[Footnote 70: This paragraph, within inverted commas, is literally copied from Ovalle, as an instance of the puerile conceits indulged in by the true Catholic writers of the seventeenth century. The brave and faithful Bernal Diaz at the beginning of the sixteenth century saw no miracles during the conquest of Mexico, and the judicious Molina at the close of the eighteenth, modestly refrains from copying any such incredible absurdities into his history of Chili.—E.]

On abandoning the sieges of Imperial and Valdivia, Caupolican went to join Lautaro at Conception, in order to attempt some enterprise against the Spaniards more practicable than the attack of fortifications, for the assault of which the Araucanians possessed no sufficient arts or arms. Availing himself of the absence of his redoubted enemy; Villagran, who appears to have gone along with the succours to Imperial, ravaged the whole Araucanian territory around that city, burning and destroying the houses and crops, and carrying off all the provisions that were not destroyed to the town. Though of a humane and generous disposition, averse from the exercise of violence, Villagran endeavoured to vindicate the employment of these rigorous measures by the necessity of circumstances, and the pretended rights of war: But on this occasion they were of no real service to the Spanish cause, which they contributed to render more odious to the Araucanians; and in general the only effect which such barbarous conduct produces, is to heap distress on the weak and helpless. To the other terrible calamities inseparable from war, especially when carried on in this barbarous manner, a pestilential disease was superadded which committed dreadful ravages in Chili, especially among the natives. During the incursions of Villagran into the Araucanian territory, some Spanish soldiers, who were either infected at the time or had recently recovered from the small pox, communicated that fatal disease for the first time to the Araucanians, among whom it spread with the more direful and rapid destruction, as they were utterly unacquainted with its nature. So universal and dreadful was the mortality on this occasion in several provinces, that, in one district containing a population of twelve thousand persons, not more than a hundred escaped with life. This pestilential disorder, which has been more destructive than any other to the human race, had been introduced a few years before into the northern parts of Chili, where it then occasioned great mortality among the natives, and where it has since frequently reappeared at uncertain intervals, and has greatly diminished the aboriginal population. For more than a century, counting from the present times, 1787, the southern provinces of Chili forming the Araucanian confederacy, have been exempted from the ravages of this cruel disease, in consequence of the most rigorous precautions being employed by the inhabitants to prevent all communication with the infected countries, similar to those used in Europe to prevent the introduction of the plague.

"The following anecdote will shew what horror the small-pox has inspired into the natives of Araucania. Some considerable time ago[71], the viceroy of Peru sent as a present to the governor of Chili, several jars of honey, wine, olives, and different seeds. One of these jars happened to break while landing, and some Indians who were employed as labourers on this occasion, imagined that the contents of the jar were the purulent matter of the small-pox, imported by the governor for the purpose of being disseminated among the Araucanian provinces, to exterminate their inhabitants. They immediately gave notice to their countrymen, who stopped all intercourse with the Spanish provinces and flew to arms, killing above forty Spaniards who were then among them in the full security of peace. To revenge this outrage, the governor marched with an army into the Araucanian territory, and a new war was excited which continued for some time to the great injury of both nations."

[Footnote 71: The passage within commas is a note in the original English publication of Molina; and from subsequent parts of the history, the event here related appears to have occurred about the commencement of the seventeenth century, or more than two hundred years ago.—E.]

While Villagran was using every possible exertion to maintain the Spanish power in the south of Chili, by combating the brave and victorious Araucanians, he found himself on the point of being compelled to turn his arms against his own countrymen. It has been already mentioned that Valdivia, in the instructions he left with the magistrates of Conception before his fatal expedition into Araucania, had nominated Francisco Aguirre in the second place as his own successor in the government, and that Villagran, only third in nomination, had succeeded to the command in consequence of the absence of the other two who were prior to himself. When Aguirre, who was then in Cujo, where he does not appear to have effected any thing of importance, was informed of the death of Valdivia, and his own destination to the government of Chili, he considered the assumption of the vacant command by Villagran as prejudicial to his own just rights, and immediately returned into Chili with sixty men who remained of his detachment, determined to acquire possession of the government by force or favour. His pretensions and those of Villagran must infallibly have kindled a civil war among the Spaniards in Chili, to the ruin or vast detriment of the Spanish interest, had not the competitors agreed to submit the decision of their respective claims to the royal audience at Lima, which at that time, 1555, held the supreme legal jurisdiction over all the Spanish dominions in South America. On this appeal, the court of audience thought proper to set aside the pretensions of both competitors, and issued an edict authorizing the corregidors of the different cities to command each in their respective districts, till farther orders. Perceiving the extreme inconvenience that must have necessarily resulted to the interests of the colony, from this divided government, especially during so important a war, the principal inhabitants remonstrated against the impolicy of this decree. The royal audience listened to the representations of the colonists, and appointed Villagran to resume the command, but only granted him the title of corregidor, and gave him orders to rebuild the city of Conception. Although convinced of the inutility of this measure in the present conjuncture, Villagran, in obedience to the orders, proceeded immediately to that place with eighty-five families, whom he established there, and erected a strong fortification for their defence.

The native inhabitants of that part of the country which formed the territory of Conception, were indignant at being again subjected to the intolerable yoke of the Spaniards, and had recourse to the Araucanians for protection. Caupolican, who seems at this time to have remained in almost entire inaction, either ignorant of the proceedings of the Spaniards, or from some other cause of which we are not informed, immediately sent Lautaro at the head of two thousand warriors to the assistance of the distressed natives on the north side of the Biobio. The young vice-toqui, exasperated at what he called the obstinacy of the Spaniards in rebuilding the city which he had destroyed, immediately passed the Biobio, and the Spaniards imprudently awaited him in the open plain, confiding in their own valour and arms, despising the superior numbers of the barbarians. The Spaniards, however, were panic struck at the furious energy of the first encounter, and fled with precipitation to take shelter behind their ramparts; but were so closely pursued by Lautaro and his valiant followers, that they were unable to close the gate. The Araucanians entered the city along with the fugitives, many of whom were slain; and the small remnant made a precipitate retreat, part of them by embarking in a ship then in the port, and others by taking refuge in the woods, whence they returned through bye-paths to St Jago.

Lautaro immediately plundered and burnt the city, and returned loaded with spoils to his usual station on the mountain of Mariguenu. The successful issue of this enterprise excited Caupolican to resume the sieges or blockades of Imperial and Valdivia, during which Lautaro undertook to make a diversion of the Spanish forces, by marching against St Jago, by which he expected to prevent them from sending reinforcements into the south, and he even conceived that it might be possible to gain possession of that capital of the Spanish dominions in Chili, notwithstanding its great distance; as the successes he had already obtained so filled his mind with confidence that no difficulty appeared too great to be overcome. In order to execute this hazardous enterprise, which appears to have been concerted with Caupolican, he only required five hundred men to be selected by himself from the Araucanian army; but so many pressed to serve under his victorious standard, that he was obliged to admit an additional hundred. With this determined band of six hundred warriors, he traversed all the provinces between the rivers Biobio and Maule, without doing any injury to the natives, who hailed him as their deliverer from the Spanish tyranny. But on crossing the latter river, he immediately proceeded to lay waste the lands of the Promaucians, who were detested by the Araucanians for acting as auxiliaries to the Spaniards. Had he treated them with kindness, he might in all probability have detached them from the Spanish interest and united them in alliance with his own nation. But impelled by eagerness for revenge, he did not appreciate the good effects which might have flowed from a reconciliation with that numerous and warlike nation, whom he considered as traitors to the common cause. Having satiated his revenge, he fortified himself in an advantageous post in their territory on the banks of the Rio-claro, probably on purpose to gain more correct information respecting the state of the city he intended to attack.

This ill-judged delay was of great importance to the inhabitants of St Jago, by giving them time to prepare for their defence. They could not at first believe it possible that Lautaro would have the audacity to undertake a march of three hundred miles beyond the Araucanian frontiers to attack their city; but undeceived by the refugees from Conception, and the daily reports of the ravages of the enemy in the territories of the Promaucians, they dispatched Juan Godinez with an escort of twenty-five horse into the Promaucian country to watch the motions of the enemy, and to send intelligence of his proceedings and designs. Godinez was unexpectedly attacked by a detachment of the Araucanians, and obliged to make a precipitate retreat to St Jago, with his numbers considerably diminished, and filled the capital with consternation and dismay at the intelligence of the near approach of their redoubted enemy. On this occasion the Araucanians took ten horses and some arms from the Spaniards, both of which were used by them in the succeeding actions.

Villagran, who was at this time unable to take the field in consequence of illness, sent his son Pedro against Lautaro with such troops as could be procured, and immediately proceeded to fortify all the approaches to the city of St Jago with strong entrenchments. In the mean time, young Villagran attacked the Araucanians in their fortified post. Instructed by their intrepid yet wary commander, the Araucanians pretended to take flight after a short resistance; but the Spaniards were no sooner entered into the abandoned inclosure, than they returned upon them with such impetuosity, that Pedro and his men were completely routed, and only the cavalry was able to escape by flight, all the infantry who had penetrated the Araucanian camp being put to death. After procuring reinforcements, young Villagran returned three several times to attack the camp of Lautaro, in all of which attempts he was repulsed with considerable loss. He now encamped his force in a low meadow on the banks of the river Mataquito, at no great distance from the entrenched post of Lautaro. The Araucanian general formed a plan for inundating the camp of the Spaniards during night, by turning upon them a branch of the river; but the Spaniards being informed of this design by a spy, withdrew to St Jago.

Having recovered from his illness, Villagran was solicited by the citizens of St Jago to exert himself to dislodge the Araucanians from their neighbourhood, as they every moment expected to see them at their gates. He accordingly, some time in the year 1556, set out from the city at the head of 196 Spaniards and 1000 Indian auxiliaries, in search of Lautaro. Instructed by his severe defeat at Mariguenu, Villagran resolved to attack the enemy by surprise; and quitting the direct road, he secretly directed his march towards the Araucanian encampment in the night by a private path under the guidance of a spy, and reached their entrenchments undiscovered at day-break. Lautaro, who had been on guard all night according to his usual custom, had just retired to rest when the alarm was given of the attack from the Spaniards. He hastened immediately to the spot, to observe the enemy and to issue his orders for defence; but at the moment of his arrival, a dart from the hand of one of the Indian auxiliaries pierced him to the heart. Encouraged by this fortunate event, which was soon known to the Spaniards, Villagran urged the assault of the entrenchments, and soon forced an entrance in spite of the Araucanians, who made an obstinate defence. Finding their post carried, the Araucanians retired to an angle of their works, determined rather to allow themselves to be cut in pieces than to surrender. In vain the Spanish commander repeatedly offered quarter; they continued fighting with the utmost obstinacy till every man of them was cut off, many of them even throwing themselves on the lances of the Spaniards, as if courting death in preference to submission. This victory, which was not obtained without considerable loss on the part of the Spaniards and their allies, was celebrated in St Jago and the other Spanish settlements with every demonstration of joy. The Spaniards felicitated themselves on being freed from a redoubted enemy, who at the early age of nineteen had already obtained so many victories over them, and who threatened to destroy their settlements in Chili, and even to harass them in Peru.

When the terror which this young hero had inspired was removed by his death, even his enemies extolled his valour and military talents, and compared him to the greatest generals who had figured in ancient times, calling him the Chilese Hannibal. To use the words of the abbe Olivarez:—"It is not just to depreciate the merit of one, who, had he been of our nation, we should have vaunted as a hero. If we celebrate the martial prowess of the Spanish Viriatus, we ought not to obscure the fame of the American Lautaro, as both valorously contended in arms for the liberties of their country."

For a long time the Araucanians lamented the untimely fate of the valiant Lautaro, to whom they owed all the success which their arms had hitherto atchieved, and on whose conduct and bravery they entirely relied for the preservation of their independence. His name is still celebrated in their heroic songs, and his actions are still proposed as the most glorious model for the imitation of their youth. Above all others, Caupolican felt and lamented the loss of his valiant associate. Far from thinking he had got free from a rival of his fame, he considered that he had lost his chief coadjutor in the glorious cause of restoring their nation to independence. Immediately on receiving the mournful intelligence, he quitted the siege of Imperial, though reduced to the last extremity, and returned with his army to defend the northern frontiers of Araucania, and to protect his country from the incursions of the Spaniards, as he learnt by his spies that they soon expected a large reinforcement of men and warlike stores from Peru under a new commander.

On learning the death of Valdivia, as formerly related, Philip II. gave charge of the government and conquest of Chili to Alderete, the agent who had been sent by Valdivia into Spain, and furnished him for this purpose with six hundred regular troops. During the voyage to the Tierra Firma, the ship was set on fire by accident, by his sister who was accustomed to read in bed; and of the whole number on board, Alderete and three soldiers alone escaped to Porto Bello. Overcome with grief and disappointment at this melancholy catastrophe, Alderete died soon after in the small island of Taboga in the gulf of Panama. When informed of this disaster, and of the threatening aspect of affairs in Chili in consequence of the untoward events in the Araucanian war, the marquis of Canete, then viceroy of Peru, appointed his son Don Garcia Hurtado de Mendoza, to the vacant government. As this charge had become both important and dangerous, the marquis resolved that his son should be accompanied by such a body of forces as might be able to support his authority, and might enable him successfully to terminate the war against the Araucanians. As the civil dissensions in Peru were now at an end, and that country abounded in military adventurers eager for employment, he was soon able to levy a respectable force of horse and foot for this expedition. The infantry, all well equipped and appointed, with a great quantity of military stores; embarked in ten ships under the command of Don Garcia in person; and the cavalry marched by land under the orders of Garcia Ramon, who was appointed quarter-master-general of Chili.

Don Garcia arrived with his fleet in safety in the Bay of Conception, in the month of April 1557, and came to anchor near the island of Quiriquina, which was chosen as the headquarters as a place of great security. The scanty population of the island attempted to oppose the disembarkation of the troops, but being soon dispersed by the artillery, they retired in their piraguas to the continent. A small number being made prisoners, the governor sent two or three of them with a message to the Araucanians, to inform them of his arrival, and that he was desirous to settle a lasting peace with them on fair terms. In an assembly of the Ulmens to deliberate upon this message, the general opinion was that no propositions ought to be listened to from an enemy who had returned in greater force than ever, under the idea that any terms they might propose would necessarily be treacherous and unfair. Old Colocolo observed, however, that no injury could arise from listening to the proposals of the Spanish governor; and that they even had now a favourable opportunity for obtaining a knowledge of the amount of his force, and for discovering his designs. For this purpose, therefore, he thought it advisable that they should send an intelligent person, under pretence of congratulating the new governor on his arrival, and thanking him for his offer of amicable terms of peace, who might at the same time gain information of whatever he should consider important to regulate their future conduct. Caupolican and most of the older officers adopted this judicious proposal, and the important commission was confided to Millalauco, a person who possessed every requisite for the business confided to his charge.

Millalauco accordingly crossed the narrow strait which separates the island of Quiriquina from the continent, and presented himself to the Spaniards with all the pride which characterises the Araucanian nation. In their turn, the Spaniards were willing to give him a high idea of their military power, and drew out their troops in order of battle for his reception, conducting him to the tent of the governor amidst repeated discharges of their artillery. Not in the least disconcerted by this military parade, Millalauco complimented the governor in the name of Caupolican and the Araucanian chiefs, declaring that they would all be happy in the establishment of an honourable peace, advantageous to both nations, in their desire for which they were solely actuated by motives of humanity, and not by any dread of the Spanish power. Don Garcia, though much disappointed by these vague offers, replied in the same general terms respecting peace; and, after regaling the ambassador in a magnificent manner, he ordered some of his officers to conduct him over the whole encampment, in expectation of intimidating him by displaying the immense military preparations which accompanied him to Chili. This was exactly suited to the wishes of Millalauco, who observed every thing with the utmost attention, though with apparent indifference; and, having taken leave of the Spaniards, he returned to make his report to the assembled chiefs. On receiving an exact report of all that had been seen by their envoy, the Araucanian chiefs gave orders for the establishment of centinels along the coast of their country, to observe and communicate notice of the movements of the Spaniards, and commanded the warriors to prepare for taking the field at the first summons, as they believed a renewal of the war was near and inevitable.

Don Garcia continued inactive almost the whole of the winter in the island of Quiriquina, waiting the arrival of his cavalry from Peru, and for reinforcements which he had required from the cities of Chili. At length, on the night of the 6th August 1557 he privately landed 130 men and several engineers on the plain of Conception, and immediately took possession of Mount Pinto which commands the harbour, where he constructed a fort well garnished with cannon, and surrounded by a deep ditch. This event was immediately communicated to Caupolican, who hastily collected his forces, and passed the Biobio on the 9th of August, and next morning at day-break, a day remarkable in Europe by the defeat of the French at St Quintin, he assailed the new fortress on three sides at once, having sent on in front a body of pioneers to fill up the ditch with fascines and trunks of trees. The assault was long urged with all the furious and obstinate bravery which distinguishes the Araucanians. Numbers mounted the parapet, and some even leapt within the walls, destroying many of the defendants. But the cannon and musquetry of the Spaniards were so skilfully directed, and the slaughter of the assailants so prodigious, that the ditch was filled with dead bodies, serving as bridges for the new combatants who pressed on to replace their slain comrades. Tucapel, impelled by his rash and unparalleled valour, threw himself into the fort, where he slew four of the enemy with his formidable mace, and then made his escape by leaping from a precipice amidst a shower of balls.

While the assault of the fortress was pushed with the utmost fury and was seen from the island of Quiriquina, the remainder of the Spanish army came over to the aid of the garrison, and formed in order of battle. The debarkation was observed by Caupolican who immediately sent a part of his troops to meet this new enemy. After a severe conflict of several hours, this detachment was driven back to the mountain with heavy loss, so that the Araucanians were now placed between two fires; yet they did not lose courage, and continued fighting till mid-day. At length, worn out with the length of the combat, the Araucanian general drew off to the Biobio, determined to collect a new army and to return to the attack. Having in a short time reinforced his army, Caupolican began his march towards Conception; but, learning on his way that the governor had received a numerous reinforcement, he halted on the banks of the Biobio, deeply chagrined at not being able to effect the destruction of the new fortress of Conception, which had been twice performed by Lautaro with the universal applause of the nation.

In fact, on the preceding day the Spanish cavalry from Peru, consisting of 1000 well armed men, had arrived at Conception, together with another squadron of Spanish horse from Imperial, and 2000 Promaucian auxiliaries. Being now at the head of a numerous and well-appointed army, Don Garcia determined to invade the Araucanian territory. For this purpose he crossed the Biobio in boats, six miles above its mouth, where the river is about 1500 paces broad. As the Spanish cannon in the boats commanded the opposite bank of the river, Caupolican made no attempt to obstruct the passage, but drew up his army at no great distance in a position flanked by thick woods, by which his retreat would be secured in case of being defeated. The battle began by several skirmishes, which ended in favour of the Araucanians; several advanced parties of the Spaniards being repulsed by the enemy with loss, though reinforced by order of Ramon the quarter-master-general. Alonzo Reynoso likewise, who was dispatched to their aid with fifty horse, was defeated in his turn, and obliged to retreat leaving several of his men dead on the field. At length the two armies met and joined battle. Encouraged by the advantages they had already gained, the Araucanians used every effort to come to close quarters with the Spaniards, notwithstanding the heavy fire of eight pieces of artillery which played incessantly from the front of the enemy. But when they came within reach of the musquetry, they were quite unable to resist the close and well directed fire continually kept up by the veteran troops of Peru. After many ineffectual attempts to close in with the Spaniards, and losing a vast number of their bravest warriors, they fell into confusion from the vacancies in their ranks, and began to give ground. By a well timed charge, the cavalry put them completely to the rout, and made a prodigious slaughter among them in their flight to the woods.

Either from innate cruelty of disposition, or on mistaken principles of policy, Don Garcia pursued the most rigorous measures against the enemy. Contrary to the opinion and advice of most of his officers, he was the first who introduced the barbarous practice of mutilating and putting to death the prisoners; a system which may intimidate and restrain a base people accustomed to servitude, but cruelty is detestable in the estimation of a generous nation, and serves only to exasperate and render them irreconcileable[72]. Among the prisoners taken on this occasion was one named Galvarino, whose hands were cut off by order of Don Garcia, and was then set free. He returned to his countrymen, to whom he displayed his bloody and mutilated stumps, which so inflamed them with rage against the Spaniards, that they all swore never to make peace with them, and even denounced the punishment of death against any one who should have the baseness to propose such a measure. Even the women, excited by desire of revenge, offered to take up arms and fight along with their husbands, which was actually done by many of them in the subsequent battles. From thence originated the fable of Amazons in Chili, placed by some authors in the southern districts of that country.

[Footnote 72: In a note of the original translation, it is said that "the Indian allies of the Spaniards cut off the calves from the Araucanian prisoners, which they roasted and eat. And, by means of certain leaves applied to the wounds, prevented the effusion of a single drop of blood."—E.]

After the victory, Don Garcia proceeded with his army into the province of Arauco, constantly harassed by flying detachments of the enemy, who never ceased doing them every possible injury. On his arrival at Melipuru[73], Don Garcia caused several native prisoners to be tortured, in order to obtain information of the situation of Caupolican, but none of them would discover the place of his retreat. On being informed of this barbarous procedure, Caupolican sent notice by a messenger that he was not far off, and meant to meet the Spaniards the next day. Don Garcia and his army, being alarmed by this intelligence, passed the whole night under arms, and accordingly the Araucanian army made its appearance next morning at day-break, advancing in regular array in three several lines. The Spanish cavalry made a furious charge upon the front line, commanded by Caupolican in person, who made his pikemen receive the charge with levelled spears, while the alternate mace-bearers were directed to strike at the horses heads. By this unexpected reception, the Spanish cavalry were obliged to retreat in confusion; upon which the Araucanian general and his division broke into the centre of the Spanish infantry with great slaughter, Caupolican killing five of them with his own hand. Tucapel advanced with his division in another quarter with equal success, and at the first attack broke his lance in the body of a Spaniard, and then drawing his sword slew seven others. He received several wounds at this time, yet seeing the valiant Rencu, formerly his rival for the office of toqui, surrounded by a crowd of enemies, he fell upon them with such fury that he killed a considerable number of them, and rescued Rencu from imminent danger. Victory, for a long time undecided, was on the point of declaring for the Araucanians, as the Spaniards were ready to give way; when Don Garcia gave orders to a body of reserve, hitherto unengaged, to attack that division of the enemy which was commanded by Lincoyan and Ongolmo. This order, which was executed with promptitude and success, preserved the Spanish army from total destruction. This line or division of the Araucanians being broken and routed, fell back tumultuously upon the other two divisions, then nearly victorious, and threw them into such inextricable confusion, that being utterly unable to restore his troops to order, after repeated ineffectual efforts, Caupolican was reluctantly constrained to sound a retreat, and yielded the victory to his enemies which he had fondly imagined was already secured to himself. In their retreat, the Araucanian army would have been utterly cut to pieces, had not Rencu, by posting himself in a neighbouring wood with a party of warriors whom he rallied, called off the attention of the victors from the pursuit, which they urged with the most deadly rancour. After sustaining the violence of the Spanish assault till such time as he judged his dispersed countrymen had ensured their safety, Rencu and his companions retired through the wood by a secret path and rejoined his countrymen.

[Footnote 73: Called Millapoa, perhaps by mistake in Pinkerton's map of Chili, a place very near the southern shore of the Biobio, and marked arruinada probably meaning in ruins.—E.]

Before leaving Melipuru, Don Garcia caused twelve ulmens who were found among the prisoners, to be hanged on the trees that surrounded the field of battle, and Galvarino, now again a prisoner, was condemned to the same fate. That unfortunate youth, notwithstanding the loss of his hands, had accompanied the Araucanian army, and had never ceased during the late battle to excite his countrymen to fight valiantly, exhibiting his mutilated stumps to inspire them with fury and revenge, and even using his teeth to do all the injury he was able to the enemy. One of the captive ulmens, overcome with terror, abjectly petitioned for his life; but Galvarino reproached him in such severe terms for his cowardice, and inspired him with so great contempt for death, that he at length rejected a proffered pardon, and even entreated to die the first, as an expiation of his weakness, and the scandal he had brought upon the character of his nation. After this barbarous execution, by which he sullied the glory of his victory, Don Garcia proceeded into the province of Tucapel to the place where Valdivia had been defeated and slain, where he built, as if in contempt of the Araucanians, a city which he named Canete[74] from the titular appellation of his family. Being in the centre of the enemies country, he strengthened this new city or fortress with a good palisade, a deep ditch, and strong rampart, mounted with a number of cannon, and left a select garrison for its defence under the command of Alonzo Reynoso.

[Footnote 74: Probably the place distinguished in modern maps by the name of Tucapel-viejo, about 40 miles south from the Biobio.—E.]

Believing that the Araucanians, whom he had now defeated in three successive battles, were no longer in condition to oppose his victorious arms, he went with his army to Imperial, where he was received in triumph. Soon after his arrival at that place, he sent off a plentiful supply of provisions for the garrison of his new city under a strong escort, which was attacked and routed in a narrow pass called Cayucupil by a body of Araucanians, and had certainly been entirely destroyed if the enemy had not given them an opportunity of escaping to Canete with little loss, by eagerness to seize the baggage. The fugitives were received in Canete with much joy, as Reynoso had learnt that Caupolican intended to attack him. In fact, only a few days afterwards, that indefatigable general, whom misfortune seemed to inspire with fresh courage, made a furious assault upon the place, in which his valiant troops, with arms so extremely inferior to their enemies, endured a continual fire of cannon and musquetry for five hours with the most heroic firmness, pulling up and burning the palisades, filling the ditch, and endeavouring to scale the ramparts. But valour alone was unable to prevail in this difficult enterprise, and Caupolican was constrained to desist from the attempt by open force, and to try some more secure expedient for attaining his end. With this view he persuaded one of his officers, named Pran, who was of an artful character, to introduce himself into the garrison as a deserter, in order to fall upon some device for delivering it up. Pran accordingly obtained admission in that character, and conducted himself with the most profound dissimulation. He soon formed a strict friendship with a Promaucian named Andrew, in the service of the Spaniards, who seemed a fit instrument for his purpose. One day, either artfully to sound or flatter him, Andrew pretended to sympathize with his new friend on the misfortunes of his country; and Pran eagerly took advantage of this favourable opportunity, as he thought, to carry his designs into execution, and revealed to Andrew the motive of his pretended desertion, earnestly entreating him to assist in the execution of his plan, which was to introduce some Araucanian soldiers into the place, during the time when the Spaniards were accustomed to indulge in their siesta or afternoon sleep. Andrew readily engaged to give every assistance in his power, and even offered to keep one of the gates open on the day assigned for executing the enterprise. Pran, elated with joy at the supposed acquisition of a so useful associate, hastened to Caupolican, who was only at a short distance from Canete, to whom he related the success of his endeavours. On his side, Andrew gave immediate notice of the intended plot to Reynoso, the commander of the fort, who desired him to keep up the deception by appearing to concur in its execution, in order to entrap the enemy in their own snare.

Entirely occupied with an ardent desire of accomplishing this enterprise against Canete, Caupolican lost sight of his wonted prudence, and too easily reposed confidence in this ill concerted scheme. The better to arrange his measures on this occasion, he procured an interview with Andrew by means of Pran, and the artful Promaucian appeared before Caupolican with that flattering show of respect and attachment which villains know so well to assume. He broke out into virulent invectives against the Spaniards, whom he pretended to have always detested, and declared his readiness to perform the promise he had made to Pran, asserting that the execution of the plot would be perfectly easy. Caupolican applauded his partriotism, and engaged, if the plot succeeded, to raise him to the office of ulmen, and to appoint him first captain in the Araucanian army in reward of his services. He then shewed him the troops which he had along with him, appointing next day for executing the plot, and dismissed him with the strongest assurances of favour and esteem. Andrew immediately communicated the intelligence to Reynoso, and the Spaniards employed the whole of that night in making every preparation to obtain the greatest possible advantage from this double act of perfidy. When the particulars of this plot were communicated to the principal officers of the Araucanian army, they openly disapproved of it, as disgraceful to the national honour, and refused to accompany Caupolican in the expedition. But he obstinately adhered to his design, and began his march at day-break for Canete with three thousand men, with whom he posted himself in concealment near the place, till Pran came to inform him from Andrew that every thing was in readiness to deliver the place into his hands. The Araucanians immediately proceeded in silence towards the city, and finding the gate open according to promise began to enter it. When a sufficient number were got in, the Spaniards suddenly closed the gate upon them, and immediately opened a fire of grape-shot on those without who were crowding to the gate, making a dreadful slaughter. The cavalry belonging to the garrison, being all in readiness, issued from another gate, and completed the destruction of all who had escaped from the fire of the cannon, so that hardly one of all the Araucanians escaped. Caupolican escaped the general slaughter of his men with a small number of attendants, and retired to the mountains, whence he hoped to be soon able to return with a new army sufficiently numerous to keep the field. While the cavalry gave a loose to their fury on the Araucanians without the walls, the infantry were employed within the fort in putting to death all that had got through the gate; who, finding all chance of escape utterly hopeless, chose rather to be cut in pieces than surrender. Pran, discovering his error when too late, rushed among the thickest of the foe, and escaped by an honourable death from the well merited reproaches of his imprudent and fatal credulity. Among a few prisoners taken on this occasion were three ulmens, who were all blown from the mouths of cannon.

As Don Garcia believed the Araucanian war was terminated by this destructive enterprise, he gave orders to rebuild the city of Conception, and desirous of adding fresh laurels to the victories he had already obtained, he marched in 1558 with a numerous army against the Cunches in the south of Chili, a nation which had not yet been assailed by the Spanish arms. On first hearing of the approach of the Spaniards, the chiefs of the Cunches met in council to deliberate whether they should submit or resist the invasion of these formidable strangers. On this occasion, one Tunconobal, an Araucanian exile, who was present in the assembly, was desired to give his opinion, which he did in the following terms. "Be cautious how you adopt either of these measures. If you submit, you will be despised as vassals and compelled to labour; if you resist in arms, you will be exterminated. If you desire to get free of these dangerous visitors, make them believe that you are miserably poor. Hide your property, particularly your gold; and be assured the Spaniards will not remain in your country if they have no expectation of procuring that sole object of all their wishes. Send them such a present as may impress them with an opinion of your extreme poverty, and in the mean time retire into the woods."

The Cunches approved the wise council of the Araucanian, and deputed him with nine natives of the country to carry a present to the Spanish general, such as he had recommended. He clothed himself and his companions accordingly in wretched rags, and made his appearance with every mark of fear before Don Garcia. After complimenting him in rude terms, he presented him with a basket containing some roasted lizards and wild fruits, as all that the poverty of the country could supply. The Spaniards could not refrain from laughter at the wretched appearance of the ambassadors and their miserable present, and endeavoured to dissuade the governor from pursuing the expedition into so unpromising a region. Unwilling to relinquish his plan with too much facility, he exhorted his troops to persevere; assuring them that, according to information he had received, they would find a country abounding in the precious metals. This was indeed by no means improbable, as it was usual in America to meet with the richest countries after passing through frightful deserts. He then inquired of the Cunches which was the best road into the south. Tunconobal directed him towards the west, which was the roughest and most mountainous; and on being asked for a guide, left one of his companions, whom he directed to lead the Spanish army by the most difficult and desolate roads near the coast. The guide followed the instructions of Tunconobal with so much judgment, that although the Spaniards had been accustomed to surmount the severest fatigues in their pursuit of conquests, they declared they had never encountered such difficulties in any of their former marches. On the fourth day of this terrible march, their guide quitted them, and they found themselves in the middle of a frightful desert surrounded by rugged precipices, whence they could perceive no way by which to extricate themselves. But Don Garcia encouraged them to persevere, by the flattering assurance of soon reaching a happy country which would amply repay all their present fatigues and privations.

Having at length overcome all the obstacles in their way, the Spaniards arrived at the top of a high mountain, whence they discovered the great archipelago of Ancud, more commonly named of Chiloe, the channels among the islands being covered by innumerable boats or canoes navigated by sails and oars. They were filled with joy at this unexpected prospect; and as they had suffered many days from hunger, they hastened to the shore, and were delighted by seeing a boat making towards them, in which were fifteen persons handsomely clothed. These natives immediately leaped on shore without evincing the smallest apprehension of the Spaniards, whom they cordially saluted, inquiring who they were, whence they came, whether they were going, and it they were in want of any thing. The Spaniards asked for provisions, and the chief of these strangers immediately gave them all the provisions in his boat, refusing to accept any thing in return, and promised to send them a large immediate supply from the neighbouring islands. Indeed the famished Spaniards had scarcely completed their encampment, when numerous piraguas arrived from the different islands, loaded with maize, fruit, and fish, all of which the natives distributed gratuitously among them. Constantly and liberally supplied by these friendly islanders, the Spaniards marched along the shore of the continent opposite the archipelago, all the way to the Bay of Reloncavi. Some of them went over to the neighbouring islands, where they found the land well cultivated, and the women employed in spinning wool, mixed with the feathers of sea-birds, which they manufactured into cloth for garments. The celebrated poet Ercilla was one of the party; and as he was solicitous of the reputation of having proceeded farther south than any other European, he crossed the gulf to the opposite shore, where he inscribed some verses on the bark of a tree, containing his own name and the date of the discovery, being the 31st January 1559.

Satisfied with this discovery of the archipelago of Chiloe, Don Garcia returned towards the north, having one of the islanders as a guide, who conducted him safely to Imperial through the inland country of the Huilliches, which is for the most part level and abounds in provisions. The inhabitants, who are similar in all respects to their western neighbours the Cunches, made no opposition to his march through their country; and Don Garcia on this occasion founded the city of Osorno in their country at the western extremity of a great lake, though according to some authors he only rebuilt that town. For some time this place increased rapidly in population and wealth, in consequence of great abundance of fine gold being found in its neighbourhood, and of extensive manufactures of woollen and linen carried on by its inhabitants; but it was afterwards destroyed by the toqui Paillamacu[75].

[Footnote 75: The ruins of Osorno are in lat. 40 deg. 30' S. and long. 73 deg. 20' W. The lake, or Desaguodero de Osorno, extends 50 or 60 miles from east to west, by a breadth of 6 or 7 miles.—E.]

While Don Garcia was engaged in this expedition into the south of Chili, Alonzo Reynoso the commandant of Canete used every effort to discover the place in which Caupolican lay concealed, both offering rewards for information and even employing torture to extort intelligence from the natives. He at length found a person who engaged to point out the place in which the Araucanian general had concealed himself ever since his last defeat. A detachment of cavalry was accordingly sent under the guidance of this traitor, and coming upon him by surprise one morning at day-break, succeeded in taking that great and heroic champion a prisoner, after a gallant resistance from ten faithful followers who continued to adhere to him under his misfortunes. During this combat, his wife incessantly exhorted him to die rather than surrender; and on seeing him made prisoner, she indignantly threw towards him her infant son, saying she would retain nothing that belonged to a coward. The detachment returned to Canete with their prisoner, amidst the rejoicings of the inhabitants, and Reynoso immediately ordered the redoubted toqui to be impaled and shot to death with arrows. On hearing his sentence, Caupolican addressed Reynoso as follows, without the smallest change of countenance, and preserving all his wonted dignity. "My death, can answer no possible end, except that of inflaming the inveterate hatred already entertained by my countrymen against the Spaniards. Far from being discouraged by the loss of an unfortunate leader, other Caupolicans will arise from my ashes, who will prosecute the war against you with better fortune. If however you spare my life, from the great influence I possess in Araucania, I may be of great service to the interests of your sovereign, and in aiding the propagation of your religion, which you say is the chief object of the destructive war you wage against us. But, if you are determined that I must die, send me into Spain; where, if your king thinks proper to condemn me, I may end my days without occasioning new disturbances to my unhappy country."

This attempt of the unfortunate toqui to prevail on Reynoso to spare his life was in vain, as the sentence was ordered to be carried into immediate execution. A priest, who had been employed to converse with Caupolican, pretending to have converted him to the Christian faith, hastily administered the sacrament of baptism; after which the prisoner was conducted to the scaffold erected for his public execution. When he saw the instrument of punishment, which till then he did not clearly comprehend, and noticed a negro who was ready to execute the cruel sentence, he became exasperated, and hurled the executioner from the scaffold with a furious kick, indignantly exclaiming, "Is there no sword and some less unworthy hand to put a man like me to death? In this punishment there is no semblance of justice: It is base revenge!" He was however overpowered by numbers, and compelled to undergo the cruel and ignominious punishment to which he had been condemned. The name of Reynoso is still held in detestation, not only by the Araucanians, but even by the Spaniards themselves, who have ever reprobated his conduct, as cruel, unnecessary, and impolitic, and contrary to those principles of generosity on which they pride themselves as a nation.

SECTION VIII.

Continuation of the Araucanian War, after the Death of Caupolican, to the Reduction of the Archipelago of Chiloe by the Spaniards.

The prediction of the great and unfortunate Caupolican was soon fulfilled, by the succession of new heroes to defend the liberties of the Araucanians against the Spaniards. Instigated by the most unbounded rage, that nation immediately proceeded to elect a new toqui, capable of taking ample revenge for the ignominious death of their late unfortunate general. On this occasion, a majority of the electors were disposed to have conferred the vacant office on the brave and impetuous Tucapel; but the old and sagacious Colocolo prevailed on the assembled Butacayog to elect the younger Caupolican, eldest son of the late toqui, who possessed the talents of his celebrated and lamented father. Tucapel a second time magnanimously submitted to the choice of the ulmens, and only required to be nominated vice-toqui, which was accordingly granted. The new toqui immediately assembled an army, with which he crossed the Biobio, intending to attack the city of Conception, which according to his information was only defended by a small number of soldiers. Having learned the intention of the Araucanian general, Reynoso followed him with five hundred men, and coming up with him at Talcaguano[76], a place not far from Conception, offered him battle. The young toqui unhesitatingly accepted the challenge, and, animating his soldiers both by his exhortations and example, fell with such fury upon the Spaniards, that he entirely defeated them. Pursued and wounded by the fierce Tucapel, Reynoso made his escape across the Biobio with a small party of cavalry; and, having collected fresh troops, returned to attack the Araucanians in their camp with no better success than before, and was again compelled to retire with loss and disgrace.

[Footnote 76: In modern maps, a town called Tolcamando is situated on the north of the Biobio, not far from Conception, and is probably the place indicated in the text.—E.]

After this second action, Millalauco was sent with a message from the toqui to the Spaniards in the island of Quiriquina, whence he brought back intelligence that Don Garcia, with a large body of troops from Imperial, was laying waste the neighbouring provinces belonging to the Araucanian confederacy. On this information, and influenced by the advice of the aged Colocolo, young Caupolican deferred his proposed enterprise against Conception, and hastened into the south to oppose Don Garcia, leaving a respectable force under Millalauco to make head against Reynoso. Don Garcia however, on being informed of the march of the Araucanian array against him, withdrew to Imperial, leaving a body of two hundred of his cavalry in ambush on the road by which Caupolican had to pass. Though unexpectedly attacked by the Spaniards, Caupolican defended himself with admirable courage and presence of mind, and not only repelled the Spaniards with very little loss on his own side, but cut in pieces a great number of his assailants, and pursued the rest to the gates of Imperial, to which he immediately laid close siege. In the mean time, Reynoso and Millalauco, after several severe yet inconclusive encounters, agreed to fight a single combat, a practice not unfrequent during the Araucanian war. They fought accordingly a long while without either being able to obtain the advantage; and at length, fatigued by their combat, they separated by mutual consent, and resumed their former mode of warfare.

Caupolican prosecuted the siege of Imperial with much vigour, but possessed no means of making any impression on its fortifications. After several violent but unsuccessful assaults, he made an attempt to gain over the Promaucian auxiliaries of the Spaniards by means similar to what had been unsuccessfully employed by his father on a former occasion. Two of his officers, named Tulcamaru and Torquin, were employed on this hazardous service and detected by the Spaniards, by whom they were both impaled in sight of the Araucanian army, whom they exhorted in their last moments to die valiantly in defending the liberties of their country. At the same time, an hundred and twenty of the Promaucians, who had been seduced to favour the Araucanians, were hung on the ramparts, all of whom exhorted their countrymen to aid the Araucanians. Caupolican was anxious to siglize himself by the capture of a place which his heroic father had twice attempted in vain, and made a violent effort to carry the place by assault. He several times scaled the walls of the town in person, exposing his life to the most imminent danger, and even one night effected an entrance into the city, followed by Tucapel and a number of brave companions, but was repulsed by Don Garcia, whose vigilance was incessant. On this occasion, Caupolican withdrew, constantly fighting and covered by the blood of his enemies, to a bastion of the fortress, whence he escaped by an adventurous leap and rejoined his troops, who were in much apprehension for the safety of their brave and beloved commander. Wearied out by the length of the siege, which he saw no reasonable prospect of bringing to a favourable conclusion, and impatient of the inactivity of a blockade, Caupolican abandoned this ineffectual attempt upon Imperial, and turned his arms against Reynoso in hope of being able to take revenge upon him for the death of his father. But Don Garcia, by going to the assistance of that officer, rendered all his efforts ineffectual.

In the campaign of the following year, 1559, numerous battles were fought between the two armies, with various successes; but as these produced no material change in the state of affairs, it is unnecessary to give any particular account of them. Though several of these encounters ended in favour of the Araucanians, yet Caupolican resolved to protract the war, as his troops were daily diminishing in numbers from being continually exposed to the fire arms of their enemies, while the Spaniards were constantly receiving recruits from Peru and Europe. With this intention, therefore, he took possession of a strong situation between Canete and Conception, in a place called Quipeo or Cuyapu, which he fortified so strongly as to be defensible by a few men against any number of enemies unprovided with artillery. On being informed of this measure, Don Garcia marched thither immediately with his army in order to dislodge the Araucanian general, but observing the strength of the position, he delayed for some time making an attack, in hope of drawing the enemy from their strong ground, so that his cavalry might have an opportunity of acting to advantage. In the mean time, frequent skirmishes took place between the two armies, in one of which the celebrated Millalauco was taken prisoner, and who reproached Don Garcia so severely for his cruel manner of making war, that he ordered him instantly to be impaled. While the Araucanians were thus blockaded in their intrenched camp, the traitor Andrew had the temerity to go one day with a message from Don Garcia to Caupolican, threatening him with the most cruel punishment if he did not immediately submit to the authority of the Spaniards. Caupolican, though much enraged at seeing before him the man who had betrayed his father, ordered him immediately to retire, saying that he would assuredly have put him to death by the most cruel tortures, if he had not been invested with the character of an ambassador. Yet Andrew ventured next day to come into the Araucanian camp as a spy, when he was taken prisoner, suspended by his feet from a tree, and suffocated with smoke.

At length Don Garcia commenced his attack upon the camp of the Araucanians, by a violent cannonade from all his artillery. Caupolican and his valiant followers made a vigorous sally, and attacked the Spaniards with so much fury as to kill about forty of them at the first charge, and continued the battle for some time with much success. After a short time, Don Garcia, by a skilful evolution, cut off the retreat of the Araucanians and surrounded them on every side. Yet Caupolican and his intrepid soldiers fought with such desperate valour that the issue of the engagement remained doubtful for six hours; till, seeing Tucapel, Colocolo, Rencu, Lincoyan, Mariantu, Ongolmo, and several others of his most valiant officers slain, Caupolican attempted to retreat with the small remnant of his army: But, being overtaken by a party of horse from which he could not possibly escape, he slew himself to avoid a similar, cruel fate as that which his father had endured.

Though Don Garcia had already been mistaken in supposing that the spirit of the Araucanians was entirely broken after their terrible overthrow at Canete, he now again thought he had good reason to believe the war wholly at an end. This victory of Quipeo seemed to him completely decisive, as the nation was now left without chiefs or troops, all their principal officers, and those who chiefly supported the courage of the Araucanians, having perished, with the flower of their soldiers, so that he believed the nation would henceforwards be entirely submissive to the will of the conquerors. Impressed with these hopes, he now devoted his whole attention to repair the losses occasioned by the war, rebuilding the fortifications which had been destroyed, particularly Arauco, Angol, and Villarica, all of which he repeopled and provided with competent garrisons. He caused all the mines which had been abandoned to be reopened, and others to be explored: And obtained the establishment of a bishopric in the capital of Chili, to which place he went in person to receive the first bishop, Fernando Barrionuevo, a Franciscan monk. Having a considerable number of veteran troops under his command, for most of whom he believed there was no longer occasion in Chili, he sent off a part of them under Pedro Castillo to complete the conquest of Cujo, formerly commenced by Francisco de Aguirre. Castillo subjected the Guarpes, the ancient inhabitants of that province, to the Spanish dominion, and founded two cities on the eastern skirts of the Andes, which he named San Juan and Mendoza, the latter in compliment to the family name of the governor Don Garcia. The extensive and fertile province of Cujo remained for a considerable time dependent on the government of Chili, but has been since transferred to the vice-royalty of Buenos Ayres, to which it seems more properly to appertain from its situation and natural boundaries.

While Don Garcia thus took advantage of the apparent calm which prevailed in Chili, he received information that Francisco Villagran had arrived from Spain at Buenos Ayres, appointed to succeed him in the government of Chili, and that the king had promoted himself to the viceroyalty of Peru in reward for his services in his present government. In consequence of this information, he confided the interim government of Chili to the care of Rodrigo de Quiroga, and withdrew into Peru, to take possession of the exalted situation of viceroy which his father had formerly occupied.

Villagran, who had been governor of Chid previous to Don Garcia, had gone to Europe when deprived of that government, and had procured his reinstatement from the court of Spain. Believing, from the information of Don Garcia and Quiroga, that the Araucanians were in no condition to give any future trouble, Villagran turned his whole attention after his arrival in Chili, to the reaquisition of the province of Tucuman, which had been annexed by himself to the government of Chili in 1549, and had been since attached to the viceroyalty of Peru. Gregorio Castaneda, whom he employed on this occasion, defeated the Peruvian commander, Juan Zurita, the author of the dismemberment, and restored that country to the authority of the governor of Chili. It continued however only a short time under their government, as, before the close of that century, they were again obliged by order from Spain to surrender it to the viceroy of Peru.

Though Don Garcia and Quiroga had been long experienced in the character of the Araucanians, they had formed a very erroneous opinion of their temper and public spirit, when they deemed them finally subdued in consequence of the victories gained in the late war. Such is the invincible spirit of that brave nation, that even the severest reverses of fortunes are insufficient to induce them to submit. Even the heaviest losses, so far from filling them with dejection and dismay, served to inspire them with increased valour. Their heroic constancy under repeated defeats is perfectly wonderful, and the successful and determined perseverance with which they have ever defended their liberties and independence against the superior arms and power of the Spaniards, is without parallel in the history of the world. The scanty remains of the ulmens or Araucanian chiefs who had escaped from the late sanguinary conflicts against Don Garcia, were more resolved than ever to continue the war. Immediately after their late entire defeat at Quipeo, the ulmens assembled in a wood, where they unanimously elected an inferior officer named Antiguenu, who had signalized himself in the last unfortunate battle, to the vacant office of supreme toqui. Antiguenu readily accepted the honourable but hazardous command; but represented to the assembled chiefs, that as almost all the valiant youth of the nation had perished, he deemed it expedient for them to retire to some secure situation, until a new army could be collected of sufficient strength to keep the field. This prudent advice was approved by all, and accordingly Antiguenu retired with the small remains, of the Araucanian army to the inaccessible marshes of Lumaco, called Rochela by the Spaniards, where he caused high scaffolds to be erected to secure his men from the extreme and noxious moisture of that gloomy retreat. The young men who enlisted from time to time into the national army, went to that place to be instructed in the use of their arms, and the Araucanians still considered themselves free since they had a toqui who did not despair of vindicating the independence of their country.

As soon as Antiguenu saw himself at the head of a respectable force, he issued from his retreat, and began to make incursions into the territory which was occupied by the Spaniards, both to inure his troops to discipline, and to subsist them at the expence of the enemy. When this unexpected intelligence was brought to St Jago, it gave great uneasiness to Villagran, who foresaw all the fatal consequences which might result from this new war, having already had long experience of the daring and invincible spirit of the Araucanians. In order if possible to stifle the threatening flame at its commencement, he immediately dispatched his son Pedro into the south, with as many troops as could be collected in haste, and soon after took the same direction himself with a more considerable force. The first skirmishes between the hostile armies were unfavourable to Antiguenu, and an attempt which he made to besiege Canete was equally unsuccessful. Antiguenu attributed his failure on these occasions to the inexperience of his troops, and sought on every occasion for opportunities of accustoming them to the use of arms. At length he had the satisfaction of convincing them that the Spaniards were not invincible, by defeating a body of Spaniards on the hills of Millapoa, commanded by Arias Pardo. To keep up the ardour and confidence which this success had excited in his soldiers, he now took possession of the strong post on the top of Mount Mariguenu, a place of fortunate omen for his country. Being either so much afflicted with the gout, or averse from exposing himself to the hazard of attacking that strong post, which had formerly proved so unfortunate to him, Villagran gave it in charge to one of his sons to dislodge the enemy from that formidable position. The rash yet enterprising young man attacked the Araucanian entrenchments with so little precaution that almost all his army was cut in pieces, and himself killed at the entrance of the encampment, and on this occasion the flower of the Spanish troops and a great number of their auxiliaries were cut off.

Immediately after this signal victory, Antiguenu marched against the fortress of Canete, rightly judging that it would not be in a condition to resist him in the present circumstances. Villagran was likewise convinced of the impossibility of defending that place, and anticipating the design of the Araucanian general, ordered all the inhabitants to withdraw, part of whom retired to Imperial and the rest to Conception. Antiguenu, therefore, on his arrival at that place, so fatal to his nation, had only the trouble of destroying the fortifications and setting fire to the houses, all of which he completely destroyed.

Overcome with grief and anxiety, Villagran died soon after the disastrous battle of Mariguenu, universally regretted by the Spanish inhabitants of Chili, who lost in him a wise humane and valiant governor, to whose prudent conduct on several trying occasions they had been much beholden for the preservation of their conquests. Before his death, in virtue of special powers vested in him by his commission from the court of Spain, he appointed his eldest son Pedro to succeed him in the government, whose endowments of mind were in no respect inferior to those of his father. By the death of the governor, Antiguenu conceived that he had a favourable opportunity for undertaking some important enterprise. He divided his army, which now consisted of 4000 men, into two bodies, one of which he ordered to lay siege to Conception under the command of his vice-toqui Antunecul, to attract the attention of the Spaniards in that quarter, while he marched with the other division to invest the fort of Arauco, which was defended by a strong garrison under the command of Lorenzo Bernal.

Antunecul accordingly crossed the Biobio and encamped in a place called Leokethal, where he was twice attacked by the governor of Conception, against whom he defended himself so vigorously that he repulsed him with considerable loss, and followed him after the second attack to the city which he closely invested, by disposing his troops in six divisions around its walls. He continued the siege for two months, almost every day of which period was distinguished by some gallant assault or successful skirmish; but finding all his attempts to gain possession of the place unavailing, and being unable to prevent the introduction of frequent succours by sea to the besieged, he at length withdrew with the intention of making a new attempt at a more favourable opportunity.

In the mean time Antignenu pressed the siege of Arauco with the greatest vigour, but was resisted by the Spanish garrison with determined bravery. Observing that in all his attacks his bravest officers were pointed out to the Spaniards by their Indian auxiliaries, and made a mark for their artillery, he contrived by menus of emissaries to persuade the Spanish commander that the auxiliaries had plotted to deliver up the fort to the Arancanians. Bernal gave such credit to this false report, that he immediately ordered these unfortunate men to quit the place, and turned them out in spite of their remonstrances and entreaties. This was the very object aimed at by the politic toqui, who immediately caused them all to be seized and put to a cruel death in sight of the Spaniards, who were exceedingly exasperated at seeing themselves so grossly imposed upon by one whom they counted an ignorant barbarian. As the siege was protracted to a considerable length and Antiguenu was impatient for its conclusion, he challenged the governor to single combat, in hope of becoming master of the place by the death of Bernal; who, deeming himself secure of the victory, accepted the challenge in spite of the remonstrances of his soldiers. The battle between these champions continued for two hours, without either being able to obtain any advantage, or even to give his antagonist a single wound; when at length they were separated by their men. What Antiguenu had been unable to attain by force, was performed for him by famine. Several boats loaded with provisions had repeatedly attempted in vain to relieve the besieged, as the vigilance of the besiegers opposed an invincible obstacle to their introduction. At length Bernal found himself compelled to abandon the place for want of provisions, and the Araucanians permitted him and the garrison to retire without molestation, contenting themselves with burning the houses and demolishing the fortifications. The capture of Angol, after that of Caneto and Arauco, appeared so easy to Antiguenu, that he gave it in charge to one of his subalterns; who defeated a body of Spaniards commanded by Zurita, while on his march to invest Angol: But the Araucanian officer was defeated in his turn near Mulchen[77] by Diego Carranza, who had been sent against him by the inhabitants of that city.

[Footnote 77: No such name occurs in the modern maps of Chili, but a town called Millaqui is situated about 20 miles to the north of Angol.—E.]

Solicitous to maintain the reputation of his arms, Antiguenu marched in person at the head of two thousand men to resume the attack upon Angol. Before proceeding to attack that place, he encamped at the confluence of the river Vergosa with the Biobio, where he was attacked by a Spanish army under the command of Bernal. In this engagement the Araucanians made use of some Spanish musquets which they had taken at their late victory of Mariguenu, which they employed with much skill, and bravely sustained the assault for three hours. At length, when four hundred of the auxiliaries and a considerable number of Spaniards had fallen, the infantry began to give way, upon which Bernal gave orders to his cavalry to put to death every one who attempted flight. This severe order brought back the Spanish infantry to their duty, and they attacked the entrenchments of the enemy with so much vigour that at length they forced their way into the camp of the Araucanians. Antiguenu exerted his utmost efforts to oppose the assailants; but he was at length forced along by the crowd of his soldiers, who were thrown into irretrievable confusion and fled. During the flight, he fell from a high bank into the river and was drowned. The Araucanians were defeated with prodigious slaughter, many of them perishing in the river in their attempt to escape by swimming. In this battle, which was fought in the year 1564, almost the whole of the victorious army was wounded, and a considerable number slain; but they recovered forty-one musquets, twenty-one cuirasses, fifteen helmets, and a great number of lances and other weapons which the Araucanians had obtained in their late victories, and had used against their former proprietors.

While these events were passing on the banks of the Biobio, an Araucanian officer named Lillemu, who had been detached by Antiguenu to lay waste the provinces of Chillan and Itata, defeated a Spanish detachment of eighty men commanded by Pedro Balsa. To repress these ravages, the governor of Conception marched against Lillemu with an hundred and fifty men, and cut off a party of Araucanians who were desolating the province of Chillan. Lillemu hastened to their succour, but finding them defeated and dispersed, he was only able to save the remainder of his troops by making a gallant stand in a narrow pass with a small select band, by which he checked the advance of the enemy, and gave time to his army to effect their escape; but he and his brave companions sacrificed their lives in this gallant effort of patriotism.

On the death of the valiant Antiguenu, the Araucanians elected as his successor in the toquiate a person named Paillataru, who was brother or cousin to the celebrated Lautaro, but of a very different character and disposition. Slow and circumspect in all his operations, the new toqui contented himself during the first years of his command in endeavouring to keep up the love of liberty among his countrymen, whom he led from time to time to ravage and plunder the possessions of the Spaniards, always avoiding any decisive conflict. About this time likewise the royal audience of Lima appointed Rodrigo de Quiroga to succeed the younger Villagran in the government of Chili; and Quiroga began his administration by arresting his predecessor in office, whom he sent prisoner into Peru.

Having received a reinforcement of three hundred soldiers in 1565, Quiroga invaded the Araucanian territory, where he rebuilt the fort of Arauco and the city of Canete, constructed a new fortress at the celebrated post of Quipeo, and ravaged all the neighbouring provinces. Towards the end of the year 1566, he sent Ruiz Gamboa with a detachment of sixty men to reduce the archipelago of Chiloe to subjection. Gamboa met with no resistance in this enterprise, and founded in the large island of Ancud or Chiloe, the small city of Castro, and the sea-port of Chacao. The islands of this archipelago are about eighty in number, having been produced by earthquakes, owing to the great number of volcanoes with which that country formerly abounded, and indeed every part of them exhibits the most unequivocal marks of fire. Several mountains in the great island of Chiloe, which has given name to the archipelago, are composed of basaltic columns, which could have only been produced by the operation of subterranean fire[78]. Though descended from the Chilese of the continent, as is evident from their appearance, manners, and language, the natives of these islands are quite of a different character, being of a pacific and rather timid disposition; insomuch that, although their population is said to have exceeded seventy thousand, they made no opposition to the handful of Spaniards sent on this occasion to reduce them, nor have they ever attempted to shake off the yoke until the beginning of the eighteenth century, when an insurrection of no great importance was excited, and very soon quelled[79].

[Footnote 78: These are the opinions of Molina, not of the editor, who takes no part in the discussion between the Huttonians and Wemerians; neither indeed are there any data in the text on which to ground any opinion, were he even disposed by inclination or geognostic knowledge to become a party on either side.—E.]

[Footnote 79: In the text, Molina gives here some account of the natives of Chiloe, which is postponed to the close of this chapter.—E.]

SECTION IX.

Continuation of the Araucanian war to the Destruction of all the Spanish settlements in the territories of that Nation.

The long continuance of the Araucanian war, and the great importance of the kingdom of Chili, at length determined Philip II. to erect a court of Royal Audience in Chili, independent upon that which had long subsisted in Peru. To this court, which was composed of four oydors or judges and a fiscal, the civil and military administration of the kingdom was confided; and its members made a solemn entry into the city of Conception, where they fixed their residence, on the 13th of August 1567. Immediately on assuming their functions, the judges removed Quiroga from the government, and appointed Ruiz Gamboa to the command of the army with the title of general. Learning that Paillataru, the toqui of the Araucanians, was preparing to besiege the city of Canete, Gamboa hastened to that place with a respectable force, and finding the toqui encamped not far from the threatened city, he attacked his fortified post, and defeated him after a long and obstinate contest. After this victory, Gamboa overran and laid waste the Araucanian territories for a whole year without opposition, and carried off great numbers of women and children into slavery. He employed every effort however, repeatedly to induce the Araucanians to enter into negotiations for peace, but to no purpose, as they preferred the endurance of every possible evil before the loss of their national liberty, and continually refused to listen to his proposals.

As peace, so necessary to the well being of the Spanish settlements in Chili, seemed every day more remote, in spite of every effort for its attainment, it at length, appeared to the court of Spain that the government of a country in a continual state of war was improperly placed in the hands of a court of justice: Accordingly it was again confided to the management of a single chief, under the new titles of President, Governor, and Captain-general. Don Melchior Bravo de Saravia was invested with this triple character in 1568; a man well qualified to act as president of the court of audience and civil governor of the kingdom, but utterly incompetent to sustain the charge of captain-general; yet he was anxious to signalize the commencement of his government by the attainment of a splendid victory over the redoubtable Araucanians, for which an opportunity soon offered, but which redounded to his own disgrace.

Paillataru had collected a new army, with which he occupied the strong position of Mariguenu, so fatal to the Spaniards, and which for some unaccountable reason they had neglected to fortify. Immediately on learning this circumstance, the governor marched against the toqui at the head of three hundred Spanish soldiers and a large auxiliary force. Like several of his predecessors, Paillataru had the glory of rendering this mountain famous by the total defeat of the Spanish army. The governor had the good fortune to make his escape from this battle, and precipitately withdrew with a small remnant of his troops to Angol, where he resigned the command of the army, appointing Gamboa major-general and Velasco[80] quarter-master. He was at this time so intimidated by his defeat, that he ordered these officers to evacuate the fortress of Arauco, so often already destroyed and rebuilt. While escorting the inhabitants of that place to Canete, these officers fell in with a division of the Araucanians, which they attacked and defeated. Yet Paillataru, who had removed from Mariguenu to the post of Quipeo, marched two days afterwards against Canete, which he proposed to besiege; but Gamboa advanced to meet him with all the troops he could collect, and gave him battle. The engagement continued more than two hours, and was one of the bloodiest and hardest contested ever fought in Chili. Though severely handled, the Spaniards remained masters of the field, and the Araucanians were compelled to retreat. Gamboa now invaded the Araucanian territory, intending to ravage it as formerly; but Paillataru, having repaired his losses in a short time by fresh levies, returning to defend his country, and compelled Gamboa to retreat with loss.

[Footnote 80: In a subsequent passage Molina names this officer Benal. —E.]

From this time, till the death of Paillataru, about four years afterwards, a suspension of arms or tacit truce was observed between the Spaniards and Araucanians. This was probably owing in a great measure to the general consternation occasioned by a dreadful earthquake which was felt throughout the whole country, and did great injury to the Spanish settlements, particularly to the city of Conception, which was entirely destroyed. Ever anxious to consolidate and give importance to their conquests, the court of Spain erected in 1570, a new bishopric in the city of Imperial, to which the vast extent of country between the river Maule and the southern confines of Chili was assigned as a diocese[81].

[Footnote 81: Since the loss of Imperial, Conception has been the residence of this bishop—E.]

About this time the Mestees, or descendents of Spaniards by Indian women had multiplied greatly in Chili, and perceiving the great advantage that might be derived from their assistance against the Spaniards, and to attach them to their cause by a strong acknowledgement that they were their countrymen, the Araucanians conferred the office of toqui upon one of these men named Alonzo Diaz, who had assumed the Chilese name of Paynenancu, and had distinguished himself for ten years by his valour and abilities, continually fighting in their armies. If his predecessor Paillataru had the fault of being too cautious in conducting the operations of the war, the new toqui was on the contrary so rash and daring, to avoid that imputation, that he constantly attacked the Spaniards with far inferior numbers, whence all his enterprises were unfortunate as might naturally have been expected.

Immediately on receiving the investiture of the toquiate, he crossed the river Biobio, probably intending to have attacked Conception; but, before reaching that place, he was attacked and defeated by the quarter-master, notwithstanding the great valour with which he defended himself for a long time. Among the prisoners taken by the Spaniards on this occasion were several Araucanian women, all of whom killed themselves the same night. Paynenancu, having escaped from the carnage, raised a new army and marched against Villarica, but was again defeated by Rodrigo Bastidas, the military commandant of that city.

While the war continued to rage in 1575, the licentiate Calderon arrived in Chili from Spain, with a commission to examine and regulate the government of that kingdom. His first step was to suppress the court of audience, on the sole principle of economy, and instead of the president Melchior Bravo, Rodrigo Quiroga, who had been formerly appointed governor by the audience of Lima, was reinstated in that office. Having assembled all the troops he could raise, the new governor proceeded in 1576 to the frontiers, to oppose the ravages of Paynenancu, who, though twice defeated, continued to harass the Spanish settlements by frequent inroads. But, as the toqui carefully avoided any rencounter, the governor contented himself with ravaging the Araucanian territories in revenge. Having afterwards received a reinforcement of two thousand men from Spain, he gave directions to his father-in-law[82] Gamboa to found a new city at the foot of the Cordellieras[83], between the cities of St Jago and Conception, which has since received the appellation of Chillan from the river on which it stands, and has become the capital of the fertile province of the same name. Shortly after the foundation of this new city, the governor died in 1580 at a very advanced age, having previously nominated Gamboa to succeed him in the government of the kingdom. Gamboa continued three years in the command, continually occupied in opposing the Araucanians in the south under their toqui Paynenancu, and in defending the kingdom on the east against the Pehuenches and Chiquillanians, who now began to molest the Spaniards at the instigation of the Araucanians.

[Footnote 82: Thus in the original, though probably his son-in-law, as Quiroga died soon after at an advanced age.—E.]

[Footnote 83: The city of Chillan, instead of being at the foot of the Andes, is in the plain country more than half way between that great chain and the sea.—E.]

The Pehuenches are a numerous tribe who inhabit that portion of the Andes of Chili which lies between the latitudes of 34 deg. and 37 deg. S. to the eastwards of the Spanish provinces of Calchagua, Maule, Chillan, and Huilquilemu. Their dress resembles that of the Araucanians, except that they wear a piece of cloth like the Japenese round the waist which hangs down to the knees[84], instead of drawers or breeches. Their boots or shoes are all of one piece of skin, being that of the hind leg of an ox taken off at the knee, which is fitted to the foot of the wearer while green, turning the hair side inmost, and sewing up one of the ends, the skin of the knee serving for the heel. By being constantly worn and frequently rubbed with tallow, these shoes become as soft and pliant as the best dressed leather[85]. Though these mountaineers are valiant and hardy soldiers, yet are they fond of adorning themselves like women, decorating themselves with ear-rings and bracelets of glass-beads, with which also they ornament their hair, and hang small bells around their heads. Although possessed of numerous herds of cattle and sheep, their usual food is horse flesh, which like the Tartars they prefer to all other kinds, and always eat cooked, either by boiling or roasting. Like the Bedowin Arabs, the Pehuenches dwell in tents made of skins, disposed in a circular form around a spacious area, in which their cattle feed while the herbage lasts; and when that begins to fail they remove their camp to a fresh pasture, continually traversing in this manner the valleys among the Andes. Each village or encampment is governed by a hereditary ulmen. Their language and religion resemble those of the Araucanians. They are extremely fond of hunting, and often traverse the immense plains which stretch from the great Rio Plata to the Straits of Magellan in pursuit of game, sometimes extending their excursions as far as Buenos Ayres, and even occasionally indulge in plundering the vicinity of that city. They frequently attack the caravans which pass between Buenos Ayres and Chili, and have been so successful in these predatory enterprises as almost to have stopped that commerce entirely.

[Footnote 84: A comparison more familiar to the British reader might be made to the philabeg or short petticoat worn by the Scots Highlanders—E.]

[Footnote 85: In this part of dress they likewise resemble the Scots Highlanders of old, who wore a kind of shoes made of raw hides with the hair on, called rough rullions. In both of course using the most obvious and easiest means of decency and protection. Before the introduction of European cattle into Chili, the natives must have employed the skins of the original animals of the country, probably of the guemul or huemul, the equus bisulcus of Molina and other naturalists, an animal having some resemblance to a horse but with cloven hoofs—E.]

It may be proper to relate what I noticed on a journey in that country, having set out from Mendoza in the province of Cujo, on the 27th of April 1783, with post horses for Buenos Ayres. We soon learnt, from some people whom we met, that the Pehuenches were out upon predatory excursions, and soon afterwards received the melancholy intelligence that they had committed horrible massacres in the Portion of Magdalena. In consequence of this, all the post-houses where we stopped were in a state of alarm, and some of them were entirely deserted. During the year before, three hundred of these Indians appeared suddenly before the post of Gutierrez, all lying back upon their horses and trailing their lances, in order to make it appear that it was only a drove of mares which is a very common sight in those Pampas or almost unlimited plains. Although they saw but one man who patroled the wall with his musquet, and was indeed the only person in the post, they were deterred from making any attack, supposing it to be strongly guarded. This man knew well that the horses were guided, by the exact order they pursued, though he could see nothing of the riders till they were very near. He had the prudence likewise to refrain from firing his musquet, which probably led them to believe there was a greater force within the place, and induced them to abandon the enterprise, venting their rage on the other unprotected inhabitants of the plains. The commander of the post of Amatrain was not so fortunate, as he was killed that same year along with a negro who accompanied him. These posts are fortified with palisades, or with a mud wall, and have a ditch and draw-bridge.

Although the Pehuenches frequently commit depredations in these eastern plains, they have many years refrained from any hostilities within the boundaries of Chili, unless in times of actual war between the nations; induced to this either from fear of the military population of Chili, or by the advantages which they derive from trading with the inhabitants of that kingdom. Their favourite weapon is the laque or leathern thong with a stone at each end, which they always carry fastened to their girdles. It is highly probable that the ten Americans in the ship commanded by Orellana, of whose amazing and desperate courage, mention is made in Ansons voyage, were of this tribe. Notwithstanding their wandering and restless mode of life, they are more addicted to industrious and even commercial habits than any of the savage natives of South America. When in their tents, they are never idle. The women weave cloths of various colours, and the men occupy themselves in making baskets, and a variety of beautiful articles of wood, leather, skins, or feathers, which are much prized by the Spaniards. Every year they assemble in large numbers on the Spanish frontiers, where they hold a kind of fair which generally lasts fifteen or twenty days. On these occasions they bring for sale, besides horses and cattle, fossil salt, gypsum, pitch, bed-coverings, ponchos, skins, wool, bridle-reins beautifully wrought of plaited leather, baskets, wooden vessels, feathers, ostrich-eggs, and a variety of other articles; and receive in return wheat, wine, and European manufactures. In the conduct of this barter they are very skilful, and can with difficulty be overreached. Lest they should be cheated or plundered by the Christian merchants, who think every thing lawful against unbelievers, they never drink all at one time; but separate themselves into several companies, some of whom keep guard while the rest indulge in wine. They are generally humane, courteous, just in their dealings, and possessed of many estimable qualities.

The Chiquillanians, whom some persons have supposed a tribe of the Pehueaches, live to the north-east of that nation, on the eastern borders, of the Andes[86]. These are the most savage, and consequently the least numerous of any of the tribes of the Chilese; for it is an established fact, that the ruder the state of savage life the less favourable it is to population. They go almost naked, merely wrapping the skins of the Guanaco round their bodies, and they speak a corrupted and guttural dialect of the Chili-dugu or Chilese language. It is observable that all the Chilese tribes which inhabit the elevated valleys of the Andes, both Pehuenches, Puelches, Huilliches, and Chiquillanians, are much redder than those of their countrymen who dwell in the lower country to the west of these mountains. All these mountaineers dress themselves in skins, paint their laces, subsist in a great measure by hunting, and lead a wandering and unsettled life. They are in fact the so much celebrated Patagonians, who have been occasionally seen near the Straits of Magellan, and who have sometimes been described as giants, and at other times as not much beyond the ordinary stature of mankind. Generally speaking however, they are of lofty stature and have great muscular strength.

[Footnote 86: In the map accompanying the English translation of Molina, the Penuenches and Chiquillanians are placed under the same parallel between lat. 33 deg. SO' and 36 deg. S. The former on the western and the latter on the eastern side of the Andes.—E.]

On information being sent to Spain of the death of Quiroga, as formerly mentioned, Don Alonzo Sotomayor Marquis of Villa-hermoso was sent out as governor with six hundred regular troops. He landed at Buenos Ayres in 1583, from whence he proceeded to St Jago. On taking possession of his government, he appointed his brother Don Luis to the new office of Colonel of the Kingdom, and sent him with a military force to relieve the cities of Villarica and Valdivia, which were both besieged by the Araucanians. After twice defeating the toqui, Paynenancu, who opposed his march, he raised the sieges and supplied both places with reinforcements. The indefatigable but unfortunate toqui, after two defeats from Don Luis, turned his arms against Tiburcio Heredia and Antonio Galleguilios, who were ravaging the country with separate strong detachments of cavalry, and was successively defeated by both of these officers, yet the victors paid dear for their successes.

While these events were going on in the south, the governor had to oppose the Pehuenches who had invaded the new settlement of Chilian, and whom he defeated and constrained to retire into their mountains. He then marched into Araucania at the head of seven hundred Spaniards and a great number of auxiliaries, resolved to pursue the cruel and rigorous system of warfare which had formerly been adopted by Don Garcia, in preference to the humane procedure of his immediate predecessors. The province of Encol was the first to experience the effects of this severity, as he laid it entirely waste with fire and sword, and either hanged his prisoners, or sent them away with their hands cut off to intimidate their countrymen. The adjoining provinces of Puren, Ilicura, and Tucapel would have experienced a similar fate, if the inhabitants had not ensured their personal safety by flight, after setting their houses and crops on fire, and destroying every thing they could not carry off. Only three prisoners were taken in these provinces, who were impaled. Notwithstanding these severities, many mestees and mulatoes joined the Araucanians, and even some Spaniards, among who was Juan Sanchez, who acquired great reputation among them.

Impelled either by his natural rash valour, or by despair on finding that he had fallen in the estimation of the Araucanians by his want of success, Paynenancu gave battle to the whole Spanish army on the confines of the province of Arauco with only eight hundred men; yet such was the resolute valour with which they fought that the Spaniards were unable to break their firm array, till after a hard contested battle of several hours, in which they lost a considerable number of men. Almost the whole of the Araucanian troops engaged in this unequal contest were slain; but Paynenancu was made prisoner and immediately executed. The victorious governor encamped with his army on the banks of the Carampangui river, and caused the fortress of Arauco to be rebuilt, of which he gave the command to Garcia Ramon the quarter-master.

The Araucanian valour, which had been repressed by the imprudent conduct of Paynenancu, was revived in 1585, by the elevation of Cayancura to the dignity of toqui, an ulmen of the province or district of Mariguenu. Immediately on his election, he dispatched an hundred and fifty messengers to every corner of the country, with the symbolical arrows to summon the martial youth of Araucania to the national army. Having by these means assembled a respectable force, the new toqui determined upon making an attack at midnight on the Spanish camp, which was still on the banks of the Carampangui, and of the exact situation of which he had procured information by means of a spy. For this purpose, he formed his army in three divisions, of which he gave the command to three valiant officers, Lonconobal, Antulevu, and Tarochina. The divisions proceeded by three several roads which led to the camp, and coming upon it by surprise, cut the auxiliaries to pieces who were the first to oppose their progress. Fortunately for the Spaniards, the moon rose about the middle of the assualt, and enabled them, after a short period of confusion, and the loss of several men, to form themselves in good order, and to make head against the assailants, who at length began to give way after suffering severely from the fire of the Spanish musquetry. Just at this critical time, the governor charged the Araucanians and forced them to give way, after both sides had suffered considerable loss. Cayancura, who had halted with a body of reserve at the entrance of the Spanish camp for the purpose of supporting the attack, on finding his troops retiring exhausted and dispirited, drew off the whole to some distance where he permitted them to take rest and refreshment during the remainder of the night, and returned at day-break next morning to the attack. The Spanish army marched out to meet them in the open field, and a most obstinate and bloody battle ensued. After a brave contest, the Araucanians were overpowered by the artillery and cavalry of the Spaniards, and constrained to quit the field with great loss, though the Spaniards paid dear for their victory; insomuch that, immediately after the action, the governor raised his camp and retired to the frontiers, where he built two forts named Trinidad and Spiritu Santo on the northern shore of the Biobio. He also sent orders to the major-general to raise as many recruits as possible throughout the kingdom of Chili, which officer brought him accordingly a reinforcement of two thousand[87] horse and a considerable number of infantry.

[Footnote 87: From the original army of the governor having only seven hundred men, I am apt to believe the number of horse in the text ought only to have been two hundred.—E.]

Undismayed by his recent losses, the Araucanian general determined to take advantage of the governors retreat to lay siege to the fort of Arauco; and in order to secure the success of this enterprise, he endeavoured to occupy the Spanish arms in other quarters. For this purpose, he ordered one of his officers named Guepotan to make incursions on the territory of Villarica from the fortified post of Liben, where he had supported himself for several years. To Cadiguala, another officer who afterwards became toqui, he gave it in charge to harass the district of Angol; appointed Tarochina to guard the passage of the Biobio, and sent Melilauca and Catipillan to keep the garrison of Imperial in check. These officers had several encounters with the Spaniards attended with various success. Guepotan lost the fortified post of Liben, which was taken by the governors brother. Tarochina made himself master of a great number of boats on the Biobio, which were conveying supplies of men and warlike stores to the recently erected forts on that river.