical accuracy; which, besides, is unattainable.—E.

[4] This strange expression probably means, that Gama stretched directly across the gulf of Guinea, not creeping as usual along the coast, and endeavoured to make a direct course for the Cape of Good Hope.—E.

[5] Our old English translator, Lichefield, strangely mistakes in calling this place the island of Sancta Haelena; which is assuredly St Elena bay, in lat. 32 deg. 40' S. It has since been sometimes named St Martin's bay, but the proper and general name is the bay of St Elena, the S. W. point of entry being called St Martin's Point.—E.

[6] Perhaps the Berg river, at the bottom of St Elena bay.—E.

[7] This paragraph is added to relation of Castenada from the works of Faria and Osorius.—Clarke.

[8] If the Thursday on which they came in sight of the Cape were the 16th, the Wednesday following must have been the 22nd of the month.—E.

[9] This paragraph is an addition to the text of Castaneda from Osorius— Clarke, I. 342

[10] From the circumstances in the text, this watering-place of St Blaze is probably what is now called St Katherines or St Sebastians Bay; yet that place hardly exceeds forty-seven Portuguese leagues east from the cape. The sixty leagues of the text would carry us almost a degree farther east, to what is now called Kaffercroyts river. Clarke removes this place still farther to Flesh Bay, otherwise called Angra de St Braz, or Aguada de St Braz by De Barros. This latter place is seventy Portuguese leagues, or above eighty marine leagues east from the cape. —E.

[11] This account seems erroneous, whether St Katherines or Flesh Bay be the one in question, as both ought to be safe in north winds, and the winds between the S and E points give both a lee shore.—E.

[12] Probably a species of Penguins: Lichefield calls them stares, as large as ducks; Osorius says the natives called them satiliario, and that they were as big as geese.—E.

[13] Probably Rock Point, forming the western boundary of Algoa or Zwartkops bay, in long. 27 deg. E. bring the rocky extreme promontory of the Krakakamma ridge.—E.

[14] It is infinitely difficult to guess the course of these early voyages, without latitudes or longitudes, and only estimated distances by dead reckoning in uncertain leagues; but the Rio del Infante of this voyage and that of Diaz, is probably that now called Great-fish river, in the Zuureveld of Graaff Reynet, in long. 28 deg. 20' E which, however, is twenty-six Portuguese leagues, or thirty geographical leagues from Rocky Point, instead of the fifteen leagues of the text.—E.

[15] The sixty leagues in the text are inexplicable on any rational supposition, as they seem to have again made the Rocks de la Cruz, or rather Rocky Point, said just before to be only fifteen leagues from Infante river, to which they were then bound.—E.

[16] The Portuguese ships appear to have been now on the coast of Natal, or the land of the Caffres, certainly a more civilized people than the Hottentots of the cape. But the circumstance of Alonzo understanding their language is quite inexplicable: as he could hardly have been lower on the western coast than Minz, or perhaps Congo. Yet, as a belt of Caffres are said to cross the continent of Africa, to the north of the Hottentots, it is barely possible that some Caffre slaves may have reached the western coast.—E.

[17] This grain was probably what is now well known under the name of millet.—E.

[18] According to Barros, Aguada da boa Paz.—Clarke.

[19] Gibb's Orosius, I. 50.

[20] The text here ought probably to be thus amended, "He and his brother, with Nicholas Coelle," &c.—E.

[21] These probably swam off to the ships.—E.

[22] De Faria alleges that the people of this river were not so black as the other Africans, and wore habits of different kinds of stuffs, both cotton and silk, of various colours, and that they understood Arabic; and adds, that they informed De Gama there were white people to the eastwards, who sailed in ships like those of the Portuguese. Osorius likewise says, that one of the natives spoke Arabic very imperfectly, and that De Gama left two of his convicts at this place, which he called San Rafael.—Clarke.

[23] There is no circumstance in the text from which the situation of this river can even be conjectured. Clarke, p.440, alleges that it was Soffala; and yet, in a note in his preceding page, says, "That De Gama seems to have passed Cape Corientes during the night, and to have kept so far from land, on account of a strong current setting on shore, as not to have noticed Sofala." In the notes on the Lusiad, this river of Good Signs is ascertained to have been one of the mouths of the Zambeze, or Cuama River, which divides Mocaranga from the coast of Mozambique; the different mouths of which run into the sea between the latitudes of 19 deg. and 18 deg. S.—E.

[24] They were evidently afflicted with the scurvy; and accordingly De Barros refers the disease to its proper cause, "Having been for so long a time confined to the use of salt fish and corrupted biscuit.— Clarke."

[25] Addition to the narrative of Castaneda, from De Barros.—Clarke.

[26] This obscure expression seems to mean that De Gama wished them to precede the ships, and point out the way into the harbour.—E.

[27] This expression has probably been misunderstood by the original translator. It appears that these Moors of Mozambique spoke Arabic, here called the language of Algarve, and finding themselves understood and answered by the strangers, mistook the Portuguese for Moors.—E.

[28] Mozambique is in lat. 15 deg. 35' S. and in 41 deg. of E. Long—E.

[29] The observations here inserted, and marked with inverted commas, are made by the Editor of the present collection. They are much too long for insertion in the form of a note, and appeared of too much importance to be omitted; being chiefly from Clarke, I. 447.—E.

[30] For the materials of this addition to the text of Castaneda, we are chiefly indebted to the Progress of Maritime Discovery, p. 447, 458. —E.

[31] His name, as given by Osorius, was Zacocia, and De Barros adds, that he wore richly embroidered clothes, and had his sword ornamented with diamonds.—Clarke.

[32] This is probably the same person named Fernan Alvares on a former occasion.—E.

[33] It is added by De Barros, that three Abexijs, or Abyssinians, from the territory of Preste Joano, came on board the fleet, along with the Moors who brought provisions; and, seeing the image of the angel Gabriel painted on the ship of that name, and being accustomed to such representations of angels in their own country, they made their adorations to this holy picture.—Clarke.

[34] Mr Clarke, Progr. of Marit. Disc. I. 464, strangely misrepresents this story; saying, "that the pilot of Paulo de la Gama had deserted to the Moors, though a Christian."—E.

[35] According to De Burros, after the inhabitants abandoned the town, the zeque sent De Gama a pilot to navigate Coello's ship, from whom De Gama learnt that Calicut was a months voyage from Mozambique.—Clarke, I. 464.

[36] If Sunday, as above, were the first of April, the Friday following must have been the 6th.—E.

[37] The text is here obscure; but it would appear that only some of the men belonging to these two boats remained on board, and the rest returned to the coast. Not that the Moorish pilots from Mozambique were here dismissed, as the text of Lichefild's translation seems to insinuate.—E.

[38] Motta, in the Portuguese East Indian Pilot, places this town in lat. 3 50'S. He says the entrance is much incommoded with shoals, and so narrow in some places as not to exceed the length of a ship. This city is said to have once stood on a peninsula, converted into an island by cutting a canal across the isthmus.—Clarke, I. 469.

[39] This may be understood that part of the inhabitants were unmixed Arabs, comparatively whites; while others were of a mixed race between these and the original natives, perhaps likewise partly East Indian Mahometans, of a similar origin.—E.

[40] This is surely an oversight in Castaneda or his translator, for one year.—E.

[41] It is difficult to ascertain what place in India is here meant. Cranganore comes nearer in sound, but is rather nearer Melinda than Calicut; Mangalore is rather more distant. The former a degree to the south of Calicut, the latter not quite two to the north; all three on the Malabar coast. On a former occasion, Castaneda says these merchants were of Cambaya or Guzerat, above eleven degrees north of Calicut.—E.

[42] This seems to be the same office with that named Kadhi, or Khazi, by the Turks and Persians, which is rather the title of a judge than of a priest, which is named Moulah.—E.

[43] It is probable that this passage should be thus understood, "The king sent him a pilot, who was an idolater from Guzerate, &c."—E.

[44] The addition to, or observations on the text, inserted in this place within inverted commas, are from Clarke, I. 486, 487.—E.

[45] In Lichefild's translation this date is made the 22d; but the Friday after Sunday the 21st, must have been the 26th of the month.—E.

[46] The difference of longitude between Melinda and Calicut is thirty- four degrees, which at 17-1/2 leagues to the degree, gives only 575 Portuguese leagues, or 680 geographical leagues of twenty to the degree. Thus miserably erroneous are the estimated distances in old navigators, who could only compute by the dead reckoning, or the log. —E.

[47] The course from Melinda to Calicut is about E. N. E. the former being about three degrees to the S. and the latter almost eleven degrees to the N. of the line.—E.

[48] This vague account of the extent of Malabar is erroneous or corrupt, as sixty-one Portuguese leagues would barely reach from Cape Comorin to Calicut. The extreme length of the western maritime vale of India, from Cambay to Cape Comorin, exceeds 250 Portuguese leagues.—E.

[49] The proper name of this prince who is said to have thus divided the kingdom of Malabar, was Shermanoo-Permaloo.—Clarke, I. 395.

[50] This must be erroneous, as the Mahometans reckon from the year of the Hegira, or flight of Mahomet from Mecca, which commences in 622 of the Christian era.—E.

[51] This story seems an Arabian tale, perhaps partly founded upon some real revolution in the government of Malabar. But it would much exceed the bounds of a note to enter upon disquisitions relative to Indian history.—E.

[52] Laker is a kind of gum that proceedeth of the ant. This marginal note, in Lichefild's translation of Castaneda, indicates the animal origin of lac, which has been elucidated of late by Dr Roxburgh.—E.

[53] From the sequel in the narrative of Castaneda, this Colastrian rajah seems to have been the sovereign of Cananor.—E.

[54] This word pagoda, applied by the Portuguese, to denote an Indian, temple, is said to be derived from a Malabar or Indian word, Pagabadi, signifying any idol.—Astley, I. 51.

[55] This is described by Castaneda as a coin equal in value to three crowns.

[56] By De Faria, this man is named Monzayde.—Astl. I. 30.

[57] The title of kutwal is of Arabic origin, and properly signifies the governor of a fort or castle, but the office may be different in different places. In some instances, the kutwal seems to have been the deputy-governor, sheriff, or judge of a town.—Astl. I. 30.

[58] Such are the expressions used by Lichefild; but I suspect the sense here ought to have been, That the kutwal required De Gama to land immediately, that he might go to Calicut, on purpose to be presented to the zamorin.—E.

[59] In Astley, I. 81. this place is named Kapokats.—E.

[60] Kafr is an Arabic word, signifying an infidel or unbeliever; and is applied by the Mahometans to all who do not believe the doctrines of Mahomet, and especially to all who worship images, including the Roman Catholics. The priests mentioned in the text were obviously bramins. The origin of the term here used by mistake, was obviously from the interpretation of Bontaybo, the friendly Moor; and explains the mistake of De Gama in believing the Malabars to have been Christians. Bontaybo applied the same significant term of kafr to the image worshippers of all denominations, without discriminating one species of idolater from another.—E.

[61] On this part of the text, the author, or the original translator, makes the following singular marginal reflection:—"The general deceived, committeth idolatry with the Devil."—E.

[62] Astley, I. 24. a.

[63] Called in Astley sharafins.—Astl. I. 36.

[64] De Faria says that this fleet belonged to a pirate named Timoja, of whom frequent mention will be made hereafter; and that the eight ships were so linked together, and covered over with boughs of trees, that they resembled a floating island.—Astl. I. 38. a.

[65] More probably Anche-diva, or Ange-diva.—Astl. I. 38. b.

[66] These vessels seem more probably to have been the squadron of Timoja. —Astl. I. 38. c.

[67] Frangnes, Franghis, or Feringays, a common name all over the East for Europeans; assuredly derived from the Francs or French, long known as the great enemy of the Mahometans, by their exploits in the crusades.—E.

[68] De Faria says this person was a Jew, and that he made the sign of the cross from the shore to be taken on board.—Astl. I. 39. b.

[69] Or rather one of the three kings of Collen.—Astl. I. 39.

[70] Since called Cuama.—Astl. I. 39. c.

[71] Magadoxo is in lat. 2 deg. 20' N. and about 45 deg. 40' E. long.—E.

[72] Pate stands on the coast of Zanguebar, on the Rio Grande, one of the mouths of the river Zebee, in lat. 1 deg. 50' S. and about 41 deg. 20' E. long. —E.

[73] De Faria says this ship was lost on the shoals called after her name but the men were saved.—Astl. I. 40. a.

[74] De Faria alleges that Coello was separated by a storm near Cape Verd, and arrived at Lisbon, thinking De Gama had got home before him.—Astl. I. 40. b.

[75] De Faria says fifty-five, and that they were all rewarded by the king.—Astl. I. 40. c.

[76] The translator values this pension at 200l. a-year, perhaps equal in present value to 2000l.—E.

[77] This does not appear to have been actually done until his return from India the second time, as will be mentioned hereafter.—E.

[78] According to Astley, but without quoting any particular authority, De Gama had a grant from the king of the title of Don for himself and his descendants, and a pension of 3000 ducats: Coello was raised to the rank of Fidalgo, or gentleman, and had an appointment of 100 ducats yearly.—Astl. I. 40.



SECTION III.

Voyage of Pedro Alvarez Cabral to India in 1500; being the second made by the Portuguese to India, and in the course of which Brasil was Discovered.

The certainty of a navigable communication with India, and the vast riches that were to be had in that country, being now ascertained, the king resolved to prosecute the discovery, on purpose to spread the gospel among the idolaters, and to augment his own revenues and the riches and prosperity of his subjects. For these purposes, he determined to attempt the settlement of a factory in Calicut by gentle means; hopeful that they might be persuaded to a friendly intercourse, and might afterwards listen to the word of God.

He therefore commanded that a fleet of ten ships and two caravels should be got ready against next year, to be well laden with all the commodities which De gama had reported to have current sale in Calicut. There went others also to Sofala and Quiloa, where also he commanded factories to be established, both on account of the gold which was to be found there, and that the ships might have a place to touch and refresh at in their way to and from India. Over the fleet intended for Calicut, he appointed Pedro Alvarez Cabral, a gentleman of an honourable house, to be captain-general, Sancho de Toar being captain of his ship. The names of the other captains, so far as have come to my knowledge, were Nicholas Coello, Don Luis Continho, Simon de Myseranda, Simon Leyton, Bartholomew Diaz, who discovered the Cape of Good Hope, and his brother Diego Diaz, who had been purser to Vasco do Gama in the former voyage. Of the caravels, Pedro de Tayde[1] and Vasco de Silviera, were captains. Arias Correa was appointed supercargo of the whole fleet, and was ordered to remain as factor in Calicut, having Gonsalo Gil Barboso and Pedro Vas Caninon as his clerks. Two ships were to remain with the merchandize at Sofala, where Loriso Hurtado was to be factor. In the whole of this fleet there embarked 1500 men[2].

The general was instructed, besides settling the factories, that if the zamorin would not quietly consent or give sufficient lading to the ships, he should make cruel war upon him for his injurious conduct to Vasco de Gama. If the zamorin consented to the establishment of a factory and trade, the general was secretly to request him not to allow any of the Moors of Mecca to remain or to trade in Calicut, or any other harbour in his dominions, and to promise that the Portuguese should hereafter supply all such commodities as used to be brought by the Moors, of better quality and cheaper than theirs. That he should touch at Melinda, to land the ambassador who had been brought from thence by De Gama, together with a present for the king of that place. Along with this fleet, the king sent five friars of the order of St Francis, of whom Fra Henrique was vicar, who was afterwards bishop Siebta, and who was to remain in the factory to preach the Catholic faith to the Malabars[3].

The fleet being in full readiness, the king went in procession, on Sunday the 7th of March 1500, to hear mass at the monastery of Belem, accompanied by the captain-general, whom he took along with himself behind the curtain in the royal seat, to do him the more honour. After mass, Don Diego Ortis, bishop of Viseu, preached a sermon, in which he gave high praise to Cabral for undertaking the command of this expedition, as serving not only the king his temporal master, but the eternal GOD his spiritual Lord, drawing many comparisons in his favour from the Grecian and Roman histories. Mass being ended, a banner of the royal arms of Portugal was delivered to the bishop, who solemnly blessed it, and returned it to the king, who delivered it to Cabral, that it might be displayed at his main-top. The bishop then, gave a bonnet to the general, which had been blessed by the pope, and placed a rich jewel with his own hands on his head, and gave him his blessing. When these ceremonies were ended, the king accompanied the captain-general to the water side, where he and the other captains of the fleet took leave of the king, kissing his hands, the king giving them Gods blessing and his own; after which all went on board, and the whole fleet saluted the king by discharging all the ordnance of all the ships: But the wind being foul, the fleet could not depart that day, and the king returned to Lisbon.

Next day, being the 9th of May 1500, having a fair wind, the fleet weighed by signal from the general, and set sail at eight in the morning[4]. "The whole fleete having wayed, did then begin to cut and spread their sayles with great pleasure and crie, saieng altogether, Buen viage, that is to say, a luckie and prosperous voyage. After all this, they beganne all to be joyfull, every man to use his severall office: The gunners in the midst of the ship, hailing the maine sheets with the capsteine: The mariners and ship boys, some in the forecastell haling bollings, braces, and martnets: Others belying the sheets both great and small, and also serving in trimming the sayles, and others the nettings and foretop sayles: Other some vering the trusses, and also beleying brases and toppe sayle sheets, and coyling every sort of ropes. It was wonderful to see such a number of diversities of offices in so small a roome, as is the bredth and length of a ship."

Going on their voyage with a quarter wind, they came in sight of the Canaries on the 14th of March, and passed St Jago on the 22d. On the 24th of the same month, the caravel commanded by Vasco de Tayde parted company, and was never seen afterwards[5]. After waiting two days for the missing ship, the fleet proceeded on its voyage, and on the 24th of April, came in sight of land. This was cause of much joy, as it was supposed to be a country which had not been discovered by De Gama, because it lay to the west[6] of their course. Cabral immediately sent off the master of his ship in a small boat to examine the country, who reported that it appeared pleasant and fertile, with extensive woods and many inhabitants. The fleet was brought to anchor, and the master sent again on shore to examine more narrowly into the state of the country and its inhabitants. His account was that the natives were well proportioned, and of a swarthy colour, armed with bows and arrows, and all naked. A storm arising at night, the fleet weighed anchor and stood along; the coast, till they found a good harbour, in which they all came to anchor, naming it Puerto Seguro, or the Safe Port, as it was quite secure in all weathers. Our men took two of the natives in an almadia or canoe, who were brought to the admiral, but no one could understand their language. They had therefore apparel given them, and were set on shore much pleased. This encouraged the rest of the natives to mix with our people in a friendly manner; but finding nothing to detain him here, the general determined to take in a supply of water, not knowing when he might have another opportunity. Next day, being in Easter week, a solemn mass was said on shore under a pavilion, and a sermon was preached by Fra Henrique. During service, many of the natives gathered around, who seemed very merry, playing and leaping about, and sounding cornets, horns, and other instruments. After mass, the natives followed the general to his boat, singing and making merry. In the afternoon our men were allowed to go on shore, where they bartered cloth and paper with the natives for parrots and other beautiful birds, which are very numerous in that country, and with whose feathers the natives make very shewy hats and caps. Some of our men went into the country to see the towns or dwellings of the natives, and reported that the land was very fertile, and full of woods and waters, with plenty of fruits of various kinds, and much cotton.

As this was the country now so well known by the name of Brasil, I shall not say any more about it in this place, except that the fleet remained here for eight days; during which a great fish was thrown ashore by the sea, greater than any tonel, and as broad as two. It was of a round form, having eyes like those of a hog, and ears like an elephant, but no teeth; having two vents under its belly, and a tail three quarters of a yard broad, and as much in length. The skin was like that of a hog, and a finger in thickness. The general ordered a high stone cross to be erected at this place, and named his new discovery La tierra de Santa Cruz, or the Land of the Holy Cross. From hence he sent home a caravel, with letters to the king, giving an account of his voyage hitherto, and that he had left two exiles[7] in this place, to examine the country; and particularly to ascertain if it were a continent, as appeared from the length of coast he had passed. He sent likewise one of the natives, to shew what kind of people inhabited the land. Considering the great length of the voyage he had to perform, Cabral did not deem it proper to spend any more time in examining this new country, but departed from Puerto Seguro[8] on the 2d of May, steering his course for the Cape of Good Hope, which was estimated to be 1200 leagues distant, and having a great and fearful gulf to cross, rendered dangerous by the great winds which prevail in these seas during most part of the year.

On the 12th of May a great comet appeared in the heavens, coming from the east, and was visible during ten days and nights, always increasing in splendour. On Saturday the 23d of May, there arose a great storm from the north-east, attended with a high sea and heavy rain, which forced the whole fleet to take in their sails. On its abatement they again spread their foresails; and falling calm towards night, the ships astern spread out all their sprit-sails to overtake the rest. On Sunday the 24th the wind again increased, and all the sails were furled. Between ten and eleven o'clock of that day a water-spout was seen in the north-west, and the wind lulled. This deceived the pilots as a sign of good weather, wherefore they still carried sail: But it was succeeded by a furious tempest, which came on so suddenly that they had not time to furl their sails, and four ships were sunk with all their men, one of which was commanded by Bartholomew Diaz, the discoverer of the Cape of Good Hope. The other seven[9] were half filled with water, and had been all lost if a part of their sails had not given way to the tempest. Soon afterwards the storm veered to the south-west, but still continued so violent that they had to drive all that day and the next under bare poles, and the fleet much separated. On the third day the wind became more moderate, coming round to the east and north-east, attended by a heavy swell, and the waves run higher than had ever been seen before, yet the fleet joined again to their great joy. This wind and high sea continued for twenty days, during all which time the ships had to lie to, and were so tossed that no one thought it possible to escape being swallowed up. During day, the sea was black as pitch, and at night it appeared like fire. The general, with Simon de Myranda and Pedro de Tayde, bore up to windward during this long continued gale; while all the rest submitted to the wind and went at Gods mercy.

When the storm abated, the general found that, with only two other ships in company, he had doubled the Cape of Good Hope without having seen it. On the 16th of July they fell close in with the coast of Africa, in lat. 27 deg.S. but the pilots did not know the coast, and the general would not allow any one to go on shore. They could see great numbers of people on the land, yet none came down to the shore to view the ships. Having no hope of procuring provisions from the natives, the seamen caught great plenty of fish at this place; after which the general pursued his course close along shore, where he constantly saw many people, and great numbers of cattle feeding along the banks of a river which fell into the sea in that neighbourhood.[10] Proceeding in this manner, the general came to Sofala, with which the pilots were unacquainted, near which lay two islands,[11] close by one of which two vessels lay at anchor. These immediately made for the shore on seeing the Portuguese ships, and being pursued were taken without resistance. The principal person belonging to these vessels was a near relation[12] of the king of Melinda, and was going from Sofala to Melinda with gold. The people were so much afraid on seeing our ships, that they threw a great part of the gold into the sea, and most of them escaped on shore. The general was much concerned at his loss, especially that it should have fallen on the subject and relation of a prince who was in friendship with the king his master; and after shewing him every civility, restored the two vessels with all the remaining gold. The Moor asked Cabral if he had any witches on board, who could conjure up his gold from the bottom of the sea? Cabral answered, that the Christians believe in the true God, and do not practice or give credit to witchcraft.

Learning from this Moor that he had overshot Sofala, and not being inclined to turn back, the general continued his voyage to Mozambique; where he arrived on the 20th of July and took in a supply of water, and procured a pilot to carry him to the island of Quiloa, towards which he directed his course. In this part of the voyage he saw several fertile islands, belonging to the king of Quiloa, who is a powerful prince; his dominions extending from Cape Corientes almost to Mombaza, along nearly 400 leagues of coast, including the two islands near Sofala, that city itself and several others to Mozambique, many more all the way to Mombaza, with a great number of islands; from all which he derives large revenues.[13] Yet he has few soldiers, and lives in no great state. His constant residence is in an island named Quiloa, near the continent of Ethiopia, an hundred leagues from Mozambique. This island is full of gardens and orchards, with plenty of various kinds of fruits, and excellent water, and the country produces abundance of miso[14] and other grain, and breeds great numbers of small cattle; and the sea affords great plenty of excellent fish. The city of Quiloa is in lat. 9 deg.25'S. and long. 40 deg.20'E. handsomely built of stone and lime, and pleasantly situated between fine gardens and the sea, having abundance of provisions from its own island and from other places on the continent. The king and the inhabitants of the city are Moors of a fair colour using the Arabic language, but the original natives of the country are Negroes. The Moors of Quiloa are richly dressed, especially the women, who wear many golden ornaments. They are great merchants, enjoying the principal trade in gold at Sofala, whence it is distributed over Arabia Felix, and other countries; and many merchants resort thither from other places. Hence there are always many ships in this port, which are all hauled upon the beach when not in use. These ships[15] have no nails, but are sewed together by rope made of cairo, and have their bottoms payed with wild frankincense, as the country produces no pitch. The winter here begins in April and ends in May.

On arriving at Quiloa, and receiving a safe-conduct for that purpose, the general sent Alonso Hurtado, attended by seven of the principal officers, to wait upon the king, signifying that Cabral had come here with the fleet of the king of Portugal to settle a trade in the city, and had great store of merchandize fit for that purpose; and to say that he was desirous to confer with his highness on this subject, but had been forbidden by the king his master to go on shore. The king agreed to give Cabral an audience afloat; and, on the following day Cabral waited for the king in his boat, which was covered over with flags, and attended by all the other captains in their boats; as now Sancho de Toar and other two ships had joined company again. The king came in an almadia, accompanied by many principal Moors in other boats, all decked with flags, and with many trumpets, cornets, and sackbuts, making a great noise. On the arrival of the king, the whole Portuguese ordnance was fired off, by which the king and his train were much alarmed, not having been accustomed to such a salute. After mutual civilities, the letter from the king of Portugal was read, proposing the settlement of trade between the two nations, to which the king of Quiloa assented, and agreed that Alonso Hurtado should wait upon him next day with an account of the kinds of merchandize the Portuguese had to dispose of, for which he promised to give gold in exchange. But when Hurtado went next day on shore, the king made many excuses for not performing his promise, pretending to have no need of the commodities, and believing that the general came to conquer his country. The true reason was because he was a Moor and we were Christians, and he was unwilling to have any trade or intercourse with us. After this the general remained three or four days, to see if the king would change his mind; but he continued inflexible, and strengthened himself with armed men, as jealous of being attacked.

Finding that nothing could be done here, the general went on his voyage, and arrived at Melinda on the 2d of August. At this port he found three ships at anchor belonging to Moorish merchants of Cambaya; but, though laden with great riches, he would not meddle with them, out of respect for the king of Melinda. On coming to anchor the general saluted the king with all his ordnance; on which the king sent a complimentary message of welcome, with a present of many sheep, hens, and ducks, and great quantities of fruits. The general sent a message in return, intimating that he had come here by orders of the king of Portugal, to know if his highness had any service which the fleet could perform for him, and to deliver a letter and a rich present from the king of Portugal, which he would send whenever his highness pleased to give his commands. The king was much pleased with this message, and detained the messenger all night, most part of which he spent in making inquiries respecting the kingdom of Portugal. As soon as it was day, the king sent two principal Moors to wait upon the general, declaring his joy at his arrival, and desiring, if he had need of any thing in the country, to command all there as his own. The general then sent Aries Correa, the factor-general of the fleet, on shore to deliver the letter and presents, accompanied by most of the principal officers, and having all the trumpeters of the fleet sounding before him. The present consisted of the rich caparison of a riding-horse, of the most splendid and shewy fashion. The king sent the nobles of his court to receive Correa in great state, and several women who had censers or perfuming pans which filled the air with a delightful odour. The king received Correa in his palace, which was very near the water side, sitting in his chair of state, and accompanied by many noblemen and gentlemen. The letter, which was written hi Portuguese on one side and Arabic on the other, being read, and the present laid before the king, he and his nobles all in one voice gave thanks to God and Mahomet for granting them the friendship of so great a prince. During the three days which the fleet continued here, Correa remained on shore at the kings particular request, in which he constantly employed himself in inquiries concerning the customs of the king of Portugal and the conduct of his government.

The king of Melinda was very anxious to have Cabral to come on shore to the palace, but he excused himself as having been ordered by his master not to land at any port, with which the king was satisfied, yet desired to have an interview on the water. On this occasion, though the palace was very near the sea, he went on horseback to the shore, having his horse decorated with the rich caparisons sent him by the king of Portugal, which were obliged to be put on by one of our men as none of the natives knew their use. On coming to the shore, certain principal natives waited at the foot of the stair, having a live sheep, which they opened alive, taking out the bowels, and the king rode over the carcase of the sheep. This is a kind of ceremony that the witches there do use.[16] After this he went to the water side, with all his train on foot, saying in a loud voice certain words of incantation. The interview with the general took place on the water in great ceremony, and the king gave him a pilot to carry the fleet to Calicut. Cabral left two banished men at Melinda to inform themselves of all the circumstances of the country to the best of their abilities. One of these, called Machado, when he had learned the Arabic language, went afterwards by land to the straits of the Red Sea, and from thence by Cambaya to Balagarte, and settled with the sabayo or lord of Goa, passing always for a Moor. This man was afterwards very serviceable to Albuquerque, as will be seen hereafter.

Leaving Melinda on the 7th of August, he came to Ansandina or Anche-diva, on the 20th of that month, where he waited some days for the fleet of Mecca, which he meant to have attacked. While there, the whole of the crews confessed and received the sacrament. No ships appearing, the fleet left Anchediva and sailed for Calicut, coming to anchor within a league of that place on the 13th of September. Several almadias came off immediately to sell victuals: And some of the principal nayres, with a Guzurat merchant, brought a message from the zamorin,[17] declaring his satisfaction at the arrival of the general at his city, in which every thing he might need was at his command. The general made a polite answer to the king, with thanks for his civility, and gave orders to bring the fleet nearer to the city, in doing which all the ordnance was fired as a salute, to the great astonishment of the natives, the idolaters among them saying that it was impossible to resist us. Next day one Gaspar[18] was sent on shore to the zamorin, desiring to have a safe-conduct for a deputation from the general to wait on his highness; and along with Gaspar the four Malabars who had been carried away from Calicut by Don Vasco de la Gama were sent on shore. These men were all finely dressed in Portuguese habits, and the whole inhabitants of the city came out to see them, rejoiced to find they had been well treated. Though the zamorin was well pleased with the safe return of his subjects, he refused allowing them to come into his presence as they were only fishermen, or of a low cast; but he sent for Gaspar, whom he received with civility, and whom he assured that our people might come on shore in perfect safety. On receiving this intelligence, Cabral sent Alonso Hurtado to the zamorin, intimating that the Portuguese fleet had come on purpose to settle trade and friendship, and that the general wished for an audience in which to arrange these matters with his highness. But had orders from the king his master not to go on shore without sufficient pledges for his security; among whom he demanded the kutwal of Calicut and Araxamenoca one of the chiefs of the nayres.[19] On this occasion Hurtado was accompanied by a person who could speak the language, to act as his interpreter.

The zamorin was unwilling to send the hostages required, alleging that they were old and sickly, and offered to send others who were better able to endure the hardships of living on board. Yet he afterwards, at the instigation of the Moors, was against sending any hostages; as they made him believe that the general shewed little confidence in his promise, which was derogatory to his honour and dignity. This negociation lasted three days, as Hurtado insisted on this as a necessary preliminary. At length, desirous of having trade settled with us, owing to the advantages which would accrue to his revenue, the zamorin agreed to give the hostages required. On which, leaving the command of the fleet in his absence to Sancho de Toar, Cabral directed that the hostages should be well treated, but on no account to deliver them to any one even although demanded in his name. On the 28th of December, Cabral went on shore magnificently dressed and attended by thirty of his principal officers and others, the kings servants, in as much state as if he had been king of Portugal; carrying with him rich furniture for his apartments, with a cupboard of plate containing many rich pieces of gilt silver. He was met by many principal nayres, sent by the zamorin to wait upon him, and attended by a numerous train, among whom were many persons sounding trumpets sackbuts and other musical instruments. The zamorin waited for him in a gallery close by the shore, which had been erected on purpose; and while the general went towards the shore, accompanied by all the boats of the fleet, dressed out with flags and streamers, the hostages were carried on board his ship, where they were loath to enter till they should see the general on shore, lest he might return and detain them; but were at last reassured of their safety by Aries Correa. On landing, Cabral was received in great state by several caymals, pinakals, and other principal nayres; by whose directions he was placed in an andor or chair, in which he was carried to the serame or hall of audience, where the king waited his arrival.

The serame or gallery, was all hung round with rich carpets, called alcatifas; and at the farther end the zamorin sat in an alcove or recess resembling a small chapel, with a canopy of unshorn crimson velvet over his head, and having twenty silk cushions under him and about him. The zamorin was almost naked, having only a piece of white cotton round his waist, wrought with gold. On his head he wore a cap of cloth of gold resembling a helmet. In his ears he had rich jewels of diamonds, sapphires, and pearls, two of the latter being as large as walnuts. His arms, from the elbows to the wrists, were covered with golden bracelets, set with numberless precious stones of great value; and his legs, from the knees to the ankles, were similarly adorned. His fingers and toes had numerous rings, and on one of his great toes he wore a ruby of great size and wonderful brilliancy. One of his diamonds was bigger than a large bean. All these were greatly surpassed by his girdle of gold and jewels, which was altogether inestimable, and was so brilliant that it dazzled the eyes of the beholders. Beside the zamorin was a rich throne or state chair, all of gold and jewels; and his andor, in which he had been carried from the palace was of similar richness, and stood near him. He was attended by twenty trumpeters, seventeen of whom had silver trumpets, and three of them gold, all the mouth-pieces being finely wrought and set with jewels. Although in full day, the hall was lighted by many silver lamps, in the fashion of the Moors. Close by the king there stood a spitting basin of gold, and several silver perfuming-pans, which produced an excellent odour. Six paces from the king, he was attended on by his two brothers, who were the nearest heirs to the kingdom; and a little farther off were many noblemen, all standing.

On entering the hall, and seeing the splendid state of the zamorin, Cabral would have kissed his hand, as is the custom of Europe; but was informed that this was not customary among them, and therefore sat down in a chair near the king, which was appointed for him as an especial honour. He then delivered his letter of credit from the king of Portugal, written in Arabic, and then said, that the king his master, willing to cultivate trade and friendship with the zamorin and his subjects, had given him orders to require permission to establish a factory or house of trade in Calicut, which should always be supplied with every kind of merchandize that was in demand; and requested the zamorin to supply a sufficient loading of spices for the ships under his command, which he was ready to pay for, either by means of the commodities he had on board, or in ready money. The zamorin seemed or affected to be pleased with the embassy, and said that the king of Portugal was welcome to every thing in his city of which he was in need. At this time the present from the king of Portugal to the zamorin was brought forwards; which, among other things, contained, a richly wrought basin and ewer of silver gilt; a gilt silver flaggon and cover of similar workmanship; two silver maces; four cushions, two of which were cloth of gold, and the other two of unshorn crimson velvet; a state canopy of cloth of gold, bound and fringed with gold; a carpet of rich crimson velvet; two very rich arras hangings, one ornamented with human figures, and the other with representations of trees and flowers. The zamorin was much satisfied with this present, and said the general might either retire to his lodgings for rest and refreshment, or might return to his ships as he thought best; but, as the hostages were men of high cast and could not endure the sea, who could neither eat or drink while on board consistent with their customs, it became necessary that they should come on shore. Wherefore, if the general would return to his ship and send these men on shore, and inclined to come back next day to conclude all matters relative to the trade of Calicut, the same hostages should be again sent on board. As the general placed confidence in these assurances of the zamorin, he went on board, leaving Hurtado and other seven of his people in charge of his valuables that were left on shore. When at the water side and ready to embark, a servant of one of the hostages, who was dispatched by the comptroller of the zamorins household, went before in an almadia or small pinnace, and gave notice to the hostages that the general was coming on board. On which they leapt into the sea, meaning to escape to land in the almadia with the servant: But Aries Correa went immediately with some of the Portuguese mariners in a boat, and retook two of the hostages, with three or four of the Malabars belonging to the almadia: The rest of the hostages, among whom was the kutwal, got to the city.

When Cabral came on board and learnt what had happened, he ordered the two remaining hostages to be secured below deck, and sent a complaint to the zamorin against the conduct of the hostages, laying all the blame on the comptroller. He desired the messenger to inform the zamorin of the situation of the two remaining hostages, and to say that they should be liberated whenever the Portuguese and the goods on shore were sent back to the ships. Next day the zamorin came to the shore accompanied by 12, 000 men, and sent off the Portuguese people and their commodities to the ships in thirty almadias, with orders to bring back the hostages. But none of the Malabars in the almadias dared to approach the ships, being afraid of the Portuguese, and returned therefore to the land without delivering our people and commodities. Next day, the general sent some of his own boats to land the pledges, but at some distance from the almadias; on which occasion Araxamenoca, one of the hostages, leapt into the sea with an intention to escape, but was retaken; and while our people were busied in securing him, the other hostage made his escape. The general was astonished at the want of truth and honour in these people, and gave orders to keep Araxamenoca in strict custody; but finding at the end of three days that the zamorin did not send for him, and that during all this period he refused all sustenance, Cabral took compassion on him and sent him to the zamorin, requesting that two of our men who remained on shore might be sent on board, which was complied with.

After waiting three days without any message from the zamorin, the general sent one Francisco Correa to inquire if he inclined to confirm the agreement between them, in which case he would send Aries Correa on shore to treat with his highness, for whose safety he required hostages. The zamorin answered that he was perfectly willing to have the trade established, and that the general might send Aries Correa or any other person on shore for that purpose, and transmitted two grandsons of a rich merchant of Guzerate as hostages. Aries Correa went accordingly on shore, and was accommodated by the orders of the zamorin with a convenient house for himself and his goods, which belonged to the Guzerate merchant, who was likewise commanded to assist Correa in regard to the prices of his merchandize and all other things relating to the trade and customs of the place. But this man being a friend to the Moors of Mecca, thwarted him in all things instead of giving him assistance. The Moors were determined enemies to our people, both for being Christians, and lest their credit and advantageous traffic in Calicut might suffer by the establishment of our trade in that port. Wherefore, by means of their confederacy with the Guzerate merchant, they took our goods at any price they pleased, and intimidated the Malabars from trading with us. The Moors concluded that the establishment of our factory would lower the price of such commodities as they had to sell, and would inhance the value of the spiceries, drugs, and jewels which they took in exchange. On this account they thwarted Correa in all his transactions, offering higher prices than ordinary for every article, by which he was constrained to buy every thing at a very dear rate. If at any time he wished an audience of the zamorin, the Moors always contrived to be present, that some of them might speak against him. In this conduct they were assisted by Samicide[20], a Moor, who was admiral of Calicut; who likewise hindered any of our people of the factory from going on board the fleet, and detained any of our boats that approached the shore, pretending to do this by command of the zamorin.

On learning this sinister conduct of the Moorish admiral of Calicut, and suspecting some intended treachery, the general gave orders to the fleet to weigh their anchors, and to remove out of the harbour, lest they might be attacked by the zamorins fleet, and that he might take counsel with the other captains for the safety of the expedition. On learning this, the zamorin inquired the reason from Correa, who urged the injurious behaviour of the Moors, and told him all that they had done. The zamorin immediately gave orders that the Moors should discontinue their villanous conduct towards us, and even removed the Guzerate merchant from our factory, appointing one Cosebequin[21] in his place, who, though a Moor, was a very honest man and behaved to us in a friendly manner. This man was of great credit in Calicut, being the head of all the native Moors of that country, who are always at variance with the Moors of Cairo and of the Red Sea, of whom the admiral Samicide was the chief. The Zamorin gave farther orders, that our factory should be removed to a house close to the shore which belonged to Cosebequin, that our merchants might have greater freedom to buy and sell, without any interruption from the Moors. For the greater security, a deed of gift was made of this house by the zamorin to the king of Portugal and his successors for ever, a copy of which, signed and sealed by the zamorin, was enclosed in a casket of gold that it might be conveyed to Portugal; and permission was given to display a flag of the royal arms of Portugal from the top of the factory[22]. On receiving intelligence of these favourable measures, Cabral brought back the fleet into the harbour of Calicut, and sent his compliments of thanks to the zamorin for his gracious and favourable dispositions. After this, our factory had tolerably good fortune in conducting its trade by the assistance of Cosebequin: and the natives, finding our factory favoured by the zamorin, behaved so very civilly to our people that they could go about wherever they pleased, with as much freedom and safety as in Lisbon.

During the subsistence of this friendly intercourse, a large Moorish ship was descried from Calicut on its voyage from Cochin for Cambaya; and the zamorin requested our general to make prize of the ship, alleging that it contained a peculiarly fine elephant which he wished to possess, and which had been refused to him although he had offered more than its value. The general answered that he would do this willingly to gratify his highness; but, as he was informed the ship was large and well manned, both with mariners and soldiers, it could not be expected to surrender without resistance, in which some men might be slain on both sides, and it was therefore necessary he should have the sanction of his highness to kill these people in case of resistance, which was accordingly granted. Upon which the general sent Pedro de Tayde in his caravel, accompanied by a valiant young gentleman named Duarte, or Edward Pacheco, and by sixty fighting men, with orders to take this ship. Along with them the zamorin sent certain Moors, that they might witness the manner of fighting used by the Portuguese. The caravel gave chase to the Moorish ship till night, and then lost sight of her; but in sailing along shore by moon-light, they saw her riding at anchor, ready for defence, judging her to be about 600 tons burthen, and to contain 300 fighting men. Pacheco, according to his orders, did not think proper to lay the Moorish ship on board, but commanded his ship to be brought to, intending to sink the Moorish ship by means of his ordnance, in case of necessity. The Moors made light of our small force, which they greeted with loud cries and the sound of musical instruments, after which they played their ordnance against our caravel. They were bravely answered by our men, and one of our balls struck them between wind and water, so that the Moorish ship took in much water; and many of their men being killed and wounded by our shot, they bore away for the bay of Cananor, which was very near, and came there to anchor beside other four Moorish ships. Pacheco followed them and continued to batter them with his guns, and had assuredly taken them had not certain paroas belonging to the Moors come from the port of Cananor to their assistance. The night growing very dark, Pacheco quitted the bay lest his caravel might be set on fire by the Moors, and came to anchor close to an island at a short distance, having had nine of his men wounded by arrows during the engagement.

Next morning Pacheco again attacked the Moorish ship, which at last yielded, to the great displeasure of the natives of Cananor, who had flocked to the seaside intending to have succoured the Moors; but, on Pacheco sending a few shots among them, they all dispersed. Pacheco came next day to Calicut with his prize, where the zamorin came down to the water side to see the Moorish ship, giving great praise to our people for their prowess, being much astonished that so great a ship should be taken by one so much inferior in size and number of men. The general commanded this ship to be delivered to the zamorin, together with the seven elephants that were on board, which were worth in Calicut 30,000 crowns. He also sent a message to the zamorin, saying that he need not be astonished at this action as he would perform much greater actions to serve his highness. The zamorin returned thanks for what had been done, and desired the brave men who had performed this gallant action to be sent him, that he might do them honour and reward them as they deserved; and he bestowed large presents upon Pacheco in particular. Some affirm that the performance of this gallant feat by so small a number of our men against such great odds, raised fear and jealousy of the Portuguese in the mind of the zamorin, and made him anxious to get them away from his country; for which cause he gave his consent to the treachery which was used against them, as I mean to shew in the sequel[23].

The Moors of Calicut were more terrified than ever at the Portuguese in consequence of the capture of this ship, and were much offended by the favour bestowed by the zamorin upon our men for their gallantry on this occasion. They believed that all this was done, out of, revenge against themselves, for the injuries they had done us, and was intended to induce them to retire from Calicut; especially as our people brought there as great store of merchandize as they did, and bought as many spices. Taking all this into consideration, they procured an audience of the zamorin, to whom one of their number made the following oration in the name of all the Moors.

"Emparather[24] of all the Malabars, as great as the mightiest sovereign of the Indies, and most powerful among the princes of the earth. We are astonished that you should debase yourself by receiving into your country these enemies of your law and strangers to the customs of your kingdom, who seem pirates rather than merchants. We should not wonder at your so doing were your city in want of the commodities they bring, or could not otherwise dispose of the spiceries they purchase: But we, whom you have long known and whose fidelity you are well assured of by experience, have always done both to the great increase of your revenue. You appear to forget all this, by receiving those whom you do not know into your favour, and employing them to revenge your injuries, as if your own numerous and faithful subjects were incompetent for the purpose. In this you dishonour yourself, and embolden these strangers to hold your power in contempt, and to act as we know they will hereafter, by robbing and plundering all merchant ships that frequent your port, to the ruin of your country, and who will at length take possession of your city. This is the true intent of their coming into these seas, and not to trade for spices as they pretend. Their country is almost 5000 leagues from hence, and the voyage out and home is attended by many dangers through unknown and stormy seas, besides the great cost of their large ships with so many men and guns; Hence at whatever prices they may dispose of their spices in Portugal, it is obvious such a trade must be carried on with great loss; which is a manifest proof that they are pirates, and not merchants, who come here to rob, and to take your city. The house you have given them for a factory, they will convert into a fort, from whence they will make war on you when you least expect it. All this we say more from the good will we owe you, than for any profit; for, if you do not listen to our advice, there are other cities in Malabar to which we will remove, and to which the spices will be conveyed for us."

To this harangue the zamorin gave a favourable answer, saying that he would give attention to all they had said, of which indeed he already had some suspicions. That he had employed the Portuguese to seize the ship to try their courage, and had allowed them to load their ships, that the money they had brought to purchase goods might remain in the country; and finally, that he would not forsake them in favour of the strangers. The Moors were by no means satisfied with all this, because the zamorin did not order us to depart from Calicut, and did not stop our trade, which was their chief purpose. Though disappointed in these views, they continued to intermiddle in our affairs, particularly by buying up the spices and sending them elsewhere, in hope of irritating our people, and bringing on a quarrel, that they might have a pretext to attack us. This they were much inclined to bring about, as, being greatly more numerous than our men, they hoped the zamorin would take part with them against us. They likewise used all possible means to draw over the common people of Calicut to their side, and to excite them to enmity, against us, by making them believe that our people had injured them.

Through those devices, our factor was unable to procure more spices than sufficed to load two ships in the course of three months, from which the general was convinced that the friendly assurances of the zamorin was little to be depended on; and if he had not been afraid of not being able to procure a sufficient supply elsewhere, he would have gone to another port: But, having already consumed a long time and been at heavy charges, he determined to remain at Calicut, and sent a message to the zamorin, complaining of the delays, which ill accorded with the promises of his highness, that the whole fleet should be loaded in twenty days, whereas three months were now elapsed and the loading of two ships only was procured. He urged the zamorins promise that the Portuguese ships were to be first loaded; whereas he had assured information that the Moors had bought up great quantities of spices at lower prices, and sent them to other places, and begged the zamorin to consider that it was now time for the ships to begin their voyage to Portugal, and that he anxiously wished for dispatch. On receiving this message, the zamorin pretended to be much surprised that our ships were still unprovided with a loading, and could not believe that the Moors had secretly bought up and removed the spices, contrary to his orders; and even gave permission to the general to take those ships belonging to the Moors which were laden with spices, paying the same prices for the spices which had been given by the Moors. This intelligence gave much satisfaction to the Moors, as a favourable opportunity for drawing on hostilities with the Portuguese; and, accordingly, one of the principal Moorish merchants began immediately to load his ship: openly with all kinds of drugs and spices, and suborned several Moors and Indians, who pretended to be the friends of our factor, to insinuate that he would never be able to find a sufficient loading for our fleet, if he did not seize that ship. Correa listened to this insidious advice, which he communicated to the general, urging him to take that Moorish ship, as he had license from the zamorin to that effect. The general was exceedingly unwilling to proceed to this extremity, afraid of the influence of the Moors with the zamorin, and of producing hostilities with the natives. But Correa remonstrated against delay, protesting that the general should be responsible for all losses that might accrue to the king of Portugal through his neglect. Over-persuaded by this urgency of the factor, the general sent all the boats of the squadron on the 17th of December to take possession of the Moorish ship.

When this intelligence was received on shore, the Moors thought this a favourable opportunity of destroying our people, and immediately raised a great outcry against the Portuguese, incensing the people of the city to join with them in complaining to the zamorin; to whom they went in a tumultuous manner, representing that we had bought and shipped a much larger quantity of drugs and spices than the value of all our merchandize, and not contented with this, were for taking all like thieves and pirates; they blamed the zamorin for permitting us to trade in the city, and requested his license to revenge themselves upon us for the loss of their vessel. The faithless and inconstant king save them the license they required; on which they immediately armed themselves, and ran furiously to our factory, which was surrounded by a wall eight or ten feet high, and contained at that time seventy Portuguese, among whom was Fra Henriques and his friars. Of our people in the factory, only eight were armed with crossbows, all the rest being only armed with swords, with nothing to defend them but their cloaks. On hearing the tumult, our people went to the gate of the factory, and seeing only a few assailants, they thought to defend themselves with their swords against a mischievous rabble, but the numbers of the Moors soon increased, and galled our people so severely with their spears and arrows, that they were forced to shut the gates, after killing seven of the enemy, hoping to be able to defend themselves by means of the wall. In this conflict four of our men were slain, and several wounded, and all the remainder mounted the wall to defend it by means of the crossbows, judging that the assailants were at least four thousand men, among whom were several nayres.

Cores now found himself unable to defend the factory against so great a force, and therefore hoisted a flag as signal to the fleet. The general was at this time sick in bed, having been just blooded, and was not therefore able to go in person to relieve the people in the factory; but immediately sent all the boats of the fleet, well manned, under the command of Sancho de Toar. But he was afraid to venture on land with so small a force against so great a multitude, or even to approach too near the shore, lest the enemies might assail him in their almadias and tonis. He lay off, therefore, at a considerable distance, where he remained a spectator of the valiant defence made by our people at the factory, whence they killed great numbers of the assailants. But their enemies always increased in numbers, and they at length brought up certain engines to beat down part of the wall, in which they at length succeeded. On this, our men issued out by a door which led towards the sea side, in hopes of being able to fight their way to the boats, in which attempt Corea was slain, and fifty more of our men were either killed or made prisoners, twenty only escaping who swam to the boats, most of whom were much wounded. Among these were Fra Henriques, and Antonio, the son of Aries Corea, then only eleven years old; who hath since done many noble feats of arms in the Indies and other places, as I shall afterwards declare in the Fourth Book of this history.