"From the period of the abdication of Shermanoo, to that of the arrival of the Portuguese at Calicut, the Mahomedan religion had made considerable progress in Malabar; and the Arabian merchants received every encouragement from the Samoories or Zamorins, as they made Calicut the staple of their Indian trade, and brought large sums of money yearly to that place, for the purchase of spiceries and other commodities. As the rajahs of Cochin and other petty sovereignties on the coast, were exceedingly jealous of the superior riches and power of the zamorins, and of the monopoly of trade enjoyed by Calicut, they gave every encouragement to the Portuguese to frequent their ports; from whence arose a series of warfare by sea and land, which has finally reduced them all under subjection to the Europeans."

"According to an Arabian author, Zeirreddien Mukhdom, who is supposed to have been sent to assist the zamorins and the Mahomedans in India, in their wars with the Portuguese, Malabar is then said to have been divided among a multiplicity of independent princes or rajahs, whom he calls Hakims, some of whom commanded over one or two hundred men, and others one, ten, fifteen, or even as high as thirty, thousand, or upwards. The three greatest powers at that time were, the Colastrian[53] rajah to the north, the zamorin of Calicut in the centre, and a rajah in the south, who ruled from Coulan, Kalum, or Coulim, to Cape Comorin, comprehending the country now belonging to the rajah of Travancore."

"We now return from this digression, to follow the narrative of the Portuguese Discovery and Conquest of India, as related by Castaneda."

So great was the trade and population of Calicut and the surrounding country, and the revenues of its sovereign through these circumstances, that he was able to raise a force of thirty thousand men in a single day, and could even bring an hundred thousand men into the field, completely equipt for war, in three days. This prince, in the language of the country, was styled the Zamorin, or Samoryn, which signifies Emperor; as he was supreme over the other two kings of Malabar, the king of Coulan and the king of Cananor. There were indeed other princes in this country, who were called kings, but were not so. This zamorin or king of Calicut was a bramin, as his predecessors had been, the bramins being priests among the Malabars. It is an ancient rule and custom among these people, that all their kings must die in a pagoda[54], or temple of their idols; and that there must always be a king resident in the principal pagoda, to serve those idols: Wherefore, when the king that serves in the temple comes to die, he who then reigns must leave his government of temporal affairs to take his place in the temple; upon which another is elected to take his place, and to succeed in ruling the kingdom. If the king who is in possession of the temporal authority should refuse to retire to the pagoda, on the death of the king who officiated in spirituals, he is constrained to do so, however unwilling.

The kings and nobles of Malabar are of a brown complexion, and go naked from the waist upwards, all the under parts of their bodies being clothed in silk or cotton Vestments; yet they sometimes wear short gowns on their upper parts, called basus, of rich silk, or cloth of gold, or of scarlet, splendidly ornamented with precious stones, of all which the zamorin hath great store. They shave their beards, leaving only the hair on their upper lips, and do not shave the head like the Turks. In general, the natives of this country, even of the higher ranks, use little state in their households, and are very sparing in their diet; but the zamorin is served with considerable splendour. These kings or nobles never marry; but every one has a mistress of the Nayre cast, which, among the Malabars, are considered as the gentry; even the zamorin has only a mistress, who has a house of her own near the palace, and a liberal allowance for the charges of her household and maintenance at her own disposal. Upon any dislike or difference, he may always leave her for another. The children are only considered as the offspring of the mother, and have no right or title to inherit the kingdom, or any thing else belonging to the father; and when grown up, are only held in that rank or estimation which belongs to the blood or parentage of their mother. Brothers succeed to brothers; and in lack of these, the sons of their sisters, who do not marry, and have no certainty respecting the fathers of their children; as they are very free and dissolute in their manners, choosing paramours as they please.

These sisters of the zamorin, and other kings of Malabar, have handsome allowances to live upon; and when any of them reaches the age of ten, their kindred send for a young man of the Nayre cast, out of the kingdom, and give him great presents to induce him to initiate the young virgin; after which he hangs a jewel round her neck, which she wears all the rest of her life, as a token that she is now at liberty to dispose of herself to any one she pleases as long as she lives.

When these kings are at war with each other, they often go personally into the field, and even join personally in fight upon occasion. When one of them dies, the body is carried out into the fields, and burned on a pile of sanders, and of another sweet smelling wood called aguila, all his brothers and kindred, and all the nobles of the country being present at the ceremony; which is uniformly postponed to the third day after death, that all may have time to gather from a distance, and may have an opportunity of being assured whether his death was natural, or caused by violence: Since, if he died by the hand of any one, all are bound to prosecute revenge. After the body is burnt, and the ashes buried, the whole company shaves every part of their bodies, even to the youngest child of these idolaters. This is their token of mourning; and during the ensuing thirteen days, they all refrain from chewing betel, any one infringing this law being punished by cutting his lips. During this period of thirteen days, he who is to succeed to the throne must abstain from all exercise of government, that any one who pleases may have an opportunity of urging any valid objection why he should not acquire the vacant government. After, this the successor is sworn before all the nobles of the country, to preserve and enforce all the laws and customs of their ancestors, to pay the debts of his predecessor, and to use his utmost endeavours to recover any portion of the kingdom that may have been lost. While taking this oath, having his sword in his left hand, he holds in his right hand a burning candle, on which is a gold ring, which he touches with his fingers. After this they throw some grains of rice over him, using many other ceremonies, and numerous prayers, and then worship the sun three times. When all these ceremonies are gone through, all the Caymayles, or lords of noble birth, taking hold of the candle, take an oath to be true and faithful subjects to the new king.

After the end of the thirteen days mourning, they all begin to chew betel, and to eat flesh and fish as formerly, the new king alone excepted. He is bound to mourn for his predecessor during a whole year, chewing no betel, eating no flesh or fish, neither shaving his beard nor cutting; his nails during all that time. He must eat only once a-day, washing himself all over before this single meal, and devoting certain hours of every day to prayer. After the expiry of the year, he uses a certain ceremony for the soul of the king his predecessor, much like our solemn dirge; at which 100,000 persons are often assembled, among whom he distributes large alms. When this ceremony is ended, the prince is confirmed as inheritor of the kingdom, and all the people depart.

The zamorin of Calicut, and the other kings of Malabar, have each one especial officer, to whom the administration of justice is confided, and whose authority in all matters of government is as ample as that of the king himself. The soldiers employed by these kings are called Nayres, who are all gentlemen, and who follow no other office or employ but that of fighting when needed. They are all idolaters, armed with bows, arrows, spears, daggers of a hooked form, and targets, and they march in a very regular and warlike manner; but they go entirely naked and barefooted, wearing only a piece of painted cotton cloth, which reaches from the girdle to the knees, and a cloth or kerchief on their heads. All these men live continually at the charge of the king and nobles of the country, from whom they have small stipends for their maintenance; and they esteem themselves so highly on account of their gentility of blood, that they will not touch an husbandman, nor allow any such to enter into their dwellings. When any husbandman goes through the streets they must continually call out aloud hoo hoo; for if commanded by a nayre to make way, they may be slain if they refuse. The king cannot raise any one to the rank of a nayre, who are all such by descent. These nayres serve very faithfully under those who give them their wages, not sparing by day or night to use their best endeavours to serve their chiefs, nor making any account of want of food or sleep, or of fatigue, when their service is required or may be effectual. Their expences are so small, that on half-a-crown, which is their only monthly pay, they can sufficiently maintain themselves and a boy, whom each has as a servant.

By the laws of this country, these nayres cannot marry, so that no one has any certain or acknowledged son or father; all their children being born of mistresses, with each of whom three or four nayres cohabit by agreement among themselves. Each one of this confraternity dwells a day in his turn with the joint mistress, counting from noon of one day to the same time of the next, after which he departs, and another comes for the like time. They thus spend their lives without the care or trouble of wives and children, yet maintain their mistresses well according to their rank. Any one may forsake his mistress at his pleasure; and in like manner, the mistress may refuse admittance to any one oL her lovers when she pleases. These mistresses are all gentlewomen of the Nayre cast; and the nayres, besides being prohibited from marrying, must not attach themselves to any woman of a different rank. Considering that there are always several men attached to one woman, the nayres never look upon any of these children born of their mistresses as belonging to them, however strong a resemblance may subsist, and all inheritances among the nayres go to their brothers, or the sons of their sisters, born of the same mothers, all relationship being counted only by female consanguinity and descent. This strange law prohibiting marriage, was established, that they might have neither wives or children on whom to fix their love and attachment; and that being free from all family cares, they might the more willingly devote themselves entirely to warlike service. And the more to animate these gentlemen in the service of the wars, and to encourage them to continue in the order of nayres, they are privileged from all imprisonments, and from the punishment of death on all ordinary occasions, except for the following crimes; killing another nayre, or a cow which is an object of worship, sleeping or eating with an ordinary woman, or speaking evil of the king. When the king has received authentic information of any of these offences having been committed, he issues a written mandate to one of the nayres, commanding him to take two or three other nayres in his company, and to slay the nayre who has committed this offence against the laws. In obedience to this warrant, they attack him with their swords and put him to death where-ever they happen to find him, and then affix the royal order upon his body, that all may know the reason of his death.

It is not permitted to any nayre to assume arms, or to enter into any combat, till he has been armed as a knight. When a nayre becomes seven years old, he is set to learn the use of all kinds of weapons, their masters first pulling and twisting their joints to make them supple, and then teaching them to fence and handle their arms adroitly. Their principal weapons are swords and targets; and these teachers, who are graduates in the use of the weapons, are called Panycaes, who are much esteemed among the nayres, and all their former scholars, however advanced in life or however high their dignity, are bound at all times to give them due honour and reverence when they meet; likewise, every nayre is obliged to take lessons from these professors for two months yearly, all their lives: By this means they are very skilful in the use of their weapons, in which they take great pride. When a nayre desires to be armed as a knight, he presents himself before the king, accompanied by all his kindred and friends, and makes an offering of sixty gold fannoms [55]. On which he is asked by the king if he is willing to observe and follow the laws and customs of the nayres, to which he answers in the affirmative. Then the king commands him to be girt with a sword, and laying his right hand on his head, utters certain words as if praying in so low a voice that he is not heard. The king then embraces the young nayre, saying aloud in their language, "Take good care to defend the Bramins and their kine." On this the nayre falls down and does reverence to the king; and from that time he is considered as a knight, or member of the fraternity of nayres. When any of the nayres enters into the peculiar service of the king or of any individual noble, he binds himself to die with and for him, and they keep their oaths. For, if their master should happen to be slain in any war or otherwise, they will fight till they are all slain; and if they cannot accomplish their purpose at the time, or happen to be absent at the slaughter of their master, they go afterwards in search of the person who has done the deed, and never leave off till they are themselves slain.

The Malabars are much given to soothsaying, and have lucky and unlucky days. They worship the sun moon and stars, the fire, cows, and the first thing they meet on going out of a morning, believing every manner of vanity. The devil is often in them, but they say it is one of their gods or pagods, as they call him. But whosoever or whatsoever it may be, it constrains them to utter terrible words, which are believed by the king. When the devil enters into a nayre, he goes with a naked sword before the king, shaking and trembling and giving himself many wounds, saying, "I am such or such a god, and am come to tell thee such and such a thing," crying out, and behaving himself like a madman or one possessed. If the king makes any doubt of what he says, he continues to roar still louder and to slash himself more severely, till the king gives credit to his assertions. There are other tribes or lineages of people among the Malabars, of various sects and divers customs, of whom it were too tedious to speak in this place, who are all under obedience to the several kings and nobles. The Moors alone are exempted from this obedience, on account of the large customs they pay for their merchandize, owing to which they are held in high estimation at Calicut.

Having come to anchor on the outside of the bar or reef of Calicut, the general sent one of the Portuguese convicts on shore, in one of the almadias which had conducted the ships to this port; instructing him to see what kind of a place it was, and to make trial of what kind of a reception might be looked for, seeing we were Christians, and as the general believed that the people were likewise Christians. When this man landed, he was immediately surrounded by great numbers of the natives, staring at him as a stranger. These people asked of the fishermen what man this was whom they had brought on shore? to which they answered, that they supposed him to be a Moor, and that he belonged to the three ships which were riding without the bar. But the people of Calicut wondered much to see a person who was clothed so very differently from the Moors who came from the Red Sea. Some of these people who had knowledge of Arabic spoke to this man, but he could not understand or answer them, at which they were much astonished. Yet, believing him to be a Moor, they conducted him to a house where two Moors dwelt who came originally from Tunis and had established themselves in Calicut. On his appearance, one of these Moors whose name was Bontaybo[56], who could speak Spanish, immediately recognized him for a Portuguese, having often seen people of our nation at Tunis in the reign of King John, in a ship named La Reyna which often traded to that port. As soon as Bontaybo saw the Portuguese, he exclaimed in Spanish, Devil take you, what brought you here? He farther inquired which way he had travelled so as to arrive at Calicut? To this the banished man answered, telling how many ships our general had brought with him; at which Bontaybo was much amazed, wondering how they could possibly come by sea from Portugal to India. He then asked what they sought at so great a distance from home? And was answered that they came in search of Christians and spices. Bontaybo then asked why the kings of France and Spain and the Doge of Venice had not sent their ships likewise? Because, said our man, the king of Portugal would not allow them. To this Bontaybo said, he was much in the right. After some farther conversation in this way, Bontaybo gave him good entertainment, commanding certain cakes of wheat flour and honey, called apes by the Malabars, to be set before him; and then said that he would accompany him to the ships to wait upon the general.

Bontaybo accordingly came on board our general, whom he immediately addressed in Spanish, saying, "Good luck! good luck! many rubies, many emeralds. Thou art bound to give God thanks for having brought thee where there is abundance of all sorts of spices, precious stones, and all the other riches of the world." On hearing this, the general and all the people were greatly astonished, not expecting to meet any one so far from home who understood their language; and even shed tears of joy for this happy circumstance, and their safe arrival. They all then joined in humble and hearty thanks to the Almighty, by whose favour and assistance alone this great happiness and good fortune had been accorded to them. The general embraced Bontaybo, whom he made to sit beside him, and questioned him if he were a Christian, and how he came to Calicut. Bontaybo told him frankly that he was a Moor from Tunis in Barbary, and had come to Calicut by way of Cairo and the Red Sea, and explained how he came to know the Portuguese, as has been already mentioned. He farther declared, that he had always been well disposed towards the Portuguese nation, having always found them worthy of confidence and friendship in all their dealings; and, having been a friend to them in times past, he would not discontinue his good will, and was ready and willing to do every thing in his power to serve them, and to assist them in the objects for which they had now come to Calicut. The general gave him many thanks for his good will, and promised to reward him liberally for the friendly aid he might give to him and his expedition, expressing his extreme satisfaction at being so fortunate as to meet such a person in this place, believing that God had sent him here to promote the great objects of this voyage, for which he passed through so many and long continued dangers, being quite sensible that he must have reaped little profit from all his labours without such friendly assistance.

The general then requested information from Bontaybo, as to the character of the king or zamorin of Calicut, and whether, in his opinion, he would willingly receive him as ambassador from the king of Portugal. Bontaybo represented the zamorin as a prince of good and honourable dispositions, who, he was convinced, would gladly receive the general as ambassador from a foreign king; more especially, if the objects of his voyage were to establish a trade with Calicut, and if the general had brought with him any merchandize proper for that purpose; since the advantages which the zamorin derived from the customs upon trade formed the chief source of his revenue. He farther informed the general, that the zamorin resided at this time at Panane, a village on the coast about five leagues from Calicut; and advised that the general should send a message there to notify his arrival, and the reasons of his coming. The general was well pleased with this advice and presented certain gifts to Bontaybo, along with whom he sent two of his men to Calicut, requesting Bontaybo to direct them on their way to Panane, which he did accordingly. When these messengers came into the presence of the zamorin, one of them, named Fernan Martyn, declared to him, by means of an interpreter, "That he waited upon his highness on the part of his general, who had arrived in the port of Calicut with three ships, having been sent there by the king of Portugal with letters to his highness, which the general begged permission to present to him." On hearing this message, and before giving any answer, the zamorin commanded each of the two messengers to be presented with a piece cotton cloth and two pieces of silk, such as he used in his own apparel; after which he inquired of Fernan Martyn what king it was who had sent him these letters, and how far his dominions were from thence. Fernan fully answered these inquiries, adding, that he was a Christian prince, and that those whom he had sent in the ships now at Calicut were Christians; and related what great and numerous dangers they had passed through during their voyage. The zamorin was much amazed at the incidents of the voyage which Fernan related at some length, and expressed his satisfaction that so powerful a prince of the Christians should think of sending an ambassador to him from so great a distance. He then desired Fernan to inform the general, that he heartily welcomed him and his people into his dominions, advising him to bring his ships to anchor near a village called Pandarane some way below where the ships then lay, as a far better harbour than Calicut which is an open and very dangerous road for shipping. The zamorin desired likewise that the general might come by land from that place to Calicut, where he would be ready to receive him. After this, the zamorin sent a pilot to navigate the ships to the harbour of Pandarane; but, on coming to the bar of that port, the general did not think it advisable to enter so far within the harbour as the pilot proposed, fearing lest he might expose himself to danger by reposing too great confidence in these people, and placing himself too much within their power. In this he acted with much prudent foresight, by which he wisely avoided the injuries which were afterwards attempted against him at this place.

On his arrival at Pandarane, the general received a message from the kutwal[57] of Calicut, intimating that he and other nobles awaited him on shore by order of the zamorin, to conduct him to the city, and that he had permission to land whenever he pleased[58]. But as the day drew near a close, the general returned an answer excusing himself from landing that night. He immediately called a council of the other captains and principal officers of the fleet, to take their advice on the present emergency, to whom he intimated his intention of going to visit the king of Calicut on purpose to settle a treaty of trade and amity. Paulo de Gama, his brother, strongly objected to his venturing on shore; alleging that although the natives of the place were Christians, as they still believed them, yet there were many Moors among them who were much to be feared as his mortal enemies; since these people at Mozambique and Mombaza, where they had only passed by their ports, endeavoured to destroy them all, they were much more to be feared at Calicut where we had come on purpose to enter into competition with them in trade, by which their profits would be diminished. It was therefore the more probable that they would use every effort to destroy the general, on whom our whole hope of safety and success depended; and, however much the zamorin might regret the commission of such a deed, he could not restore him to life: besides which, the Moors were inhabitants of the place, where they had much interest, whereas the general was an utter stranger. Likewise, it was quite impossible for them to be assured that the king of Calicut might not have leagued with the Moors for his death or captivity; either of which would ruin their voyage and prove the destruction of them all, and all the toils and dangers they had passed through would prove in vain. To prevent all this danger, he strongly urged that the general should on no account go on shore, but should depute one of the captains, or some other person in the fleet in his stead; alleging that commanders in chief ought never to subject themselves to personal danger, unless in cases of the most urgent necessity.

All the officers were of the same opinion. But the general answered, that even if he were perfectly assured that his landing were to occasion his instant death, he would not refrain from going to visit the king of Calicut, to endeavour to settle amity and trade, and that he might procure some spices and other commodities from the place, by means of which their discovery of Calicut might be proved on their return into Portugal: As otherwise, if we returned without any of the productions of the Indies, their discovery would be discredited, and their honour and veracity called in question. "Think not therefore," said he, "but I will rather die, than leave it in hazard that the long time we have already spent, and may yet employ, shall be lost, and others sent to ascertain the truth of our discoveries, while envious persons may have it in their power to discredit our services. Neither do I run into such hazard of death, nor expose you to such dangers as you suppose; seeing that I am going to a city inhabited by Christians, and to a king who wishes the concourse of many merchants in his dominions, as the more of these that frequent his port so much the greater must be his revenue from the customs upon trade. It is not my intention to stay long on shore, so as to give opportunity to the Moors to complot against me; as I propose only to talk with the king and to return in three days, by which time you may have every thing in readiness for our departure. If I should have the good fortune, by the will of God, to establish trade and amity with the king of Calicut, I would not exchange the honour and credit of that transaction for any treasure that could be given me; neither can the king of Calicut settle this affair so well with any other person, as he will honour me the more for being the captain-general of this fleet and the ambassador of our king. Should any other go in my stead, the king might look upon himself as slighted and insulted, under an idea that I do not esteem him worthy to be visited by myself, or that I do not trust him on his word and assurance. Besides, it is not possible for me to give sufficiently ample instructions to any one I might send, to enable him to do what may be necessary under every circumstance that may arise, as I myself might do. Even if it should chance that they kill me, it were better this should happen in the discharge of my duty, than that I should preserve my life by neglecting to perform it. You, my friends, remain at sea in good ships: And if you hear of any mischance befalling me, my desire is that you shall immediately depart and carry home news of our discovery. As for our present subject, there need be no farther argument; as I am determined, with the blessing of God, to proceed to visit the king at Calicut."

When this determination was made known the captains made no farther objections, and chose out twelve persons to accompany him, among whom were Diego Diaz his secretary, Fernan Martinez the interpreter, John de Sala who was afterwards treasurer of the Indies, and nine others; and Paulo de Gama, his brother, was appointed to act as captain-general during his absence. The general, before going on shore, gave pointed orders that no person should on any account be permitted to come on board the ships; but that all who were desirous of any intercourse with them should remain in their boats or almadias. He likewise directed that Nicholas Coello should come every day with his boat well armed as near the shore as he could with safety, on purpose to keep up an intercourse between the ships and himself. All these things being settled, the general went on shore with his twelve attendants, all in their best attire; their boat furnished with much ordnance, dressed out with flags and streamers, and sounding trumpets all the way from the ships to the shore. On landing, the general was received with every demonstration of respect by the kutwal, attended by 200 nayres, and a great concourse of natives, both of the country and from the city of Calicut. After compliments were passed, the general was placed in an andor or litter, which the king of Calicut had sent for his use. In this country it is not customary to travel on horseback, but in these andors. This vehicle is like a horse-litter, except that they are very plain with low sides, and are carried by four men on their shoulders, who run post in this manner, carrying the king or any noble person when on a journey, and going at a great rate. The person in the andor may either sit or lie as he pleases; and certain servants carry umbrellas, which they call bueys, to shelter the person in the andor from the sun and rain. There are other andors which have a curved cane over them like a bow, and are so light that they can be carried by two men.

The general being mounted in one andor and the kutwal in another, they set out for a town called Capocate[59], all the rest being on foot; but the kutwal appointed certain people of the country to carry the baggage of our men, which was restored to them at Capocate, where the party stopped for refreshment, the general and his people being in one house and the kutwal in another. Our people were here provided with boiled fish, with rice and butter, and some of the country fruits which are very good, though quite different from ours. One of these fruits is called lacas, and another Mango, and they have figs likewise. The water was excellent, and as good as any in Portugal. After resting and refreshing themselves at Capocate, the general and his suite were embarked in a vessel called an ensangada, consisting of two almadias lashed side by side. The kutwal and his train embarked in many other boats; and the whole went up a river which discharges itself into the sea at this place. The numbers of people that came to the river side to view our men as they passed was quite countless, by which it appears that the country was well inhabited. After going about a league up this river, our people came to a place where many large ships were drawn up on the shore. The whole party here disembarked and proceeded by land, the general and kutwal in andors as before, being surrounded by thousands who were curious to see the strangers, even many women pressing into the crowd with their children slung at their backs.

From this place the kutwal carried the general to one of their pagodas or idol temples, into which they entered, and which the kutwal said was a church of great holiness. This the general believed to be the case, fancying it to be a church of the Christians; which he the more readily believed, as he saw seven little bells hung over the principal door. In front of this entry, there stood a pillar made of wire as tall as the mast of a ship, on the top of which was a weathercock likewise made of wire. This church was as large as a moderate convent, all built of freestone, and covered, or vaulted over with brick, having a fine outward appearance as if its inside were of splendid workmanship. Our general was much pleased with this church, as he actually believed himself in a Christian country, and gladly entered along with the kutwal. They were received by the priests, who were naked from the waist upwards, having a kind of petticoats of cotton hanging down from the girdle to their knees, and pieces of calico covering their arm-pits, their heads legs and feet bare. They were distinguished by wearing certain threads over their right shoulders, which crossed over their breasts under their left arms, much in the way in which our priests used formerly to wear their stoles when they said mass. These men are called kafrs[60], and are idolaters, serving as priests in the pagodas of Malabar; and on the general going into the pagoda, they took holy water with a sprinkle from a font, and threw it over the kutwal and him and their attendants. After this, they gave them powdered sandalwood to throw upon their heads, as used to be done amongst us with ashes; and they were directed to do the same on their arms. But our people, as being clothed, omitted this latter part of the ceremony, complying with the other.

In this pagoda they saw many images painted on the walls, some of which had monstrous teeth projecting an inch from their mouths, and some had four arms; all of them so ugly that they seemed like devils, which raised doubts among our people whether they were actually in a Christian church. In the middle of the pagoda stood a chapel, having a roof or dome of freestone like a tower, in one part of which was a door of wire, to which there led a flight of stone steps. On the inside of this tower an image was observed in a recess of the wall, which our men could not see distinctly, as the place was somewhat dark, and they were not permitted to go near, as none were allowed to approach except the priests. But from certain words and signs, our people understood this to be an image of the Virgin; on which the general and his attendants went upon their knees to say their prayers[61]. John de Sala, however, being very doubtful that this was not a Christian church, owing to the monstrous images on the walls, said, as he fell on his knees, "If this be the devil, I worship God," on which the general looked at him with a smile. The kutwal and his people, as they approached the chapel, prostrated themselves three times on their faces with their hands extended before them, after which they arose and said their prayers standing.

From this place they went forwards to the city of Calicut, and were taken at their arrival into another pagoda similar to the former. After this, on entering the city, the crowd was so great that they could hardly make their way through the streets. The general was astonished to see such multitudes, and praised GOD for having brought him in safety to this city, humbly beseeching his divine mercy so to guide him on his way that he might accomplish the objects of his expedition, and return safely into Portugal. At length the pressure of the crowd became so great that the bearers were unable to get forwards, and the whole company were forced to take shelter in a house. They were here joined by the kutwals brother, a nobleman who was sent by the king to accompany the general to the palace, and had many nayres along with him. The procession again set out, preceded by many trumpets and sacbuts sounding all the way; and one of the nayres carried a caliver, which he fired off at intervals. After they were joined by the kutwals brother, the mob gave way for the procession to pass, and shewed as much reverence as if the king himself had been present. There went in the procession at least 3000 armed men, and the multitudes of spectators, in the streets, at the doors and windows, and on the roofs, were quite innumerable. The general was well pleased at his honourable reception, and said pleasantly to those of his company, "They little think in Portugal how honourably we are received here."

The procession arrived at the palace an hour before sunset. Though only constructed of earth, the palace was very extensive and seemed a handsome structure, having great numbers of trees interspersed among the different buildings, with pleasant gardens full of fine flowers and odoriferous plants, and many fountains; as the zamorin never goes out of the palace while resident in Calicut. On arriving at the palace, several caymals and other noblemen came out to receive the general, who led him to a large square immediately in front of the gates, whence they passed through four several courts, at the gate of each of which there were ten porters who were obliged to lay about them with sticks among the people to clear the way. On coming to the gate of the house in which the king resided, they were met by the chief bramin, or high priest of the royal household, a little old man, who embraced the general, and conducted him and his people into the palace. At this time the people pressed forwards with much eagerness to get a sight of the king, which they very seldom do as he goes very rarely out of the palace; and the multitude was so great that some of them were stifled in the throng, which would likewise have been the case with two of our men, if they had not gone on before, with the assistance of the porters, who severely hurt many of the mob, and forced them to make way. On passing the last gate, the general and his attendants entered along with the noblemen into a great hall, surrounded with seats of timber raised in rows above one another like our theatres, the floor being covered by a carpet of green velvet, and the walls hung with silk of various colours. The king was of a brown complexion, large stature, and well advanced in years. He lay on a sofa covered with a cloth of white silk and gold, and a rich canopy over his head. On his head he had a cap or mitre adorned with precious stones and pearls, and had jewels of the same kind in his ears. He wore a jacket of fine cotton cloth, having buttons of large pearls and the button-holes wrought with gold thread. About his middle he had a piece of a white calico, which came only down to his knees; and both his fingers and toes were adorned with many gold rings set with fine stones; his arms and legs were covered with many golden bracelets. Close to his sofa there stood a gold shallow bason on a gold stand, in which was betel, which the king chewed with salt and areka. This last is a kind of fruit about the size of a nut, and is chewed all over India to sweeten the breath, and is supposed to carry off phlegm from the stomach and to prevent thirst. The king had likewise a gold bason on a golden stand, into which he spat out the betel when chewed; and a gold fountain with water for washing his mouth. The king was served with betel by an old man who stood close to the sofa; all the others who were in the presence held their left hands to their mouths, that their breaths might not reach the king; and it is thought unseemly for any one to spit or sneeze in the presence.

When the general entered the hall in which the king sat, he stooped or bowed down three times according to the custom of the country, lifting up his hands as one that praised God. The king immediately made signs for the general to draw near, and commanded him to be seated on one of the seats; and the rest of the Portuguese came forwards, making similar reverences, and were likewise commanded to sit down opposite the king. Water was then presented to all the company to wash their hands, which was very refreshing, for, though it was then winter, they were very hot. They were then presented with figs and jakas, and the king was much pleased to see them eat, laughing at them and conversing with the old man who served him with betel. Our people being thirsty, called for water, which was brought to them in a golden ewer, and they were directed to pour the water into their mouths as it is reckoned injurious to touch the cup with their lips. They accordingly did as they were directed; but some poured the water into their throats and fell a coughing, while others poured it beside upon their faces and clothes, which much amused the king. After this, the king desired the general by an interpreter, to speak to those who were present as to the purpose of his coming to Calicut. But the general was not satisfied with this, and signified that he was ambassador from the king of Portugal, a powerful prince, and that Christian princes were not used to receive the embassies of other sovereigns by means of a third person, but by themselves in person in the presence only of a few of their principal persons: and this being the usage of his country, he chose to deliver his message only to the king himself. The king agreed to this, and commanded the general and Fernan Martinez who acted as interpreter, to be conducted into another chamber, which was adorned with as much magnificence as the first.

As soon as the king entered this chamber, he took his seat on a sofa, attended only by his interpreter, the chief bramin, the old man who served him with betel, and the comptroller of his household. The king then asked the general, from what part of the world he was come, and what were his desires. He answered, that he was ambassador from the king of Portugal, the most powerful of the Christian sovereigns in the west, both in extent of dominions, numbers of people, and riches. That he and his predecessors, hearing that there were Christian kings and princes in the Indies, of which the zamorin of Calicut was the chief, were exceedingly desirous of sending some of their captains to discover the way, that they might enter into friendship with the king of this country as brothers; and for this reason he had been sent to his highness: Not that the king his master had any need of his riches, having abundance already and more than was needed both of gold and silver and other valuable things. That all the former captains who had been sent at great charges upon this discovery, after having employed a year or more in vain and having consumed all their victuals, had returned again into Portugal. But that the present king Don Manuel, being anxious to bring this great enterprize to a successful conclusion, had entrusted him with command of three ships well supplied with provisions, commanding him not to return to Portugal without discovering the way to the Christian king of Calicut, and would certainly order his head to be cut off if he returned without fulfilling his orders. The said king his master had given him two letters to deliver to his highness, which he would present next day as it was now somewhat late; when he would convince his highness that the king of Portugal was his friend and brother, and should request of highness, in confirmation of friendship, to send an ambassador to the king of Portugal, as was the custom among Christian princes. The zamorin expressed his satisfaction with this embassy, and told the general that he made him welcome to his capital; and, since the king of Portugal desired to be his friend and brother, he would be the like to him, and should send an ambassador to him as desired. The zamorin then made inquiry into many circumstances respecting Portugal; how far distant it was from Calicut, how long the general had been upon the voyage, and other things: And as it grew late, the king allowed him to retire, first asking him whether he would reside with the Moors or the Malabars; but as the general chose rather to have a house to himself, the king gave orders to a Moor who was his factor, to accompany him, and to provide him with every thing necessary for his accommodation.

Leaving the palace late, it being now towards ten o'clock, the kutwal and the rest who had accompanied him there, escorted him back to where he was to lodge; and as they were on their way, all on foot, there fell such rain that the streets ran in torrents, insomuch that the factor gave orders to some of the people to carry our general on their backs. The general was displeased at this and at the delay, and asked angrily at the factor if he meant to carry him all night through the streets. The factor made answer that he could not do otherwise, as the city was large and much scattered. He then conducted him into his own house to rest for some time, and procured a horse for him to ride; but, as the horse had no saddle, the general preferred going on foot. At length he was brought to a very good lodging, to which his people had previously brought all his baggage.

Next day, being Tuesday, the general was greatly rejoiced to see so promising a commencement of his business, and resolved upon sending a present to the zamorin; upon which he sent for the kutwal and the kings factor, to whom he shewed the present which he proposed sending. This consisted of four capotas or cloaks of scarlet cloth, six hats, four branches of coral, twelve almasares, a box containing seven brass vessels, a chest of sugar, two barrels of oil, and a cask of honey. The kutwal and factor laughed in derision at this present, saying, that this was no fit present for their king, the poorest merchant presenting one more valuable. They desired him rather to send gold, as the king would accept, of nothing else. The general was offended at this, saying, if he had been a merchant he would have brought gold; but, being an ambassador, he had brought none. That what he now offered were his own goods, and not belonging to the king his master; who, being uncertain if he should ever reach Calicut, had given him nothing to offer as a present to the zamorin. But, at his next coming, knowing now certainly the route, the king his master would send gold and silver and otter rich articles. To this they answered, that these things might be, but it was the custom of this country for every stranger who had speech of the king to make him a present in proportion to the greatness of his rank. The general replied it was very proper their customs should be observed, and therefore he desired to send this present, which he could not make more valuable, for the reasons already assigned; and if they would not suffer it to be carried to the king, he should send it back to his ships. They answered he might do so, for they would not consent to have such a present sent to the king. The general, much displeased, said he would go speak with the king himself, and would then return to the ships, meaning to have informed the king of all that had passed in regard to the intended present. This they said was very proper; but, as they would be detained long at court in attending him, they were obliged in the mean time to go upon other business, and would return to escort him to court, as the king would be angry if he went without them, he being an entire stranger; and besides, he could not go in safety unaccompanied, because of the great numbers of Moors who resided in that city. Giving credit to their words, the general consented to this arrangement, and said he would wait for their return, which he expected would be without delay: But they did not return all that day, as they had been gained over by the Moors to thwart the purposes of the general.

The Moors in Calicut had received information of the transactions of the Portuguese at Quiloa, and of the taking of the sambuco off Melinda; and knowing that we were Christians, were very jealous of our arrival at Calicut. Bontaybo had told the Moors that our purpose was not merely to discover Calicut from curiosity, but that spices were in great estimation in Portugal, which abounded in gold and silver, and to which all kinds of merchandize was at present transported that went from Calicut by way of the Red Sea; and finally, that the settlement of a direct trade by the Portuguese with Calicut would tend greatly to the profit of the zamorin. All this the Moors very well understood: But, considering that we were Christians, they believed, if we should establish trade with Calicut, that their own commodities would fall in price, and most of their profits be destroyed. Wherefore they consulted together how to induce the zamorin to take the general prisoner, to seize our ships, and to kill all our men; that they might not return into Portugal with any intelligence concerning Calicut. Upon this they associated themselves with some of those who were in greatest credit with the zamorin, to whom they procured access, and represented to him, That he ought not to be deceived by the Christians, for the general was no ambassador as he pretended, but a pirate who went about to rob and plunder whereever he came. They asserted having received undoubted intelligence of this from their factors in Africa; where after entering into a friendly correspondence with the xeque, who even visited the general in his ship, gave him many presents, and provided him with a pilot to bring him to Calicut, he had battered the town with his ordnance, and killed several of his subjects. That he had afterwards taken some sambucos laden with merchandize, treating the xeque and his subjects like enemies. In like manner they misrepresented the conduct of the general at Mombaza and Melinda, turning every thing that had occurred to his dishonour. They reasoned from these misrepresentations, that he could not be an ambassador sent to maintain peace and amity, as he would not, in that case, have been guilty of these base hostilities, and would assuredly have brought the king a present worthy of the sovereign he pretended to come from.

The king was much amazed at this discourse, and told the Moors that he would consider and determine what was proper for him to do. The Moors also told the kutwal of all that they had said to the king, with whom he was in great credit, and requested of him to persuade the king not to listen to this embassage. The kutwal then went to the king, who told him all that the Moors had said, and the kutwal advised him to do as the Moors had requested. On this the king changed his good intentions towards the general, yet endeavoured to conceal his purposes. The Moors then waited on the general under pretence of friendship, offering to instruct him how best to conduct himself, saying that it was customary for all persons who came from other places to Calicut on business with the king to bring him a present. On this the general shewed them the present he had proposed making, which the kutwal and the factor had made so light of; and, with whom they agreed, saying it was by no means a fit present, and would rather seem a mockery, and give offence. Even Bontaybo agreed in this opinion; and asked the general why he had not brought better things, as he knew that Portugal abounded in all manner of rich commodities. But the general excused himself as formerly, by saying that it was quite uncertain whether he might ever have come to Calicut.

The general remained the whole of this day in his lodgings, much displeased that the kutwal and factor had not returned according to promise, and was at one time resolved to have gone to court without them; yet thought it better to wait till next day. In the afternoon of the Wednesday, the kutwal and factor made their appearance, when he mentioned his dissatisfaction at their long absence; but they talked of other things, and gave him no answer on that subject. At length they accompanied him to the palace; but the king, having greatly changed his mind towards him, made him wait three hours for admission, and then ordered that only two of his people should be admitted into the presence along with himself. Though the general considered this separation of his people as not looking well, he went into the presence attended by Fernan Martinez and Diego Diaz, his interpreter and secretary. The king did not receive him so well as formerly, and said with a severe countenance that he had expected him all the preceding day. Not willing to give him the true cause of his absence, lest it might lead to a conversation respecting the present, the general said he had tarried at home to recover from the fatigue of his long voyage. On this the king observed, that he pretended to have been sent on an embassy of friendship from a rich and powerful king, and that he did not well understand what kind of friendship was intended, since he had sent him no present. To this the general answered, That it was not to be wondered that the king his master had sent no present to his highness, considering the extreme uncertainty of his being able to come to this place by a way never before attempted, and unknown till now. But, now that the way was discovered, and God spared him to return to Portugal, his master would assuredly send him princely gifts, worthy of them both: And if his highness would have the goodness to give credit to the letters which he had brought from the king his master, he would there learn the intentions of the king of Portugal in sending him to Calicut. Instead of desiring to see the letters, the king asked him whether he was sent in search of stones or of men; and if sent to discover men, how came it that the king his master had sent no present? And since it was manifest that he had brought him nothing, he demanded of him to send him the golden image of the Virgin, which he understood was in his ship.

The general, much concerned to find the king so much changed towards him, on account of not bringing him a present and amazed at this strange demand, said that the image of the Virgin Mary of which his highness had been told, was only of wood gilt, and not of gold; and besides, as this holy image had protected him during his long perils on the sea, and had brought him so far in safety, he was unwilling to part with it. The zamorin made no reply to this, but immediately demanded that he should produce the letters from the king of Portugal. One of these was written in the Portuguese language, and the other in Arabic; and the general explained that this had been done, because the king his master did not know which of these might be understood in the dominions of his highness: And, since he now knew that Portuguese was not understood in India, whereas Arabic was, he requested that some Christian of the Indies who understood Arabic might be employed to interpret the letter, because the Moors were known to be enemies to the Christians, and he was afraid lest they might purposely give it a wrong interpretation. The king gave orders to this purpose, but no Indian could be found who was able to read the letters, or at least who would acknowledge that he could read them. Seeing that it was now necessary that it should be read by the Moors, the general requested that Bontaybo should be one of those appointed for the purpose, placing more reliance on him than the others, as he was an acquaintance. The king accordingly commanded the letter to be read by him and other three Moors; who, having first read it over to themselves, interpreted it aloud to the king, to the following effect: "As soon as it became known to the king of Portugal, that the king of Calicut was one of the mightiest kings of all the Indies and a Christian, he was anxious to establish a treaty of amity and commerce with him, that he might procure spices, which were in great abundance in his country, and to procure which the merchants of many parts of the world trade thither: And, if his highness would give a licence to send for spices, he would send many things from his kingdom which were not to be had in the dominions of his highness; or if these things were not satisfactory, of which the general could shew him some samples, he was willing to send money, both gold and silver, to purchase the spices. And finally referring his highness to the general for farther information."

On hearing this letter interpreted, and being desirous that his revenues might increase by the resort of many merchants to his dominions, the zamorin evinced his satisfaction at what he had heard; and assuming a more friendly deportment towards the general, asked him what were the articles of merchandize that could be had from Portugal. De Gama named many different kinds; particularly mentioning such as he had samples of along with him, and likewise their money, and requested permission to go on board his ships that he might bring these things to his highness, offering to leave four or five of his men in his lodgings during his absence. Giving now more credit to the general than to what had been said by the Moors to his prejudice, the king told De Gama he might go on board when he pleased, taking all his men with him, as there was no call for any of them remaining on shore. He likewise said the general might freely bring his goods on shore, and sell them to the best advantage. The general was greatly satisfied with this permission, of which he had no hopes at the first, on seeing the unfriendly reception he had met with at the commencement of his audience. He went back, therefore, to his lodging, accompanied by the kutwal; and the day being near a close, he deferred returning on board that night.

De Faria gives a somewhat different account of what passed at this second audience[62]. "It was wonderful that the zamorin, not knowing how to be properly assured of the truth, should rely on the faith of him who was accused by his ministers. For, as if he had really known in what detestation the Portuguese hold a lie, although to their own advantage, he sent for De Gama, and told him plainly that he had been informed his embassy was all a counterfeit, and that he was some banished man or a fugitive: Yet at the same time offered, even if it were so, to give him a kind reception, and to make him handsome appointments in his service; and promised to rely entirely on his word for information respecting the truth of the whole story. De Gama heard the king to an end with a firm countenance, and declared himself highly sensible of the confidence reposed in him. He then proceeded to answer all that had been alleged against him, which he completely overturned by irrefragable argument in a long and eloquent speech, preserving the utmost gravity and composure throughout the whole. The zamorin eyed him steadfastly the whole time, hoping to be enabled to judge of the truth or falsehood of his assertion by his countenance; and concluded, from the unconcernedness of his looks, the eloquence of his words, and the firm gravity of his whole demeanour, that no deceit could lurk under such appearances of sincerity, that the Moors had accused him maliciously, and had imposed on his ministers. He therefore frankly allowed De Gama permission to return to his ships, and to land his merchandize, if he had any: Saying, that while that was doing, he would prepare a satisfactory answer to the letter of the king of Portugal."

On the next day, being the last of May, the kutwal sent a horse to the general to carry him to Pandarane; but having no furniture, he requested to be supplied with an andor, which was sent accordingly, when De Gama immediately set out for Pandarane, all his people accompanying him on foot. The kutwal remained at Calicut, but a considerable number of nayres escorted the general on his way. When the Moors learnt that the general was gone to the ships, they went together to the kutwal, making large offers of money to him, if he would pursue the general, and detain him a prisoner under some feigned pretence; when they would take some opportunity of having him slain, in such way that the blame should not attach to the kutwal. And when he objected that the zamorin might punish him for detaining the general contrary to his orders, they engaged so to deal with the zamorin as to obtain his pardon for that offence. Induced by a large bribe, and encouraged by this promise, the kutwal followed De Gama in such haste that he soon passed our men, who lagged behind on account of the great heat. On overtaking De Gama, he asked by signs why he was in such haste, and where he was running to? The general answered in the same manner, that he was running to avoid the heat. On coming to Pandarane, as his men were not come up, the general declined going into the town till they should arrive, and went into a house to get shelter from the rain. The people did not get to the town till near sunset, having lost their way; on which the general said if it had not been for their absence he would have been by this time on board. The general immediately desired the kutwal to order him to be furnished with an almadia or pinnace, to carry him and his people on board; but the kutwal said it was now late, and the ships so far away that he might miss them in the dark, for which reason he had better stay till next day. The general then said, if he were not immediately furnished with an almadia, he would return to the king and complain that he was detained contrary to his license, and even mentioned as if he meant to return immediately to Calicut. To dissemble the more, the kutwal said he might have thirty instead of one, if he needed them, and pretended to send out to procure almadias, while at the same time he commanded the owners to hide themselves that they might not be found.

In the mean time, while messengers were dispatched on pretence to seek almadias, the general, having a strong suspicion that evil was intended towards him, walked leisurely along the water side, and sent off Gonzales Perez and two other mariners, to go on before and endeavour to find Nicholas Coello with his boats, and to caution him to keep out of the way, lest the kutwal might send off to seize his boats and men. While Perez and the others were absent on this errand, it drew far into the night; and not choosing to go off till he learnt what success Perez had met with, he at length agreed to stay all night. Having placed De Gama in the house of a Moor for the night, the kutwal pretended that he would go in search of the three mariners who were absent; but he did not return till next morning. The general then required to have an almadia to carry him and his people on board. Before answering, the kutwal spoke some words to his nayres in their own language, and then desired the general to give orders to have the ships brought near the shore oh which he should have leave to depart. On this the general became still more afraid that some treachery was intended; yet answered boldly, that he would give no such order while he remained on shore, as that would make his brother believe he was a prisoner and had issued this order under restraint, on which he would immediately depart for Portugal without him. The kutwal then threatened stoutly that he should never be allowed to go off, unless he complied with this demand. The general, in return, declared he should immediately return to Calicut if not allowed to go on board, and make a complaint of his conduct to the king. The kutwal even dared him to do this, yet took care it should not be in his power, as he had ordered the doors to be kept shut and guarded by armed nayres, to prevent any of the Portuguese from going out. Yet it was the will of God that the kutwal dared not to kill the general or any of his men, although the Moors had bribed him with a great sum of money, and notwithstanding his great credit with the zamorin. His anxiety to have the ships brought near the shore was, that the Moors might be able to board them and kill all their people; and, seeing it in this light, the general was equally determined to prevent their nearer approach. Finding he could not prevail on the general to command the ships to be brought near the shore, and having no pretence to justify either keeping him prisoner or offering him any wrong, the kutwal next endeavoured to persuade him to order the sails and rudders on shore; at which the general only laughed, saying the king had given full permission to go on board without any such conditions, and assured him the king should be fully informed of all his unjust proceedings.

The general and his people now pretended to be in want of necessaries from the ships, and requested leave to send some of his people on board, while he should remain on shore; but this the kutwal refused, and our people began to be seriously alarmed. At this time Gonzalo Perez returned, supposing the general at liberty and that he waited for him and his companions. Perez informed De Gama that he had seen Coello, who waited for him with the boats near the shore. The admiral was exceedingly anxious that the kutwal should not know of this circumstance, lest he might send out a number of armed almadias to capture them; and therefore urged Perez to return secretly to give Coello warning to return to the ships and keep constantly on the alert for fear of an attack. When Coello got this intelligence, he immediately set off, and the kutwal caused him to be pursued by several almadias full of armed men, but he made his escape. The kutwal made another attempt to induce the general to order his brother to bring the ships near the shore, but in vain; for the general told him, his brother, even if he were to write such an order, would not obey, or, were he disposed to do so, the other officers in the ship would prevent him. The kutwal observed that he could not give credit to this, as he was sure any thing he commanded would be obeyed. But no arguments could prevail on the general to this measure, which he was satisfied was meant for facilitating the destruction of the fleet to gratify the Moors.

The whole of this day was spent in this manner, and in the night our people were confined in a large paved yard surrounded with walls, and under even a stronger guard than attended them during the day; and even the general began to fear as well as the men, that they would be separated from one another. Yet he trusted, when the zamorin should come to know the usage they had received, he would give orders for their release. That night, the kutwal came to sup with the general and sent a supply of fowls and rice. Finding that he could not prevail over the constancy of De Gama, he determined at last to set him at liberty. Next day, therefore, being Saturday the second of June, he desired the general, since he had promised to the king to bring his merchandize on shore, that he ought to do so; as it was the usage of all merchants who came to Calicut to land their goods and crews, and not to return to their ships till all was sold; and he promised, when this was done, to give him free liberty to depart. Although the general gave very little credit to his fair words, he yet said, if the kutwal would provide almadias for the purpose, he would order his goods on shore; but was certain his brother would not allow the boats to leave the ships while he was detained on shore. The kutwal was now content to get the goods into his power, as he understood from the general they were of great value, and allowed the general to send off a message to his brother. He therefore sent off a letter by two of his men, in which he gave his brother an account of his situation, confined to his lodging but otherwise well used, and desiring him to send some of the merchandize on shore to satisfy the kutwal; but, directing him, in case he was much longer detained, to believe that he was kept prisoner by order of the zamorin; whose only object was to get the Portuguese ships into his power, not having time to arm his own ships for that purpose. For this reason, if not set at liberty immediately after the goods were landed, he required his brother to return without delay to Portugal, and inform the king of all that had happened; that the trade of so fine a country might not be lost to his country. And farther, to inform the king in what state he remained, trusting that his royal master would send such an armament as would enforce his restoration to liberty.

On receiving this letter, and a circumstantial relation from the messenger of all that had happened on shore, Paulo de Gama immediately sent the goods; but said in answer to the general, that he could not answer to his honour to return to Portugal without him, and he trusted God would enable the small force he had still in the fleet, with the aid of his ordnance, to compel the kutwal to liberate him. On the merchandize being landed, the general delivered it over into the custody of Diego Diaz as factor, with Alvora de Braga as his clerk, whom he left in a house provided for them by the kutwal; after which he went on board the ships. He then refused to send any more goods on shore, till those already there were sold and paid for, and determined not to run himself again into danger by venturing on shore after what had already past. At this the Moors were grievously vexed, as they thought it more easy for them to have destroyed him on land than on board the ships. On purpose to entice him to land once more, the Moors made a mock of his goods, pretending they were good for nothing, and did all in their power to prevent them from selling. Thinking that the zamorin knew nothing of all these transactions, he sent him an account of the whole five days afterwards, by his factor, of all that had happened, and of the injurious conduct of the Moors respecting the sale of the goods. The king seemed much offended by these proceedings, sending the general word that he would punish all those who had used him ill, yet the kutwal remained unpunished. The king likewise sent seven or eight merchants of Guzerate, who were idolaters, to buy the goods, accompanied by an honest nayre, to remain with Diaz at the factory to defend him against the Moors. Yet all this was only done colourably, that the Moors might not appear to suborn the merchants; for these men bought nothing, and even beat down the price of the commodities, to the great satisfaction of the Moors; who now boasted that no person would buy our goods any more than they. Yet none of the Moors durst venture to our factory, after they heard a nayre was stationed there by the kings order. If they did not love us before, they hated us ten times worse now, and when any of our men landed, they used to spit on the ground in contempt, calling out Portugal! Portugal! But by the especial order of the general, our people took no other notice than merely laughing at their insolence.

As none of the merchants would buy our goods, the general supposed that this was occasioned by their being lodged at Pandarane, where none of the merchants of Calicut resided; and requested leave, by a messenger, from the zamorin, to have the goods removed to the city. This permission was immediately granted, and the king issued orders to the kutwal to see them removed, and even to pay the persons who carried them, that nothing belonging to the king of Portugal might be subject to any charges in his country. The general would not trust himself any more on shore, although Bontaybo, who frequently came off to visit him, advised him to wait on the king, lest the great credit of the Moors might again prevail over his mind. But considering this man as a Moor, the general never put much trust in him, nor informed him of his intentions; yet always received him kindly, and gave him money and other gifts, that he might bring him intelligence of what was passing on shore.

After the Portuguese merchandize was removed to Calicut, the general permitted one man daily from each of the ships to go on shore, to see the city and to purchase any thing they had a mind for; always taking especial care that one party returned on board before another landed. Our people were courteously received and entertained by the natives, and were even lodged in their houses occasionally. They bartered several things on shore, such as bracelets of brass and copper, pewter, and other European articles, for the productions of the country, as freely and quietly as if they had been in Lisbon. Fishermen, and others of the idolaters came off to the ships, selling fish, cocoa-nuts, and poultry, for biscuit or money; while others came off with their children, merely to have a sight of our ships. On all these occasions, the general commanded them to be well treated and to have food given them, to conciliate the people and to secure the friendship of the zamorin. This continued till the tenth of August, during which time the ships had always some of the natives on board.

Seeing the quietness of the people, and their familiarity with his men, who never met with any injury from the Moors or nayres, the general believed the zamorin was willing to preserve friendship and peace with the subjects of Portugal, and determined upon establishing a factory in Calicut for the sale of his commodities, although very little of what was landed had as yet been sold. By this means, he hoped to lay a sure foundation for the establishment of trade, against the next expedition which the king his master might send, if GOD pleased to send him home with the intelligence of the discovery. Accordingly, with the advice and concurrence of the captains and other principal officers of the fleet, he sent a present by Diego Diaz to the zamorin, consisting of scarfs of different colours, silks, corals, and various other articles. Diaz was desired to say to the king, that the general begged his highness to excuse his presumption in sending such a present in token of his entire devotion to his service, having nothing worthy of the acceptance of so great a prince. That the time now drew near when it would be necessary to depart on his return to Portugal; and therefore, if his highness meant to send an ambassador to the king of Portugal, he had better give orders that he might soon be ready to embark. Presuming upon what his highness had already agreed to, and on the kindness hitherto shewn to him and his people by his highness, he requested permission to leave a factor and clerk in Calicut along with his merchandize, as a memorial of peace and amity between his highness and the king of Portugal, as a testimony of the truth of the embassy with which he had been entrusted, and in pledge of farther embassy from the king his master as soon as the discovery was made known. He likewise prayed his highness to send on board as a full confirmation of his having actually made the voyage to India, a bahar of cinnamon, another of cloves, and a third of some other spices, which should be paid for by the factor out of the first sales of the goods in his possession. It was four days after Diaz received this order before he could get access to the zamorin, though he went every day to the palace for this purpose. At length he was admitted to audience; and on seeing Diaz with his present, the king asked him what he wanted in so stern a manner that he was afraid of being killed. After delivering the message from the general and wishing to deliver the present, the king refused to see it, and commanded that it should be delivered to his factor. The answer he gave to the message was, that since the general wished to depart he might do so, but must first pay him 600 serasynes[63], according to the custom of the country.

Diaz, on his return to the factory with the present intended for the king, was accompanied by many of the nayres, which he thought was from respect: but immediately on entering the house, the nayres remained at the door, forbidding him or any other person to go out. After this, a proclamation was made through the city, forbidding any boat or almadia to go on board our fleet on pain of death. Yet Bontaybo went off secretly, and gave warning to the general not to venture on shore or to permit any of the people to land; as he had learned from the Moors, that any who might do so would surely lose their lives. Bontaybo said farther, that all the fair words of the king proceeded from dissimulation, that he might entice the general and his people on shore to kill them all; all which evil intentions were occasioned by the Moors, who made the king believe that the Portuguese were thieves and pirates, who had come to Calicut to steal such merchandize as should be brought there; and who had come to spy out the land, that they might return with a great armament to invade his dominions. All this was confirmed by two Malabar idolaters, and the general was in great uncertainty how best to proceed on the present emergency. That same night, after dark, a Negro slave belonging to Diaz came off, with the information that Diaz and Braga were made prisoners, and with an account of the answer which the king had given to his message, what he had ordered to be done with the present, and of the proclamations which were made through the city. Diego Diaz, being anxious to have these things communicated to the general, had bribed a fisherman to carry this man on board, as he could not well be recognized in the night owing to his colour. The general, though much offended at these injurious proceedings, was unwilling to depart till he might see the end of these things, and therefore waited to see whether anyone might come off to the ships. Next day, being Wednesday the 15th of August, only one almadia came off, in which there were four boys, who brought fine precious stones for sale. Although the general believed they were spies, he received them kindly, and gave no hints of having heard that Diaz was made a prisoner; expecting that others of more importance might come on board through whom he might procure the enlargement of Diaz and Braga. By these boys he wrote to Diaz, but couched in such a manner that it might not be understood if it fell into any other hands. The letter was delivered according to its direction, and the boys told the king of their reception on board, by which he believed that the general knew not of the imprisonment of his people. On this he sent off other persons to the ships, who were strictly enjoined not to disclose the treatment which the factor had experienced. This was done out of policy to deceive the general and to detain our ships, till the king might be able to send his own fleet to set upon him, or till the ships might arrive from Mecca to take him prisoner.

Some of the Malabars continued to come off daily, all of whom the general commanded to be well entertained, as he saw none of sufficient importance to be detained. But, on the Sunday, six principal Malabars came on board, attended by fifteen men in another pinnace. Believing that the king would liberate Diaz and Braga in return for these men, he made them all prisoners; and sent a letter in the Malabar language, by two of the native boatmen, to the kings factors, demanding his factor and clerk in return for those men he had detained on board. On perusal of this letter, the kings factor communicated the same to the king, who commanded him to take the Portuguese to his own house, that he might not appear to have had any hand in their detention; and then to restore them to the general in return for the Malabars, whose wives had made a great clamour about the detention of their husbands.

Seeing that his people were not sent on board, the general weighed anchor on Wednesday the 23d of August and set sail, meaning to try if this shew of going away would have the effect of recovering Diaz and Braga, in return for these Malabars whom he had detained. The wind being contrary, he came to anchor in an open road, four leagues from Calicut, where the ships remained till the Saturday. As there was no appearance of getting back his people, De Gama again set sail; but for want of wind had to come again to anchor, almost out of the sight of land. An almadia now came to the ships with certain Malabars, who said that Diaz and the others were in the kings palace, and would be assuredly sent on board next day. Not seeing the detained Malabars, these people believed they had been all put to death. This affected delay proceeded entirely from craft, that they might gain time to fit out the Calicut fleet, and for the arrival of the ships from Mecca, when their combined force might environ and destroy the Portuguese. The general ordered these messengers to go back to Calicut, and not to return without his men or letters from them, as otherwise he should sink them; and that if a satisfactory answer was not sent him without delay, he would cut off the heads of all the Malabars whom he had detained. The Malabars returned to Calicut with this message; and a wind springing up, the general made sail, and came to anchor off Calicut about sunset.

Next day, seven almadias came off to the fleet, in one of which were Diego Diaz and Alvora Braga, the others being filled with many of the natives. These people, however, were afraid to come on board, and put Diaz and Braga into the boat which was astern of the generals ship, and then put off to a little distance, waiting for the generals answer. Diego told the general, that when the king learnt of his having sailed, he sent for him to the palace, assuming a pleasant countenance as pretending to be ignorant of his imprisonment, and asked him why the general had kept his subjects as prisoners on board. On being told the reason, he said the general was in the right. He then asked if his own factor, who was present, had extorted any presents; for he well knew that one of his predecessors had been put to death not long before, for taking bribes from merchant strangers. After this, the king desired Diaz to request the general to send him the stone pillar having the cross and the arms of Portugal, which he had promised to set up; and to know whether he would leave Diaz as factor in Calicut. Diaz likewise presented a letter for the king of Portugal, which was written on a palm leaf by Diaz, and signed by the zamorin, to the following effect:

"Vasco de la Gama, a gentleman of thy house, came to my country, of whose arrival I was very glad. In my country there is abundance of cinnamon, cloves, pepper, and precious stones. The commodities I wish to procure from your country are, silver, gold, coral, and scarlet."

Convinced of the duplicity of the zamorin, De Gama made no answer to the message; but sent back all the nayres whom he had detained, desired them to tell the king he should return the others who were in custody, on receiving back his merchandize. He sent however the stone pillar which had been required. On the next day Bontaybo came on board, saying that the kutwal, by order of the zamorin, had seized all his property, alleging that he was a Christian who had come overland to Calicut as a spy from the king of Portugal. Bontaybo said, he was sure this bad treatment had proceeded from the suggestion of the Moors; and, as they had seized his goods, he was sure they meant personal violence, on which account he had made his escape. The general gave him a kind reception, offering to carry him to Portugal, promising that he should recover double the value of his goods, besides, that he might expect to be well rewarded by the king of Portugal. To this arrangement Bontaybo gladly consented, and had a good cabin assigned him by order of the general. About ten o'clock the same day, three almadias full of men came off to the ships, having some scarfs laid on their benches, as being part of our goods; and these were followed by four other almadias, one after the other. The Malabars pretended that they had brought off all the goods, which they offered to put into his boat, and required him in return to deliver up the rest of the prisoners. But convinced this was a mere deception, the general desired them to go away, as he would have none of their merchandize, and was resolved to carry the Malabars to Portugal as witnesses of his discovery. He added, if God spared his life, he should convince them whether the Christians were thieves, as the Moors had made the king of Calicut believe, who had therefore treated him with so much injustice. He now commanded several cannon to be fired, on which they were afraid and made off.

It was certain, if the kings ships had been afloat that they would have been sent to attack our ships; but they were all hauled upon shore on account of the winter season. Wherefore we may attribute it to Providence that our ships happened to arrive here at this season, that thereby they might escape and carry home news of having discovered the Indies, to the great advancement of the Catholic faith.

Although greatly rejoiced at having made the discovery of the route to Calicut and the Indies, he was much distressed at the behaviour of the zamorin, believing that the next expedition that might be sent out would be subject to great danger; but as he was unable to do any thing more at this time, he consoled himself with the knowledge he had thus acquired of the safe navigation, and that he had procured specimens of the spices, drugs, precious stones, and other commodities which were to be procured at this place. Having now nothing to detain him here, he departed from Calicut, carrying with him the Malabars whom he had made prisoners; as he hoped by their means a good agreement might be entered into with the zamorin on sending out the next fleet from Portugal. On the Thursday after his departure, being becalmed about a league from Calicut, about sixty tonys, or boats of the country, came off to the fleet filled with soldiers expecting to have taken all our ships. But the general kept them off by frequent discharges of his artillery, though they followed him an hour and a half. At length there fell a heavy shower of rain attended with some wind, by which the fleet was enabled to make sail, and the enemies returned to the land. He now proposed to direct his course for Melinda; but made little way along the coast, by reason of calms. At this time, having in mind the good of the next ships which might come to Calicut, he thought fit to send a soothing letter to the zamorin, which was written in Arabic by Bontaybo; in which he apologized for having carried off the Malabars, as evidences of his having been at Calicut. He said he was sorry that he had left no factor, lest the Moors might put him to death; and that he had been deterred by the some cause from having frequently landed himself. That, notwithstanding all that had happened, the king his master would be glad to have the friendship of the zamorin, and would assuredly send him abundance of all those commodities he might need; and that the trade of the Portuguese to his city would henceforth redound to his great profit. This letter was entrusted to one of the Malabars, who was set on shore and ordered to deliver it to the zamorin.