They have a tradition of a great deluge, in which only a few persons were saved by taking refuge on a high mountain, named Thegtheg, the thundering or sparkling, which had three points, and had the property of floating on the waters. On the occurrence of violent earthquakes, they fly for refuge to the mountains, fearful that the sea may again deluge the world; and on these occasions, every one takes a good supply of provisions, and a large wooden platter to protect the head, in case the Thegtheg when raised by the waters should approach the sun.

The year of the Araucanians is solar, and begins on the 22d of December, or immediately after the southern solstice, which they call Thaumathipantu, or the head and tail of the year, and are able to ascertain this period with tolerable precision by means of watching the shadows. The 22d of June is called Udanthipantu, the divider of the year, as dividing it into two equal parts. The whole year is called Tipantu, or the course of the sun, and is divided into twelve months of thirty days each, to which they add five intercallary days to complete the tropical year, but in what way I have not been able to determine. The months are called cujen, or moons, and have the following names:

Avun-cujen, the month of fruit, ——————-January Coji-cujen the month of harvest, ——————February Glor-cujen, the month of maize, ———————-March Rimu-cujen, the 1st month of rimu, ———————-April Inarimu-cujen, the 2d month of rimu, ————————-May Thor-cujen, the 1st month of foam, ————————June Inanthor-cujen, the 2d month of foam, ————————July Huin-cujen, the unpleasant month, ———————August Pillal-cujen, the treacherous month, ————— September Hueul-cujen, 1st month of new winds, ——————-October Inan-hueul-cujen, 2d month of new winds, ——————November Hueviru-cujen, the month of new fruits, —————- December

The year is divided into four seasons; the spring being called Peughen, the summer Ucan, the autumn Gualug, and the winter Pucham. The natural day is divided into twelve parts or hours, called gliaganiu, six of which belong to the day and six to the night, all of which have particular names. Commencing at midnight, there are Puliuen, Ueun, Thipanantu, Maleu, Vutamaleu, Ragiantu, Culunantu, Gullantu, Conantu, Guvquenantu, Puni, Ragipun. The stars in general are named huaglen, which they distribute into constellations called pal or ritha. The pleiades are named Cajupal, or the constellation of six; the antarctic cross Meleritho, the Constellation of four, and so on. The milky-way is named Rupuepen, the fabulous road. The planets are called gau, a word derived from gaun to wash, as they suppose them to dip into the sea when they set; and some conceive them to be other earths inhabited like our own. The sky is called Guenu-mapu, or the heavenly country; the moon Cuyenmapu, or the country of the moon. Comets are called Cheruvoc, as believed to be terrestrial exhalations inflamed in the upper region of the air. The eclipses of the sun and moon are called Lay-antu and Lay-cujen, or the deaths of the sun and moon.

Their measures of length are the _nela_ or palm, the _duche_ or foot, _namun_ the pace, _the can_ the ell, and _tupu_ the league, which answers to the marine league or the pharasang of the Persians: But they estimate long distances by mornings, corresponding to our days journeys. The liquid measures are the _guampar_, about a quart; _can_ about a pint; and the _mencu_, which is still smaller. The dry measures are the _chiaique, about six pints; and the _gliepu_, which is double that quantity.

Oratory is held in high estimation, and is the road to honour and the management of public affairs; insomuch that the eldest son of an Ulmen, if deficient in that talent, is excluded from the right of succession, which devolves upon a younger son, or the nearest male relative who happens to be an able speaker. On this account, parents accustom their sons to speak in public from their early youth, and carry them to the national assemblies, where the best orators of the nation display their eloquence. Hence the universal attention to speak the language correctly and to preserve its purity. They are so careful to avoid the introduction of any foreign words into their language, that when any stranger settles among them he is obliged to adopt a new name in the Chili-dugu or language of the country, and even the missionaries must conform to this singular regulation, if they would obtain favour; and so fastidious are they in attention to the purity of their language, that the audience will interrupt a missionary while preaching, to correct the mistakes in language or pronunciation. Many of them are well acquainted with the Spanish language; and, from being accustomed to a soft regular and varied language, they are able easily to learn the pronunciation of the different European dialects, as was observed by Captain Wallis of the Patagonians, who are real Chilese. They are so unwilling however to use the Spanish, that they never use it in any of the assemblies or congresses between the two nations, and rather choose to listen to a tiresome interpretation than to degrade the dignity of their native tongue by using another on such occasions. Their style of oratory is highly figurative, elevated, allegorical, and replete with peculiar phrases and expressions that are only used on such occasions; whence it is called coyag-tucan or the style of public harangues. They commonly divide their subject into regular heads, called thoy, and usually specify the number they mean to enlarge upon; saying Epu thoygei tamen piavin, "what I am going to say is divided into two heads." Their speeches are not deficient in a suitable exordium, a clear narrative, a well-founded argument, and a pathetic peroration; and usually abound in parables and apologues; which sometimes furnish the main substance of the discourse.

Their poets are called gempin, or lords of speech; and their poetry generally contains strong and lively images, bold figures, frequent allusions and similitudes, new and forcible expressions, and possesses the power of exciting sensibility. It is every where animated and metaphorical, and allegory is its very soul and essence. Their verses are mostly composed in stanzas of eight or eleven syllables, and are for the most part blank, yet rhyme is occasionally introduced, according to the taste or caprice of the poet.

They have three kinds of physicians. Of these the ampives, who are skilful herbalists, are the best, and have even some skill in the pulse and other diagnostics of disease. The vileus pretend that all contagious diseases are produced by insects or worms, and are therefore often called cutampiru, which signifies vermiculous diseases, or diseases proceeding from worms. The machis are a superstitious class, or pretenders to sorcery, and allege that all diseases proceed from witchcraft, and pretend therefore to cure them by supernatural means, for which reason they are employed in desperate cases, when the exertions of the ampives and vileus have proved ineffectual; They have likewise a kind of surgeons, called gutarve; who are skilful in replacing luxations, setting fractured bones, and curing wounds and ulcers. Before the arrival of the Spaniards, the Chilese doctors used bleeding, blistering, emetics, cathartics, sudorifics, and even glysters. They let blood by means of a sharp flint fixed in a small stick; and for giving glysters they employ a bladder and pipe. Their emetics, cathartics, and sudorifics are all obtained from the vegetable kingdom.

Their commerce, both internal and external, is all carried on by barter, as they have not adopted the use of money; and this is regulated by a conventional tariff according to which the values of all articles in commerce are appraised under the name of cullen, or payment. Their external trade is with the Spaniards, with whom they exchange ponchos, or Chilese cloaks, and animals, for wine or European articles. The Spaniards of the province of Maule supply the Araucanians with iron ware, bits for bridles, cutlery, grain, and wine; and are paid in ponchos of which they receive above 40,000 yearly, in horned cattle, horses, ostrich feathers, curious baskets, and other trifles; for it has never been possible to induce them to open their gold mines. The Spanish merchant has in the first place to obtain permission from the ulmens or heads of families of a district, after which he proceeds to all the houses, distributing his merchandize indiscriminately to all, who present themselves. When he has completed his sale, he gives notice of his departure, and all the purchasers hasten to an appointed village, where they deliver the articles agreed for with the utmost punctuality.

SECTION IV.

First Expedition of the Spaniards into Chili under Almagro.

After the death of Atahualpa and the subjection of the Peruvian empire by Pizarro and Almagro, Pizarro persuaded his companion Almagro to undertake the conquest of Chili then celebrated for its niches, being desirous to enjoy the sole command in Peru. Filled with sanguine expectations of a rich booty, Almagro began his march for Chili in the end[61] of the year 1535, with an army of 570 Spaniards, and accompanied by 15,000 Peruvians, under the command of Paullu[62], the brother of the Inca Manco, the nominal emperor of Peru, who had succeeded to Atahualpa and Huasear. Two roads lead from Peru to Chili; one of which by the maritime plain, is the arid desert of Atacama, destitute of water and provisions; while the other passes for about 120 miles over the immense ridge of the Andes, and is attended by excessive inconveniences and almost insurmountable difficulties Almagro chose this road because it was the shortest from Cuzco; and in this march his army had to endure infinite fatigue, and almost incessant conflicts with the barbarous tribes in the several districts through which he had to pass. He at length reached the eastern side of the vast chain of the Andes at the commencement of winter, almost destitute of provisions, and ill supplied with clothing to protect his people under the inclemencies of the region he had still to penetrate. At the season of the year which he unfortunately chose, snow falls almost continually among the Andes, and completely fills and obliterates the narrow paths that are even difficultly passable in summer. The soldiers, however, animated by their general, and ignorant of the dangers they had to encounter, advanced with inconceivable toil to the summit of the rugged ascent. But by the severity of the weather, and the want of provisions, 150 of the Spaniards perished by the way; and 10,000 of the Peruvians, less able to endure the rigours of that frozen region, were destroyed. Not one of all the army would have escaped, had not Almagro pushed resolutely forward with a small party of horse to Copaipo, whence he sent back succours and provisions to his army still engaged in the defiles of the mountains. By these means, those of the most robust constitutions, who had been able to resist the inclemency of the weather, were enabled to extricate themselves from the snow, and at length reached the plains of Copaipo, the most northerly province in Chili, where they were kindly received and entertained by the inhabitants, through respect for the Peruvians.

[Footnote 61: The beginning of that year according to Ovale.—E.]

[Footnote 62: By Orale this Peruvian prince is called Paullo Topo, and the high priest of the Peruvians, Villacumu, is said to have been likewise sent in company with Almagro.—E.]

As the Inca Paullu was well acquainted with the object of this expedition, he obliged the inhabitants of Copaipo to deliver up to him all the gold in their possession, which he immediately presented to Almagro, to the value of 500,000 ducats. Almagro was highly pleased with this first fruit of his labours, and immediately distributed the whole among his soldiers, to whom also he remitted immense debts which they owed him, as he had advanced them all the funds which were necessary to fit them out for the expedition. Almagro soon learnt that the reigning Ulmen of Copaipo had usurped the government of that province in prejudice of his nephew and ward, who had fled to the woods. Calling the lawful heir into his presence, he arrested the guilty chief, and reinstated the lawful heir in the government, with the universal applause of the natives, who attributed this conduct entirely to motives of justice and a wish to redress the injured.

When the Spaniards were recovered from their fatigues, through the hospitable assistance of the Copaipins, and were reinforced by an additional number of soldiers brought by Rodrigo Orgonez from Peru, Almagro and his troops commenced their march towards the more southerly provinces of Chili, full of the most flattering hopes of acquiring vast riches and splendid establishments in a fine country, which was interspersed on all sides with numerous villages, evincing an extensive population and fertile soil. The natives every where crowded round them on the march, to examine the wonderful strangers, and to present them with such things as they thought might prove agreeable to beings whom they conceived of a superior order to other men. In the mean time, two soldiers who had separated from the army, proceeded to the river Huasco which forms the boundary between the provinces of Copaipo and Coquimbo, where they were well received at first by the inhabitants; but, in consequence of some acts of violence, they were afterwards put to death, being the first European blood spilt in Chili, which has since been so copiously watered with the blood of the Spaniards. On being informed of this unfortunate accident, calculated to weaken the exalted notion which he wished to inspire into the natives of the character of his soldiers, Almagro hastened his march for Coquimbo, where he immediately ordered Marcando the head ulmen of the province, his brother, and twenty others of the principal inhabitants to be brought before him; all of whom he committed to the flames; This act of cruelty appeared extraordinary and unjust to every one; for even among these adventurers, inured to rapine and bloodshed, there still were some men of humanity and justice. The majority of the army openly disapproved the severity of the general on this occasion, and from this time his affairs ceased to be prosperous.

Some time in the year 1537, Almagro received a considerable reinforcement from Peru under the command of Juan de Rada; who likewise brought him letters patent from the king of Spain, by which he was appointed governor of 200 leagues of territory to the southward of the government which had been granted to Francisco Pizarro. By the same conveyance Almagro received letters from his friends in Peru, urging him to return to that country and to take possession of Cuzco, which they asserted was within the limits of the jurisdiction confided to him by his patent. But, as he entertained very sanguine ideas of the value of the conquest in which he was now engaged, he pursued his march towards the south, and passed the fatal Cachapoal or Rapel, regardless of the remonstrances of his Peruvian allies, who urged him to refrain from attempting to invade the country of the valiant Promaucians[63]. At the first appearance of the Spaniards, these brave Indians were astonished and terrified by the horses and thundering arms of the strangers; but soon recovering from the effects of their first surprise, they intrepidly opposed their new enemies on the banks of the Rio-claro. Despising their force, and ignorant of their bravery, Almagro placed his Peruvian allies in the first line, now considerably increased by an additional number whom Paullu had drawn from the Peruvian garrisons in Chili. But these troops were soon defeated by the Promaucians, and fell back in confusion on the line of Spaniards in the rear. The Spaniards, instead of remaining spectators of the battle, were now compelled to sustain the vigorous attack of the enemy; and, advancing with their horse, a furious battle was fought with considerable loss on both sides, and continued till night separated the combatants without either party having gained the victory.

[Footnote 63: Called Puramaucans by Garcilasso and Promocaes by Ovale, who names the Cauquenes and Peneos as their allies.—E.]

Although the Promaucians had sustained a heavy loss in this battle, they courageously encamped within sight of the Spaniards, determined to renew the fight next morning. Though the Spaniards had kept possession of the field, and considered themselves victorious according to the customs of Europe, they were very differently inclined from their valiant enemies. Hitherto they had been accustomed to subdue extensive provinces with little or no resistance, and became disgusted with an enterprise which could not be accomplished without much fatigue and danger, and the loss of much blood, having to contend against a bold and independent nation, by whom they were not considered as immortal or as a superior order of beings. It was therefore resolved by common consent to abandon the present expedition, yet they differed materially as to the conduct of their retreat; some being desirous to return into Peru entirely, while others wished to form a settlement in the northern provinces of Chili, where they had already received so much hospitality, and had acquired considerable riches. The first opinion was supported by Almagro, now strongly impressed by the suggestions of his friends in Peru to take possession of Cuzco. He represented to his soldiers the dangers to which a settlement would be exposed in so warlike a country, and persuaded them to follow him to Cuzco, where he expected to be able to establish his authority either by persuasion or force, pursuant to his royal patent.

Having determined to return into Peru, and having fatally experienced the dangers of the mountain road, Almagro resolved to march by the desert of Atacama in the maritime plain, by which he conducted his troops into Peru with very little loss in 1538. He took possession of Cuzco by surprise; and, after ineffectual negociations, he fought a battle with the brother of Pizarro, by whom he was taken prisoner, and beheaded as a disturber of the public peace. Such was the fate of the first expedition of the Spaniards against Chili, undertaken by the best body of European troops that had hitherto been collected in those distant regions. The thirst of riches was the moving spring of this expedition, and the disappointment of their hopes the cause of its abandonment.

SECTION V.

Second Expedition into Chili, under Pedro de Valdivia, to the commencement of the War between the Spaniards and Araucanians.

Having obtained absolute command of the Spanish possessions on the southern side of South America, by the defeat and death of his rival Almagro. Pizarro resolved to resume the conquest of Chili, which he conceived might become an important acquisition. Among the adventurers who had come from Spain to Chili, were two officers who held royal commissions to attempt this conquest, named Pedro Sanchez de Hoz, and Camargo. To Hoz had been confided the conquest of the country from the confines of Peru to the river Maule; and to Camargo the remainder of the country beyond that river to the archipelago of Chiloe. Jealous of the interference of these officers in the country which he considered as his by right of discovery, Pizarro refused under frivolous pretences to confirm the royal nomination, and chose for the conduct of the expedition Pedro de Valdivia, his quarter-master, a prudent active and brave officer, who had acquired military experience in the wars of Italy, and who had already evinced a strong attachment to his party. On this occasion, Valdivia was directed to take Hoz along with him to Chili, and to allow him every advantage he could possibly desire in the allotment or repartition of lands and Indians in the expected conquest.

Valdivia accordingly set out from Cuzco in 1540, with a force of 200 Spaniards, and accompanied by a numerous body of Peruvian auxiliaries, taking likewise along with him some monks, several Spanish women, and a great number of European quadrupeds, with every requisite for settling a new colony in the country. On his march for Chili he pursued the same route with Almagro; but instructed by the misfortunes of his predecessor, he did not attempt to pass the Andes till the middle of summer, by which precaution he was enabled to enter Chili without incurring any loss. His reception there however, even in the northern provinces, was very different from that which had been experienced by Almagro. Informed of the conquest of Peru by the Spaniards, owing to which they were freed from the submission they had come under to the Incas, they did not consider themselves bound to transfer their obedience to the present invaders. The Copaipans accordingly began to attack Valdivia immediately on entering their country, assailing him at every step with much valour, but with very little conduct. Like barbarians in general, they were incapable of making a common cause with each other; and having been long accustomed to servitude under the Peruvians, during which all union among the northern tribes had been dissolved, they attacked their invaders in separate hordes as they advanced into the country, and without that steady and firm courage which stamps the valour of a free people in the defence of their liberties. In spite of this desultory and uncombined opposition from the natives, Valdivia traversed the provinces of Copaipo, Coquimbo, Quillota, and Melipilla, with Very little loss though much harassed, and arrived in the province of Mapocho, now called St Jago.

This province, which is more than 600 miles from the confines of Peru, is one of the pleasantest and most fertile in the kingdom. Its name of Mapocho signifies in the Chilese language, the land of many people; and according to the earliest writers respecting Chili, its population was then extremely numerous. This province, which borders on the Andes, is 140 miles in circumference, and is watered by the rivers Maypo, Colina, Lampa, and Mapocho, which last divides it into two nearly equal parts. In one place this river sinks into the earth, and after a subterraneous course of five miles, emerges again with an increase of its waters, and finally joins the river Maypo. The mountains of Caren, which terminate this province on the north, abound in gold, and in that part of the Andes which forms the eastern boundary, there are several rich mines of silver. Valdivia had penetrated thus far into the country on purpose to render it difficult for his soldiers to return into Peru, and he now determined to form a settlement in this province, which from its remote situation and natural advantages, seemed excellently calculated to become the centre of his intended conquests. Having selected with this view a convenient situation on the left shore of the Mapocho, he laid the foundation of the intended capital of the kingdom of Chili, on the 24th of February 1541, naming this new city St Jago, in honour of the tutelary saint of Spain. In laying out the ground plan of the intended city, he divided the whole into plots or squares of 4095 toises each[64], and allotted a quarter of each square as the scite of a house for each citizen, which plan has been followed in laying out all the other cities in Chili. One of these areas situated on one side of the great square was destined for the cathedral and bishops palace, and another for the house of the governor and the public offices. He then appointed a cabildo or magistracy, according to the usual forms in Spanish cities, from those persons in his small army that were best qualified for the purpose; and, for the protection of the new settlement, in case of attack from the Chilese, he built a fort on a hill in the centre of the city, which has since received the name of St Lucia.

[Footnote 64: Though not distinctly so expressed, this must be considered as square toises, making each side of the square 64 toises, or 384 feet. In a former account of the city of St Jago, the public square is described as being 450 feet on each side.—E.]

Though many have applauded the sagacity of Valdivia in the choice of a situation for the capital of the new colony, it would in my opinion have been much better placed on the banks of the river Maypo, about fifteen miles farther south; as that river is much larger than the Mapocho, has a direct communication with the sea, and might easily be made navigable for ships of considerable burden. In the year 1787, this city contained more than 40,000 inhabitants, and was rapidly increasing in population, owing to its being the seat of government, and the residence of many wealthy and luxurious families, by which it attracts considerable commerce.

The natives observed the progress of this new settlement with much jealousy, and concerted measures for freeing themselves from such unwelcome intruders; but, as Valdivia discovered their intentions, he confined the chiefs of the conspiracy in his new fortress; and having intimation of a secret intelligence being carried on between the Mapochians and their neighbours, the Promancians, he repaired with a body of sixty horse to the river Cachapoal or Rapel to watch the motions of that brave and enterprising nation. This precaution was however altogether unnecessary, as that fearless people had not sufficient policy or foresight to think of uniting with their neighbours in order to secure themselves from the impending danger. Taking advantage of the absence of Valdivia, the Mapochians fell upon the new settlement with desperate fury, burnt all the half-built houses, and assailed the citadel on all sides, in which the inhabitants had taken refuge. While the Spaniards were valiantly defending their imperfect fortifications, a woman named Inez Suarez, beat out the brains of all the captive chiefs with an axe, under the apprehension that they were endeavouring to regain their liberty, and might assist the assailants in gaining possession of the fort. The attack began at day-break, and was continued without intermission till night, fresh assailants continually occupying the places of those who were, slain or disabled.

The commandant of the Spaniards, Alonzo de Monroy, found means to send a messenger to inform Valdivia of his situation; and the governor accordingly hastened to the aid of the besieged with all possible expedition, and found the ditch almost filled with dead bodies, while the enemy, notwithstanding the heavy loss they had sustained, were preparing to renew the assault. Drawing out its infantry from the fort to join the cavalry he had along with him, Valdivia advanced in order of battle against the forces of the enemy, who were posted on the bank of the Mapocho. The battle was again renewed in this place, and obstinately contested with equal valour on both sides; but with great disadvantage on the part of the natives, who were far inferior in arms and discipline to the Spaniards. The musquetry and the horse made a dreadful slaughter among Mapochians, who were only armed with bows and slings; yet obstinately bent upon preserving their independence, and regardless of their own importance, they rushed on to inevitable destruction; till having lost the flower of their valiant warriors, and reduced to a small number, they at length fled and dispersed over the plain. Notwithstanding this memorable defeat, and others of not less importance which they sustained afterwards, the Mapochians did not cease for the space of six years to keep the Spaniards closely blockaded in St Jago, continually attacking them on every opportunity, and cutting off their provisions so effectually, that they were often reduced to great straits, having to subsist upon unwholesome and loathsome viands, and what little grain they were able to raise under protection of the cannon from the ramparts. At length, worn out and brought to utter ruin by this incessant warfare, the remnant of the Mapochians destroyed their own crops and retired to the mountains, leaving the fertile plains around the new city utterly deserted and uncultivated.

The soldiers under Valdivia became wearied and disgusted by this continual war, so different from what they had expected; and as they believed him obstinately bent upon adherence to his own plan, and resolved to continue the settlement in spite of every opposition from the natives, they entered into a conspiracy to kill their general and to return into Peru, where they expected to enjoy more ease and tranquillity. Having fortunately got notice of this conspiracy, Valdivia, who possessed great prudence and an insinuating address, soon conciliated those who were least implicated. After this, as he only had the title of general which did not confer any civil and judicial power, he assembled the Cabildo of the city, and persuaded them to invest him in the office of governor of the city and kingdom. In this imposing capacity, he tried and capitally punished some of the ringleaders of the conspiracy, and then prudently exerted himself to soothe the turbulent and seditious spirits of the remainder, by buoying up their hopes with the most flattering promises of future wealth. He had often heard in Peru, that the valley of Quillota abounded in mines of gold, and was hopeful therefore of being able to obtain a sufficient quantity from thence to satisfy the avidity of his soldiers. Notwithstanding the difficulties with which he was surrounded, he sent a party of soldiers into the valley of Quillota, with orders to superintend and protect a number of labourers in digging for the precious metal said to be abound in that place. The mine which was opened upon this occasion proved remarkably rich and productive, surpassing their most sanguine hopes; so that all their past sufferings and present difficulties were soon buried in oblivion, and henceforwards no one had the remotest wish to leave the country. Valdivia, encouraged by this success to new enterprises, ordered a carrack or ship of some considerable size to be built at the mouth of the river Chillan, which traverses the valley of Quillota, for the purpose of more readily obtaining succours from Peru, without which he was fully sensible he could not possibly succeed in the vast enterprise he had in view, which was no less than to accomplish the entire reduction of Chili.

In the mean time, considering the urgent state of his affairs, Valdivia resolved to dispatch two of his principal officers, Alonzo Monroy, and Pedro Miranda by land to Peru, with an escort of six horsemen, whose spurs, bits, and stirrups he directed to be made of solid gold, hoping thereby to entice a sufficient number of recruits to come to his assistance, by this obvious proof of the riches of the country. Although these messengers were escorted to the confines of Chili by thirty additional horsemen, they were attacked and defeated in the province of Copaipo by a hundred archers, commanded by Coteo, an officer of the Ulmen of that province. Of the whole party none escaped with life but the two officers, Monroy and Miranda, who were made prisoners and carried before the ulmen covered with wounds. The prince had resolved on putting them both to death; but, while deliberating on the mode of execution, his wife, the ulmena or princess of Copaipo, moved by compassion for their unhappy situation, successfully interceded with her husband to spare their lives, unbound them with her own hands, tenderly dressed their wounds, and treated them as if they had been her brothers. When they were entirely recovered, she desired them to teach her son the art of riding, as several of the Spanish horses had been taken in the late defeat. The two Spaniards readily consented to her request, hoping to avail themselves of this circumstance to give them an opportunity of recovering their liberty, which they did in effect; but the means they employed was marked by a cruel act of ingratitude to their compassionate benefactress, of so much deeper turpitude that it was unnecessary for their purpose. As the young prince was one day riding between them, escorted by a party of archers and preceded by an officer carrying a lance, Monroy suddenly dispatched him with two or three mortal wounds of a poniard. At the same time Miranda wrested the lance from the officer of the guard, who were thrown into confusion by this unexpected event, and the two Spaniards readily accomplished their escape. Being well mounted, they easily eluded pursuit, and made their way through the desert into Peru, whence they continued their way to Cuzco, where Vaca de Castro then resided, who had succeeded to the government after the cruel assassination of Francisco Pizarro by the Almagrian faction.

When De Castro was informed of the critical situation of affairs in Chili, he immediately sent off a considerable reinforcement by land under the command of Monroy, who had the good fortune to conceal his march from the Copaipans, and to join Valdivia in safety. At the same time the president of Peru dispatched by sea Juan Batista Pastene, a noble Genoese, with a more considerable reinforcement for Valdivia. On receiving these two reinforcements, which arrived about the same time, Valdivia began to carry his great designs into execution. Being solicitous to have a complete knowledge of the sea-coast, he ordered Pastene to explore the whole as far to the southwards as possible, noting the most important places all along the coast; and, on his return from this maritime survey, he sent him back to Peru for additional reinforcements, as the natives had become every day bolder and more enterprising, ever since their victory in Copaipo over Monroy and Miranda. Only a little before this, the Quillotans had contrived to massacre all the soldiers employed at the gold mines in their country, by the following stratagem. One day a neighbouring Indian brought a pot full of gold to Gonzalo Rios, the commandant at the mines, and told him that he had found a great quantity in a certain district of the country which he offered to point out. On this information, all were eager to proceed immediately to the place, that they might participate in the imaginary treasure. As they arrived at the place described in a tumultuary manner and entirely off their guard, they fell into an ambush, by which the whole party was slain, except their imprudent commander and one negro, both of whom saved their lives by the speed of their horses. About the same time the vessel which Valdivia had ordered to be built at the mouth of the river Chillan was burnt by the natives, together with the store-houses or arsenal which he had established in that place.

On receiving notice of the disaster which had taken place at the mines, Valdivia hastened to Quillota with a strong body of troops, and took revenge as far as he could on the Quillotans for the death of his soldiers; after which, he constructed a fort in their country in which he left a garrison for the protection of the people employed in the gold mines. Being soon afterwards reinforced by three hundred men from Peru, under the command of Francisco Villagran and Christoval Escobar, he made choice of a beautiful plain near the mouth of the river Coquimbo, at which place there is a very convenient natural harbour, near which he erected in 1544: a city which he named Serena, to serve as a place of arms to protect the northern part of Chili, and to secure the convoys and reinforcements which might come from Peru in that direction. This place is still known in geography by the name of Serena; but in Chili the native name of Coquimbo prevails, as is the case with most of the Spanish cities and towns in Chili.

In the ensuing year, 1545, Valdivia marched into the country of the Promaucians, with the view of extending his conquests to the southwards. Contemporary historians have not left an account of the events of this year, nor of any battles having been fought on this occasion; yet it is hardly to be supposed that this valiant tribe, who had so gloriously repulsed the armies of the Inca and of Almagro, would allow Valdivia to reduce their territory to subjection without a struggle. However this may have been, it is certain that he had the art to persuade the Promaucians to enter into an alliance with him against the other tribes of Chili; as ever since the Spanish armies in Chili have been assisted by Promaucian auxiliaries, owing to which the most rooted antipathy has been constantly entertained by the Araucanians against the remnant of the Promaucians. In the year 1546, Valdivia passed the river Maule, and reduced the natives to obedience from that river to the Itata. While encamped at a place named Quilacura, near the latter river, he was attacked one night by the natives, who destroyed many of his horses, and put him into imminent danger of a total defeat. His loss on this occasion must have been considerable; as he found it necessary to relinquish his plan of farther conquest, and to return to St Jago to wait reinforcements from Peru. As the expected reinforcements did not arrive, and Pastene, who had been sent into Peru to endeavour to procure recruits, brought news in 1547 of the civil war which then raged in Peru, Valdivia determined to go thither in person, expecting to reap some advantages from these revolutionary movements.

Valdivia sailed therefore with Pastene for Peru, taking with him a great quantity of gold, and left Francisco Villagran in charge of the government of Chili during his absence. Valdivia accordingly arrived in Peru, where he offered his services to the president De la Gasca, and acted with great reputation as quarter-master-general of his army in the war against Gonzalo Pizarro. The president was so much satisfied with the services which were rendered by Valdivia on this occasion, that, after the insurrection of Gonzalo was entirely subdued, he confirmed him in the office of governor of Chili, and sent him back to that kingdom with abundance of military stores, and with two ships filled with the soldiers who had served under Gonzalo in the late insurrection, glad of an opportunity of getting rid of so many seditious people for whom there was then no fit employment in Peru.

During the absence of Valdivia from Chili, Pedro de Hoz, who had been deprived of that share in the conquest and government which had been granted him by the court of Spain, and who had imprudently put himself under the power of his more successful rival, was accused of entering into secret practices for usurping the government. It is now unknown whether this accusation was well-founded, or if it were merely a pretence for getting rid of him; but, however this may have been, Villagran condemned him to be beheaded in 1548, either to please Valdivia by ridding him of a dangerous competitor, or perhaps in consequence of secret instructions for that purpose. About this time, the Copaipans killed forty Spaniards, who were proceeding in several separate detachments from Peru to Chili; and the Coquimbans, at the instigation of these northern neighbours, massacred all the inhabitants of the new city of Serena, and razed that place to the foundations. On this occasion Francisco Aguirre was sent into this part of Chili with a military force, to chastise the natives, and had several encounters with them with various success. In 1549, he rebuilt the city of Serena in a more commodious situation, and the inhabitants have ever since considered him as the founder of their city, many of the most distinguished inhabitants of which still boast of being his descendants.

After an incessant contest of nine years, attended by incredible fatigues, numerous dangers, and many reverses, Valdivia considered himself as solidly established in the dominion of that portion of Chili which had formerly been under the authority of the Incas. He accordingly distributed the territory among his followers in repartimientos, assigning a considerable portion of land with all its native inhabitants to each of his followers in proportion to their rank and services, under the denomination of commanderies, according to the baneful system of feudalism then prevalent in Europe. Having thus quieted the restless ambition and mutinous spirit of his soldiers, he advanced towards the south to extend his conquests, accompanied by a respectable force both of Spanish and Promaucians. After a march of 250 miles, during which he encountered few obstacles of any moment, he arrived at the Bay of Penco, now generally called the Bay of Conception, which had been already explored by Pastene during his voyage of discovery formerly mentioned; and near that excellent bay he laid the foundation of the third city in Chili, on the 5th of October 1550, to which he gave the name of Conception.

The situation of this place was admirably adapted for commerce, from the excellence of its harbour; as the bay extends six miles from east to west and nine miles from north to south, defended at its entrance from the sea by the pleasant island of Quiriquina. The passage into the bay on the north side of this island, called the bocca grande, is about half a league broad, and has sufficient water for the largest ships. That on the other side of the island, or bocca chica, is very narrow, and is only navigable by small vessels. The soil around this place, under the influence of an admirable climate, produces abundance of timber, excellent wine, and all the necessaries of life, and is not deficient in the valuable minerals; and both the sea and the adjoining rivers afford great quantities of fine fish. But owing to the lowness of the situation which was chosen for this city, it was much exposed to inundations of the sea during earthquakes, which are frequent in Chili. On the 8th of July 1730, this city was nearly destroyed by an earthquake and inundation; and experienced a similar calamity on the 24th of May 1751. In consequence of these repeated calamities, the inhabitants established themselves on the 24th of November 1764 in the valley of Mocha, nine miles south from Penco, between the rivers Andalian and Biobio, where they founded a city to which they gave the name of New Conception. The harbour named Talgacuano, situated at the south-east extremity of the bottom of the bay, is between six and seven miles from the new city; and a fort is all that now remains of the old city, now called Penco.

SECTION VI.

Narrative of the War between the Spaniards and Araucanians, from the year 1550, to the Defeat and Death of Pedro de Valdivia on the 3d of December 1553.

Perceiving the intentions of Valdivia to occupy the important post of Penco by a permanent settlement, the adjacent tribes of the Pencones gave notice of this invasion to the great nation of the Araucanians, their neighbours and friends, whose territories began on the southern shore of the Biobio; who, foreseeing that the strangers would soon endeavour to reduce their own country to subjection, determined to succour their distressed allies for their own security. Accordingly, in a butacoyog, or general assembly of the Araucanian confederacy, Aillavalu was nominated supreme toqui, and was instructed to march immediately with an army to the assistance of the Pencones. In the year 1550, pursuant to the resolutions of the Araucanian confederacy, Aillavalu passed the great river Biobio, at the head of 4000 men, and boldly offered battle to Valdivia, who had advanced to meet him on the banks of the Andalian. The brave Araucanians sustained the first discharges of musquetry from the Spaniards with wonderful resolution, and even made a rapid evolution under its direful effects, by which they assailed at once the front and flank of the Spanish army. By this unexpected courageous assault, and even judicious tactical manoeuvre, the Spaniards were thrown into some disorder, and Valdivia was exposed to imminent danger, having his horse killed under him; but the Spaniards replaced their firm array, forming themselves into a hollow square supported by their cavalry, and successfully resisted every effort of their valiant enemies, of whom they slew great numbers by the superiority of their arms, yet lost at the same time a considerable number of their own men. The battle remained undecided for several hours; when at length, rashly pressing forwards with impetuous bravery, Aillavalu received a mortal wound[65], and many of the most valiant officers and soldiers of the Araucanians being slain, they retired in good order, leaving the field of battle to the Spaniards, who felt no inclination to pursue them after a so dear-bought victory.

[Footnote 65: In Ovalle, this general is named Anabillo, and is said to have been made prisoner in the battle.—E.]

Valdivia, though he had been present in many battles, both in Europe and America, was astonished at the valour and military skill of this new enemy, and declared he had never been exposed to such imminent danger in the whole course of his military service. As he expected to be soon attacked again, he immediately proceeded to construct a strong fortification for the protection of his new city; and in fact, the Araucanian confederacy was no sooner informed of the defeat and death of their general Aillavalu, than a new and more numerous army was ordered against the Spaniards, under the command of Lincoyan, who was elected to the vacant office of supreme toqui. From his gigantic stature, and frequent displays of courage, this officer had acquired great reputation among his countrymen; but, though well suited for a subaltern officer, he was timid and irresolute in the supreme military command, and greatly disappointed the expectations which had been formed from his former behaviour.

Having marshalled his army in three divisions, Lincoyan marched in 1551 to attack the Spaniards under Valdivia, who still remained at Conception, occupied in building and fortifying the new city. The Spaniards were so much alarmed by the approach of the Araucanian army, that after confessing themselves, they took shelter under the cannon of their fortifications, where the Araucanians boldly assailed them. But, finding the first assault unsuccessful, Lincoyan became apprehensive of losing the army which had been committed to his charge, and ordered a precipitate retreat, to the great surprise of Valdivia, who was apprehensive of some stratagem, and did not venture upon attempting a pursuit. When it was discovered that the enemy had actually retreated, the Spaniards considered their flight as a special favour from heaven, and some even alleged that they had seen the apostle St James, mounted on a white horse, waving a flaming sword and striking terror into their enemies. But the only miracle on this occasion proceeded from the timid circumspection of Lincoyan.

Being now in some measure freed from the restraint imposed upon him by the Araucanians, Valdivia applied himself diligently to the building of the city of Conception, for which place he entertained a strong predilection, as he considered that it would become the centre of maritime communication between Chili and the ports of Peru and Spain. Although he had fixed upon St Jago for the capital of the kingdom of Chili, he determined upon establishing his own family at Conception; for which purpose he selected a pleasant situation for his own dwelling, reserving for himself the fertile peninsula between the rivers Andalian and Biobio, and resolved to ask as a reward for his services the two adjoining districts of Arauco and Tucapel, with the title of marquis: For, although these districts still remained in the possession of the Araucanians, he fully expected to be able to subjugate that valiant people in a short time.

Having speedily reared the new city, in which he established a colony of his followers, he employed the remainder of the year 1551 in regulating its internal policy; for which purpose, after having established a Cabildo or body of magistrates, in imitation of those in Spain, as usual in all the cities of Spanish America, he promulgated a body of fundamental regulations, comprised in forty-two articles or statutes, some of which respecting the treatment of the natives within its territory and jurisdiction evinced much prudent humanity; yet, as in all the other subjected countries of America, he left them in a great measure subject to the control and caprice of the citizens to whom they were allotted.

After the settlement of his new city, and having received a reinforcement of soldiers from Peru, he resolved to attack the Araucanians in their own territories, believing that their courage was now entirely subdued, as they had made no attempt to molest him since their late repulse under Lincoyan. With these views, he passed the Biobio in 1552, and proceeding rapidly through the provinces of Encol and Puren, unopposed by the tardy and timid operations of Lincoyan, he arrived at the river Cauten, which divides the country of the Araucanians nearly into two equal parts. Near the confluence of this river with the Damas, he founded a new city which he named Imperial[66], in honour of the Emperor Don Carlos; though some say that it received this name in consequence of finding some wooden figures of eagles with two heads, fixed on some of the native huts. This city was placed in a beautiful situation, abounding in all the conveniences of life; and, during the short period of its existence became one of the most flourishing in Chili. Being placed on the shore of a large and deep river, capable of allowing large ships to lie close to the walls, it was excellently situated for commerce, and had free access to receive succours of all kinds by sea in case of being besieged. By modern geographers, this place is still spoken of as an existing city, strongly fortified, and the seat of a bishopric; but it has been in ruins for considerably more than two hundred years.

[Footnote 66: The place where Imperial once stood is marked on our maps on the right or north shore of the conjoined streams of the Ouisa and Cauten, immediately above the junction of a small river which is probably the Damas of the text.—E.]

Intoxicated with his present prosperity, and the apparent submission of the Araucanians, he assigned extensive districts in the surrounding country among his officers. To Francisco Villagran, his lieutenant-general, he gave the warlike province of Maquegua, considered by the Araucanians as the key of their country, with about thirty thousand inhabitants. The other officers obtained grants of lands and Indians proportionate to their rank, and the degree in which they possessed his favour, some getting as far as eight or even ten thousand Indians. He likewise dispatched Alderte, with a detachment of sixty men, with orders to establish a settlement on the shore of a lake called Lauquen, to which he gave the name of Villarica, or the rich city, owing to the great quantity of gold that was procured in the environs.

It may be here mentioned that the province of Maquegua was partitioned anew among the conquerors after the death of Villagran; the principal part of it being assigned to Juan de Ocampo, and another large share to Andreas Matencio. But, in consequence of its recapture by the Araucanians, they reaped very little advantage from their commanderies. Ocampo was afterwards rewarded for his distinguished services by being appointed to the office of corregidore of the cities of Serena Mendoza and St Juan, the two last in the province of Cujo; in which province he had likewise the grant of a considerable commandery of Indians, which he afterwards ceded to the crown.

Receiving additional reinforcements from Peru, Valdivia resumed his march for the south of Chili, still followed but at a considerable distance by Lincoyan, who pretended continually to seek a favourable opportunity to attack the Spaniards, but whose timid and cautious procedure could never find one of which he dared to avail himself. In this manner Valdivia traversed the whole territory of the Araucunians from north to south, with exceedingly little opposition and hardly any loss. But on his arrival at the river Callacalla, which separates the Araucanians from the Cunches, he found that nation in arms on the opposite bank of the river, ready to dispute the passage. The Cunches are one of the most valiant of the tribes inhabiting Chili, and possess the maritime country from the river Callacalla, called Valdivia by the Spaniards, to the gulf of Chiloe. They are divided into several subordinate tribes or clans, each of which, as in the other parts of Chili, are governed by their respective ulmens. They are in strict alliance with the Araucanians, and have ever continued bitter enemies to the Spaniards.

While Valdivia was deliberating upon the adoption of proper measures for crossing this river, a woman of the country, named Recloma, addressed the general of the Cunches with so much eloquence in behalf of the strangers, that he withdrew his army and allowed them to pass the river unmolested. Immediately after this unexpected event, the Spanish general founded a sixth city on the southern shore of the Callacalla, near its junction with the sea, giving it his own name of Valdivia; being the first of the conquerors in America who sought in this manner to perpetuate his name. This settlement, of which the fortress only now remains, attained in a few years a considerable degree of prosperity; owing to the superior fineness of the gold procured from its neighbouring mines, which obtained it the privilege of a mint, and because its harbour is one of the most convenient and secure of any on the shore of the Pacific Ocean. The river is here very broad, and so deep that ships of the line may be moored in safety within a few feet of the shore; and it has several other safe harbours and creeks in the vicinity.

Satisfied with the extent of the conquests he had made, or rather with the incursions he had been able to make in the Araucanian territory, Valdivia now retraced his steps towards the north; and in his progress during the year 1553, he built fortresses in each of the three Araucanian provinces of Paren Tucapel and Arauco. From the warlike inhabitants of these provinces especially, he apprehended any attempt that might prove fatal to his more southerly settlements of Imperial Villarica and Valdivia, and he left garrisons in these more northern fortresses to preserve the communication, and to be in readiness to afford succours to the others in the south. According to the poet Breilla, the Spaniards had to sustain many battles and encounters with the natives in the course of this expedition in Araucania, but the particulars of none of these are recorded. This is however very probable; as it is not easy to account for the continuance of Lincoyan in the command on any other principles. It may be concluded, however, that, owing to the caution, or cowardice rather of the Araucanian toqui, these actions were so ill conducted and so inconclusive, as to give very little interruption to Valdivia in his triumphant progress through these provinces, between the Biobio and Callacalla, or from Conception to Valdivia.

On his return to St Jago, the seat of government, Valdivia received a considerable body of recruits to his army from Peru, together with 350 horses; on which he dispatched Francisco de Aguirre with two hundred men, to reduce the provinces of Tucuman and Cajo on the eastern side of the Andes; not considering how inadequate was even his whole undiminished military force to retain so large an extent of country as that he had now occupied, and a so numerous and warlike people under subjection. Indefatigable in the execution of his extensive plans of conquest, Valdivia returned into Araucania, where he founded in the province of Encol, a city to which he gave the name of La Frontera, being the seventh and last of his foundation. This name, from events which could not then have been in the consideration of Valdivia, has become strictly applicable to its present situation, as its ruins are actually situated on the southern confines of the Spanish settlements in Chili. Though long ago destroyed, it is still mentioned by geographers as an existing city under the name of Angol, by which native denomination it was long known to the Spaniards. It was situated in a fertile district, excellently adapted for the cultivation of vines, and for some time was in a rich and flourishing condition, principally owing to its wines, which were in great repute at Buenos Ayres, to which place they were transported by a road across the Andes and through the plains of La Plata.

After making suitable regulations for the security of this new colony, Valdivia returned to his favourite city of Conception, where he instituted three principal military officers for commanding the royal army of Chili, consisting of a quartermaster-general, a serjeant-major, and a commissary. In the present times only two of these subsist, the quarter-master-general and the serjeant-major; which latter office is now divided into two, one for the cavalry, and the other for the infantry; while the office of commissary is only now known in the militia. At this time he sent Alderte into Spain, with a large sum of money, and a particular relation of his transactions and conquests; and commissioned him to employ his utmost exertions to obtain for him the perpetual government of the country which he had conquered, together with the title of Marquis of Aranco. He dispatched likewise Francisco de Ulloa by sea, with directions to explore the Straits of Magellan, by means of which he hoped to open a direct communication with Spain, without being obliged to depend upon Peru for supplies.

While occupied in the contemplation of these extensive plans for the amelioration of the extensive kingdom which he had subdued, and the advancement of his own rank and fortune, Valdivia had no suspicion of an extensive and determined system of warfare which was planning among the Araucanians, and which soon burst forth with irresistible violence, to the ultimate destruction of all the Spanish conquests beyond the Biobio, and to which Valdivia himself fell an early victim. Colocolo, an aged Ulmen of the province of Arauco, animated by love for his country, quitted the retirement in which he had long indulged, and traversed the provinces of the Araucanian confederacy, exciting with indefatigable zeal the dormant spirit of his countrymen, which had sunk after their late disasters, and eagerly solicited them to make choice of a new supreme toqui capable of directing their arms for the recovery of those parts of their country which had been subjugated by the Spaniards, through the timid conduct of Lincoyan. Colocolo was well versed in the principles of government which subsisted among the Araucanians, and had long enjoyed the reputation of wisdom throughout the whole country, in which he was so universally esteemed and respected, that his councils and opinion were always solicited and listened to on every subject of importance. Roused from their torpidity by his animating exhortations, the whole body of Araucanian ulmens assembled according to their custom in a Butacayog, or national council, in an open plain; and, after the usual feast, they proceeded to consult upon the situation of their national affairs, and the election of a new toqui to wipe off the disgraces which they had suffered under the direction of Lincoyan.

Many chiefs aspired to the glorious situation of avenger of their oppressed country, the most distinguished among whom were Andalican, Elicura, Ongolmo, Renco, and Tucapel. The last of these was so highly celebrated by his martial prowess that the province of which he was Apo-ulmen has ever since retained his name. He was besides supported in his pretensions by a powerful party; but his elevation to the supreme command was opposed by the more prudent members of the assembly, who dreaded lest the impetuosity of his character might hasten the entire ruin of the nation, instead of retrieving their honour and independence. Dissensions arose so high that the opposite parties were on the point of turning their arms against each other, when the venerable Colocolo rose to speak, and obtained a patient and attentive hearing. By a judicious and energetic address, he pacified their factious irritation so completely, that the assembly unanimously submitted the nomination of a supreme toqui to his choice. The wise old man, on whom every eye was now fixed in anxious expectation, immediately named Caupolican, the ulmen of Pilmaquen a subordinate district of the province of Tucapel, and the whole assembly applauded and confirmed the choice. Caupolican was of a lofty stature and uncommon bodily strength; and though he had lost an eye, the majesty of his countenance evinced great endowments of mind. He was of a serious, patient, and sagacious disposition; and besides great personal bravery, had every requisite to constitute him an able general of the peculiar troops over whom he was now appointed to command. On being invested with the battle-axe, as the badge of his supreme authority, he immediately selected the officers who were to bear command under him in the army of the state, among whom were all the late competitors, and even Lincoyan the former toqui. The office of vice-toqui, or lieutenant-general, he conferred on Marientu, a person in whom he reposed entire confidence. Even the violent Tucapel, who had nearly involved his country in civil war for the attainment of the supreme command, did not disdain to serve under the orders of his own vassal, manifesting by this submission his eager wish to sacrifice his personal ambition to the service of his country.

As the Araucanians believed themselves invincible under the command of their new toqui, they were desirous of going immediately from the place of assembly to attack the Spaniards. But Caupolican, no less prudent in council than valiant in the field, repressed this rash ardour, and persuaded them to disperse to their several places of abode, to provide themselves with good arms in order to be in readiness at the first summons to the field, and to leave the direction of the war to his management. Shortly afterwards, he collected and reviewed his army[67], and resolved to commence his operations by a stratagem suggested by an accident. He had that morning taken eighty Indian prisoners, who were conducting forage to the Spanish garrison in the neighbouring fort of Arauco. In place of these men, he substituted an equal number of his own bravest soldiers, under the command of Cajuguenu and Alcatipay, whom he directed to conceal their arms among the bundles of grass, and to maintain possession of the gate of the fortress until he could come to their assistance with the rest of his army. The pretended foragers conducted themselves with so much judgment that they were admitted into the fortress without any suspicion on the part of the garrison, and immediately seizing their arms, they attacked the guard at the gate, killing all that came in their way. The alarm however soon spread, and the rest of the garrison hastened in arms to the spot, under Francisco Reynoso the commandant, and drove the Araucanians from the gate after an obstinate contest, at the very moment when Caupolican came up with his army, so that the Spaniards had just sufficient time to raise the draw-bridge and hasten to defend their ramparts. Though disappointed in his expectation of gaining admittance by the gate, Caupolican was still in hope of profiting from the confusion of the garrison, and encouraged his soldiers to assail the fortress on all sides, notwithstanding the continual fire kept up by the Spaniards from two cannon and six small field-pieces. After losing a great number of men in this unequal contest, Caupolican drew off from the assault, and determined to attempt the reduction of Arauco by a strict blockade, in hopes that the Spaniards would be soon constrained by famine into a surrender.

[Footnote 67: Ovalle carries the number of the Araucanian array on this occasion to the inconceivable amount of 67,000 combatants in the field, besides a large body of reserve.—E.]

After the blockade had continued for some time, during which the Spaniards made several unsuccesful sallies with considerable loss, Reynoso determined to abandon the fort and to retire with his remaining garrison to Puren, as provisions began to fail, and there was no prospect of being relieved. Accordingly the whole garrison mounted their horses at midnight, and rushing suddenly from the gate, made their escape through the middle of their enemies. As the Araucanians supposed this to have been one of the ordinary sallies, they took no measures to obstruct their flight, and Reynoso got off with his men. Having destroyed the fort of Arauco, Caupolican led his army to attack that of Tucapel, which was commanded by Martin Erizar with a garrison of forty men. Erizar defended himself gallantly for several days; but as provisions began to fail, and his small force was continually diminishing by the perpetually renewed assaults of the enemy, he likewise determined upon withdrawing to Puren, which he successfully executed, either by similar means as those pursued by Reynoso, or in consequence of a capitulation with Caupolican. Having destroyed this fortress, Caupolican encamped with his army in the neighbourhood, to wait the approach of the Spaniards, who he supposed would not be long of coming against him with an army.

Valdivia, who then resided in the city of Conception, no sooner learnt that the Araucanians had besieged Arauco, than he began his march for that place with such forces as he was able to collect at a short notice; though contrary to the advice of his most experienced officers, who urged him to wait till he could collect a more formidable army, and seemed to have a presentiment of the fatal consequences which were to result from the present expedition. The historians of the times differ materially in their accounts of the force under Valdivia on this occasion. According to some of these his army consisted of two hundred Spaniards and five thousand Promaucian auxiliaries, while others reduce the number to a half. The same uncertainty is to be found respecting the number of the enemy, some estimating them at nine and others at ten thousand men[68]. On approaching the encampment of Caupolican, Valdivia sent forwards a detachment of ten horsemen under Diego del Oro to reconnoitre, all of whom were slain by the enemy, and their heads cut off and hung upon trees by the way in which the Spanish army had to advance. On arriving at this place, the Spaniards were filled with horror at this miserable spectacle, and many of them, in spite of their usual intrepidity, were eager to retreat till a greater force could be collected. Even Valdivia regretted that he had not conformed to the advice of his older officers; but encouraged by the boasting confidence of others, who proudly declared that ten Spaniards were sufficient to put the whole Araucanian army to flight, he continued his march and came in sight of the enemy on the 3d of December 1553. The prospect of the ruins of Tucapel and the well regulated array of the adverse army, with the insulting taunts of the enemy, who upbraided them as robbers and impostors, filled the minds of the Spaniards, hitherto accustomed to respect and submission from the Indians, with mingled sentiments of dread and indignation.

[Footnote 68: Ovalle does not mention the amount of the army under Valdivia on this occasion, but extends the force of the Araucanians to twenty thousand men.—E.]

The two armies continued for some time to observe each other from a small distance. At length the vice-toqui Marientu, who commanded the right wing of the Araucanians, began the engagement by an attack against the left wing of the Spaniards. Bovadilla who commanded in that wing, moved forwards with a detachment to encounter Marientu; but was immediately surrounded, and he and all his men cut to pieces. The serjeant-major, who was dispatched by Valdivia to his succour with another detachment, experienced the same fate. In the mean time, Tucapel, the Apo-ulmen of Arauco, who commanded the left wing of the Araucanians, made a violent attack on the Spanish right wing with his accustomed impetuosity. The battle now became general, and the hostile armies joined in close fight from wing to wing. Animated by the commands and example of Valdivia, who performed at the same time the duty of a valiant soldier and experienced general, the Spaniards by the superiority of their arms overthrew and destroyed whole ranks of the enemy. But, notwithstanding the horrible slaughter produced by the cannon and musquetry of the enemy, the Araucanians continually supplied the places of those who were slain by fresh troops. Three times they retired in good order beyond the reach of the musquetry; and as often, resuming new courage, they returned vigorously to the charge, which they urged with the most determined and persevering valour. At length, after losing a vast number of their men, the Araucanians were thrown into disorder and began to give way; and in spite of every effort of Caupolican, Tucapel, and even of the aged and intrepid Colocolo, to reanimate their courage and rally their disordered ranks, they took to flight. The Spaniards shouted victory! and pressed ardently upon the fugitives, and the battle seemed decidedly won.

In this critical moment, a young Araucanian only sixteen years of age, named Lautaro, who had been made prisoner by Valdivia, and baptized and employed as his page, went over from the ranks of the victorious Spaniards, loudly reproached his countrymen for their opprobious cowardice, and eagerly exhorted them to return to the contest, assuring them, that the Spaniards, being all wounded and spent with fatigue, were no longer able to bear up against a fresh attack. Having succeeded in stopping the flight of a considerable number of the Araucanians, Lautaro grasped a lance which he tunned against his late master, crying out, "Follow me my countrymen to certain victory." Ashamed at being surpassed in courage by a boy, the Araucanians turned with fury against their enemies, whose ranks were somewhat disordered by the pursuit, and put them completly to rout at the first shock, cutting the Spaniards and their allies to pieces, insomuch that only two Promaucians of the whole army had the good fortune to escape, by fleeing to a neighbouring wood, whence they withdrew during the night to Conception. When all hope was lost by the entire rout of his army. Valdivia withdrew from the massacre attended by his chaplain, to prepare himself for inevitable death by confession and absolution. He was pursued and made prisoner by the victors; and on being brought before Caupolican, is said to have humbly implored mercy from the victorious toqui, and to have solicited the intercession of his former page, solemnly engaging to withdraw from Chili with all the Spaniards if his life were spared. Naturally of a compassionate disposition, and desirous of obliging Lautaro to whom he owed this important victory, and who now interceded for Valdivia, Caupolican was disposed to have shewn mercy to his vanquished foe; but while deliberating on the subject, an old ulmen of great authority among the Araucanians, indignant at the idea of sparing the life of their most dangerous enemy, dispatched the prisoner with a blow of his war club, saying that it would be madness to trust the promises of an ambitious enemy, who would laugh at his oaths when once he escaped the present danger. Caupolican was much exasperated at this interference with his supreme authority, and was disposed to have punished it severely; but most of his officers opposed themselves to his just resentment[69].

[Footnote 69: According to Ovalle, Caupolican was forced by his officers to pronounce condemnation against Valdivia, which was executed immediately, but different accounts were given of the manner in which this was performed: some saying that it was done in the way related in the text, while others allege that they poured melted gold down his throat; that they preserved his head as a monument of victory, to animate their youth to a valorous defence of their country, and that they converted the bones of his legs and arms into flutes and trumpets.—E.]

Thus fell Pedro de Valdivia, the conqueror of Chili; a man of superior genius and of great political and military talents, but who, seduced by the romantic spirit of his age and country, had not sufficient prudence to employ them to the best advantage. His undertakings had been more fortunate, if he had properly estimated his own strength, and had less despised the courage and skill of the Araucanians, presuming on the dastardly example of the Peruvians, and the want of concert in the more northern tribes of Chili, against whom he had hitherto been accustomed to contend. Historians do not impute to him any of those cruelties with which the contemporary conquerors of America have been accused. It is true that, in the records of the Franciscans, two monks of that order are mentioned with applause, as having dissuaded him from exercising those cruelties which had been usual with other conquerors upon the natives of America. By some he has been accused of avarice, and they pretend that the Araucanians put him to death by pouring melted gold down his throat, in punishment of his inordinate search for that metal: But this is a mere fiction, copied from a similar story in ancient authors.

* * * * *

Garcilasso de la Vega, Part I. Book vii. Chap. xxi. gives the following account of the battle in which Valdivia was defeated by the Araucanians.

"In many skirmishes Valdivia always defeated the Araucanians and put them to flight, as they were in such dread of the Spanish horse that they never dared to adventure into the open plains, where ten Spaniards were able to beat a thousand Indians, for which reason they always kept lurking in the woods and mountains, where the Spanish cavalry could not get at them; whence they often sallied out, doing all the injury they were able against the Spaniards. The war continued in this manner for a long time; till at length an old captain of the Araucanians, who had been long famous in their wars, began to consider the reason why so small a number as only 150 Spaniards should be able to subdue and enslave twelve or thirteen thousand Araucanian warriors. After mature deliberation, he divided the Araucanian force into thirteen battalions each of a thousand men, which he drew up in successive lines at some distance, so as to act as a series of reserves one after the other, and marched in this new order of battle against the Spaniards one morning at day-break, ordering them to give louder shouts than usual, and to make a great noise with their drums and trumpets. Alarmed by the noise and shouts of the Indians, the Spaniards sallied forth to battle, and seeing the many divisions of the enemy, they imagined it would be much easier to break through and defeat these smaller battalions than if united in one body."

"So soon as the Araucanian captain saw the Spaniards advancing, he exhorted the foremost battalion of his army to do their best; 'not, said he, that I expect you to overcome them; but you must do your utmost in defence of your country, and when you are worsted, then betake yourselves to flight, taking care not to break into and disorder the other battalions; and when you get into the rear of all, you must there rally and renew your ranks.' He gave similar orders to all the successive battalions, and appointed another officer to remain in the rear to restore the order of those who should retreat, and to make them eat and refresh themselves while the others continued the fight successively. Accordingly the foremost battalion fought for some time against the Spaniards, and when no longer able to withstand the impetuosity of their charge, they retired as ordered into the rear. The second, third, fourth, and fifth battalions did the same in succession, and were all successively defeated by the Spaniards, all retiring according to orders when their array was broken; yet in these reiterated combats the Spaniards sustained some loss both in men and horses. The Spaniards, having already defeated and put to flight five successive bodies of the enemy, and having fought three long hours, were astonished still to observe ten or twelve similar successive battalions before them in firm array, yet they gallantly attacked the sixth body which they likewise overthrew, and in like manner the seventh, eighth, ninth, and tenth. Having now fought seven hours without intermission, both the Spanish men and horses began to fail from long fatigue, and were unable to charge with the same vigour as in the beginning of the action, yet they exerted their utmost efforts not to shew any appearance of failure to the Indians. Yet the Indians could clearly perceive a material relaxation in the exertions of their enemies, to whom they did not allow a moment of repose, but plied them as at first with new and fresh battalions."

"At length, seeing there was likely to be no end of this new way of fighting, as there were still eight or nine battalions of the enemy in view, and it being now drawing towards evening, Valdivia determined upon making a retreat before his men and horses should be entirely worn out and disabled by incessant action. He accordingly gave orders to his men to retreat, that they might reach a narrow pass about a league and a half from the field of battle, where they would be secure against attack, as in that place two Spaniards on foot were able to keep off the whole army of the Araucanians. He accordingly issued orders to his soldiers to retreat to that narrow defile, passing the word from rank to rank, with directions to turn and make head occasionally against the enemy. At this time Valdivia was attended by an Araucanian, youth named Lautaro, the son of an ulmen, who had been bred up in his family from a boy, and baptized by the name of Philip. Knowing both languages, and being more biassed by affection to his country than love to God or fidelity to his master, on hearing the orders given to retreat, he called out to the Araucanians not to be satisfied with the retreat of the Spaniards, but immediately to take possession of the narrow pass, by which they would ensure the entire destruction of their enemies. To encourage his countrymen by his example as well as his words, Lautaro took up a lance from the ground, with which he joined the foremost rank of the Araucanians, and assisted them to fight against his former master."

"When the Araucanian captain observed the Spaniards preparing to retire, he immediately followed the advice of Lautaro, and ordered two fresh battalions of his troops to hasten in good order to occupy the narrow pass, and to use their utmost efforts to defend it till the rest of the army could get up to their assistance. With the remainder of his troops he pressed on against the retreating Spaniards, still plying them as from the first with fresh bodies of his men, and not allowing a moments respite to the enemy. On coming to the entrance of the narrow pass, where they expected to have been in safety, the Spaniards found it already occupied by the enemy, and began to despair of being able to escape. At this time, perceiving that both the Spanish men and horses were completely tired, the Araucanians broke in among them, fifteen or twenty of them seizing upon one horse, some catching him by the legs, others by the tail, and others by the mane; while others knocked down both men and horses with their great war-clubs, killing them with the greatest rage and fury."

"Pedro de Valdivia, and a priest who accompanied him, were taken alive and tied to trees, until the Indians had dispatched all the rest, only three Indian auxiliaries of the Spaniards making their escape by favour of the night into a thicket, whence, being well acquainted with the ways and more faithful to their masters than Lautaro, they carried the fatal news to the Spaniards in Chili. The manner in which Valdivia was afterwards put to death has been differently related. Some say that Lautaro, finding him tied to a tree, killed him after reviling and reproaching him as a robber and a tyrant. The most certain intelligence is, that an old captain beat out his brains with a club. Others again say that the Araucanians passed the night after their victory in dances and mirth; and that at the end of every dance, they cut off a piece of flesh from Valdivia and another from the priest, both yet alive, which they broiled and eat before their faces. During which horrid repast, Valdivia confessed to the priest and they both expired."

* * * * *

SECTION VII.

Continuation of the War between the Spaniards and Araucanians, from the death of Valdivia, to that of Caupolican.

This important victory, which was gained in the evening of the 3d December 1553, was celebrated next day by the Araucanians with all kinds of games and diversions, which were exhibited in a meadow surrounded by high trees, on which the heads of the slaughtered enemies were suspended as trophies of the victory. An immense concourse of inhabitants from all the surrounding country flocked to Tucapel to enjoy the triumph obtained over an enemy hitherto considered as invincible, and to join in the festivities on this joyful occasion. In token of triumph, the Araucanian officers dressed themselves in the clothes and armour of their slain enemies, and Caupolican decorated himself with the armour and surcoat of Valdivia, which was magnificently embroidered with gold. After the conclusion of the rejoicings, Caupolican presented Lautaro to the national assembly or Butacayog, which had met to deliberate upon the proper measures to be pursued in farther prosecution of the war; and, after a speech in which he attributed the whole success of the late glorious battle to the young warrior, he appointed him extraordinary vice-toqui, and to enjoy the command of a second army which was to be raised for protecting the frontiers against invasion from the Spaniards. In consideration of the inappreciable service he had rendered to his country, the advancement of Lautaro to this new dignity was approved and applauded by all the chiefs of the confederacy. Besides the nobility of his origin, as he belonged to the order of ulmens, Lautaro was singularly beautiful in his appearance, and conciliating in his manners, and possessed talents far surpassing his years, so that in the sequel he fully confirmed the sentiments now entertained of him by Caupolican and the rest of his countrymen.

The sentiments of the assembled chiefs in respect to the farther prosecution of the war, were various and discordant. Colocolo and most of the Ulmens were of opinion, that they ought in the first place to endeavour to free their country from the remaining Spanish establishments within its bounds, before attempting to carry their incursions to the north of the Biobio. Tucapel and some others of the most daring officers, insisted that they ought to take advantage of the present circumstances to attack the Spaniards even in the city of St Jago, the centre of their colonies, while in a state of consternation and dismay, and to drive them entirely from the whole kingdom of Chili. Caupolican applauded the heroic sentiments of Tucapel, yet adopted the council of the elder chiefs, as the most prudent and beneficial for the interests of the nation.

About this time Lincoyan, the former toqui, who was at the head of a detached body of troops engaged in harassing the dispersed settlements of the Spaniards in Araucania, fell in with a party of fifteen Spaniards, on their march from Imperial to join Valdivia, of whose total defeat they had not yet received intelligence. Before engaging with the enemy, whom they confidently expected to defeat with the utmost facility, these Spaniards vainly regretted that their number exceeded twelve, in hope that the event of the day would stamp upon their names the chivalrous title of the twelve of fame. Their wishes were soon more than gratified, as seven of them fell at the first encounter with the enemy, and the remaining seven, taking advantage of the swiftness of their horses, escaped severely wounded to the fortress of Puren, carrying with them the melancholy intelligence of the total destruction of Valdivia and his army. On this distressing news the Spanish inhabitants of Puren, and Frontera or Angol, retired to Imperial, where they considered themselves in greater security than in these other more inland fortresses, which were entirely surrounded by the country of the victorious enemy. About the same time the inhabitants of Villarica abandoned that settlement and took refuge in Valdivia; so that two Spanish establishments only now remained in the Araucanian country, and both of them at a great distance from reinforcements or assistance. As Caupolican determined upon besieging these two cities, he committed to Lautaro the charge of defending the northern frontier against invasion, and set out for the south to reduce the cities of Imperial and Valdivia.

The young and gallant vice-toqui, Lautaro, accordingly took post on the lofty mountain of Mariguenu, which intervenes between Conception and Arauco, and which he fortified with extraordinary care, rightly judging that the Spaniards would take that road in search of Caupolican on purpose to revenge the defeat and death of their general Valdivia. This mountain, which has proved fatal to the Spaniards on several occasions in their wars with the Araucanians, has a large plain on its summit interspersed with shady trees. Its steep sides are full of rude precipices and deep clefts or ravines, its western end being rendered inaccessible by the sea, while on the east it is secured by an impenetrable forest. The north side only was accessible to the Spaniards, and even in that way it was only possible to reach the top by a narrow and winding path.

The two Promaucians who alone had escaped from the fatal battle of Tucapel, by favour of the darkness and under covert of a thick wood, reached Conception, which they filled with grief and consternation, by relating the total overthrow and massacre of the army of Valdivia. When the general terror and dismay had a little subsided, the magistrates proceeded to open the sealed instructions which had been left with them by Valdivia, when he departed on his late fatal expedition. In these he named Alderte, Aguirre, and Villagran successively to the vacant government in case of his own decease. Alderte being gone to Europe, and Aguirre absent on his expedition into the distant province of Cujo, the command devolved on Villagran. After such preparations as appeared necessary under the present emergency, Villagran crossed the Biobio with a considerable army of Spaniards and Promaucian auxiliaries, intending to march for Arauco in the first place. In a narrow pass at no great distance to the south of the Biobio, he was vigorously opposed by a body of Araucanian warriors, who withstood the utmost efforts of his army for three hours, and then withdrew continually fighting, towards the top of the mountain where Lautaro awaited the approach of the Spaniards with the main body of his army, in a well chosen post defended by a strong palisade. Villagran ordered the squadrons of cavalry to force their way up the difficult passage of the mountain, which they effected with infinite difficulty and severe fatigue, and were received at a short distance from the summit by showers of stones, arrows, and other missiles, which were incessantly discharged against them by the vigilant and brave Araucanians. Villagran, who followed his cavalry at the head of all the infantry of his army, with six pieces of artillery, seeing the determined opposition of the enemy, several detachments of whom were endeavouring to gain his flanks and rear, ordered his musquetry to advance, and the artillery to take a favourable position for annoying the enemy.

The mountain was enveloped in smoke, and resounded on all sides with the thunder of the Spanish cannon and musquets, while the balls were heard whistling in every direction, and dealing destruction among the ranks of the valiant Araucanians, who continued vigorously to defend their post, undismayed at the numbers who fell amid their thick array. Perceiving that his principal loss was occasioned by the cannon, Lautaro gave orders to one of his bravest officers, named Leucoton, to sally from the camp with a select detachment of troops, and to gain possession of the cannon at all events, or never more to appear in his presence. Leucoton executed his orders with the utmost bravery, and after a furious and bloody contest with the guard of the guns, carried them off in triumph; while Lautaro, to prevent the Spaniards from sending succours to their artillery, made a furious general attack on the whole line with all his troops. Astonished by this bold and general attack, and dismayed by the loss of their cannon, the Spanish horse and foot fell into confusion and disorder, and were so furiously pressed upon by the valiant Lautaro and his troops, that they dispersed and fled with the utmost precipitation. Three thousand of the Spaniards and their Promaucian allies were slain in this decisive battle, Villagran himself, having fallen in the retreat, was on the point of being taken prisoner, when he was rescued by the almost incredible efforts of three of his soldiers, and remounted on his horse. The remaining Spaniards urged on their almost exhausted horses to regain the narrow defile where the engagement had commenced, and were closely pursued by the Araucanians; but on arriving at the pass, they found it blocked up with trees, which had been felled across by orders of Lautaro. The engagement was renewed at this place with the utmost fury, and not a man of the broken army would have escaped, had not Villagran opened the pass at the utmost hazard of his life. Though the Araucanians had lost above seven hundred men in the course of this eventful battle, they continued the pursuit a long way; but at length, unable to keep up with the horses, and exhausted with excessive fatigue, they gave up the pursuit, and Lautaro encamped for the night to refresh his men, determined upon passing the Biobio next day to follow up the consequences of his glorious and decisive victory.

On the arrival of the few Spaniards at Conception who had been able to escape from the slaughter at Mariguenu, the city of Conception was filled with indescribable grief and dismay, not a family but had to deplore the loss of some near relation; and the alarm was greatly increased by learning that Lautaro was fast approaching with his victorious army. As Villagran considered it to be impossible to defend the city under the present dismay of his small remaining force, he hastily embarked all the old men, women, and children on board two ships that happened to be then in the harbour, one of which he ordered to proceed to Imperial, and the other to Valparaiso, while he proceeded by land for St Jago with all the rest of the inhabitants who were able to carry arms. Lautaro entered the city next day without opposition, which he found entirely deserted of its inhabitants, but filled with much valuable booty, as by its mines and commerce it had already attained considerable opulence, and the inhabitants were in such haste to escape with their lives, that they only took what provisions they could procure along with them, and abandoned their riches. After removing every thing that was valuable, Lautaro burnt all the houses, and razed the citadel and other fortifications; after which he returned with his army to Arauco, to celebrate his triumph after the manner usual in his country.

While Lautaro thus bravely asserted the independence of his country on the frontiers, Caupolican marched into the south, as has been already mentioned, to invest the cities of Imperial and Valdivia, both of which he held closely blockaded. In this emergency, the governors of these two cities demanded succours from Villagran; who, notwithstanding his late terrible defeat, sent a sufficient number of troops for their defence with all possible speed; and both places being accessible by sea, these succours were able to arrive in time to prevent Caupolican from gaining possession of either.

"When the army of Caupolican drew near to the city of Imperial, the air was suddenly enveloped in black clouds, whence arose a mighty storm of hail and rain. In the midst of the tempest the epumanon or war god of the Araucanians, made his appearance in form of a terrible dragon, casting out fire at his mouth and nostrils, and desired them to hasten their march as he would deliver the city into their hands, on which occasion he enjoined them to put all the Christians to the sword. The epumanon then disappeared, and they pursued their way joyfully, being animated by this oracle. On a sudden the heavens cleared up, and a most beautiful woman was seen, seated on a bright cloud, and having a charming yet severe and majestic countenance, which much abated the pride and haughtiness inspired by the former vision. This was the queen of heaven, who commanded them to return to their own homes, for God was resolved to favour the Christians; and they immediately obeyed[70]."