"But though the troops in Peru served without, any regular pay, they were raised at an immense expence. Among men accustomed to divide the spoil of an opulent country, the desire of obtaining wealth acquired incredible force. The ardour of pursuit augmented in proportion to the hope of success. Where all were intent on the same object, and under the dominion of the same passion, there was but one mode of gaining men, or of securing their attachment. Officers of name and influence, besides the promise of future establishments, received large gratuities in hand from the chief with whom they engaged. Gonzalo Pizarro, in order to raise a thousand men, advanced five hundred thousand pesos. Gasca expended in levying the troops which he led against Pizarro nine hundred thousand pesos. The distributions of property, bestowed as the reward of services, were still more exorbitant. Cepeda as the reward of his perfidy, in persuading the court of royal audience to give the sanction of its authority to the usurped jurisdiction of Pizarro, received a grant of lands which yielded an annual income of an hundred and fifty thousand pesos. Hinojosa, who, by his early defection from Pizarro, and surrender of the feet to Gasca, decided the fate of Peru, obtained a district of country affording two hundred thousand pesos of yearly value. While such rewards were dealt out to the principal officers, with more than royal munificence, proportional shares were conferred on those of inferior rank."

"Such a rapid change of fortune produced its natural effects. It gave birth to new wants, and new desires. Veterans, long accustomed to hardship and toil, acquired of a sudden a taste for profuse and inconsiderate dissipation and indulged in all the excesses of military licentiousness. The riot of low debauchery occupied some; a relish for expensive luxuries spread among others. The meanest soldier in Peru would have thought himself degraded by marching on foot; and, at a time when the price of horses in that country was exorbitant, each individual insisted on being furnished with one before he would take the field. But, though less patient under the fatigues and hardships of service, they were ready to face danger and death with as much intrepidity as ever; and, animated by the hope of new rewards, they never failed, on the day of battle, to display all their ancient valour."

"Together with their courage, they retained all the ferocity by which they were originally distinguished. Civil discord never raged with a more fell spirit than among the Spaniards in Peru. To all the passions which usually envenom contests among countrymen, avarice was added, and rendered their enmity more rancorous. Eagerness to seize the valuable forfeitures expected upon the death of every opponent, shut the door against mercy. To be wealthy was, of itself, sufficient to expose a man to accusation, or to subject him to punishment. On the slightest suspicions, Pizarro condemned many of the most opulent inhabitants of Peru to death. Carvajal, without searching for any pretext to justify his cruelty, cut off many more. The number of those who suffered by the hand of the executioner, was not much inferior to what fell in the field; and the greater part was condemned without the formality of any legal trial."

"The violence with which the contending parties treated their opponents was not accompanied by its usual attendants, attachment and fidelity to those with whom they acted. The ties of honour, which ought to be held sacred among men, and the principle of integrity, interwoven as thoroughly in the Spanish character as in that of any nation, seem to have been equally forgotten. Even regard for decency, and the sense of shame, were totally abandoned. During these dissensions, there was hardly a Spaniard in Peru who did not abandon the party which he had originally espoused, betray the associates with whom he had united, and violate the engagements under which he had come. The viceroy Nunnez Vela was ruined by the treachery of Cepeda and the other judges of the royal audience, who were bound to have supported his authority. The chief advisers and companions of Gonzalo Pizarro in his revolt were the first to forsake him, and submit to his enemies. His fleet was given up to Gasca, by the man whom he had singled out among his officers to entrust with that important command. On the day that was to decide his fate, an army of veterans, in sight of the enemy, threw down their arms without striking a blow, and deserted a leader who had often conducted them to victory. Instances of such general and avowed contempt of the principles and obligations which attach man to man, and bind them in social union, rarely occur in history. It is only where men are far removed from the seat of government, where the restraints of law and order are little felt, where the prospect of gain is unbounded, and where immense wealth may cover the crimes by which it is acquired, that we can find any parallel to the levity, the rapaciousness, the perfidy, and corruption prevalent among the Spaniards in Peru."

SECTION I.

Incidents in the History of Peru, from the departure of Gasca, to the appointment of Don Antonio de Mendoza as Viceroy.

Among those who were dissatisfied with the distribution of the repartimientos in Peru by the president, was Francisco Hernandez Giron, to whom De la Gasca granted a commission to make a conquest of the district called the Cunchos, to the north-east of Cuzco, and beyond one of the great chains of the Andes, with the title and authority of governor and captain-general of that country, which he engaged to conquer at his own expence. Giron was much gratified by this employment, as it afforded him a favourable opportunity for fomenting and exciting a new rebellion against the royal authority, which he had long meditated, and which he actually put in execution, as will be seen in the sequel. Immediately after the departure of the president from Peru, he went from Lima to Cuzco publishing the commission which he had received, and appointed several captains to raise men for his intended expedition in Guamanga, Arequipa, La Paz, and other places; while he personally beat up for volunteers in Cuzco. Being a man of popular manners and much beloved among the soldiers, he soon drew together above two hundred men. So great a number of the most loose and dissolute inhabitants being collected together at Cuzco and in arms, they took extreme liberty in canvassing the late events, and to speak with much licentiousness respecting the president and the officers he had left in the government of the kingdom. Their discourse was so open and scandalous, that the magistrates of the city deemed it necessary to interpose; and Juan de Saavedra, who was then mayor or regidor of Cuzco, requested Giron to depart upon his intended expedition without delay, that the peaceable inhabitants might no longer be scandalized by the seditious discourses of his soldiers, as most of them were quartered upon the citizens to whom they behaved with much insolence.

I was then in Cuzco, though a boy, when Giron and his soldiers made their first disturbance; and I was present also about three years afterwards at their second mutiny; and, though I had not even then attained the age of a young man, I was sufficiently able to notice and understand the observations and discourses of my father on the various events which occurred; and I can testify that the soldiers behaved in so proud and insolent a manner that the magistrates were forced to take notice of their conduct. The soldiers thought proper to be much offended on this occasion, pretending that no one ought to have any authority over them except Giron under whose command they had inlisted; and they carried their mutinous insolence to such a height as to assemble in arms at the house of their commander to protect themselves against the magistrates. When this mutiny was known in the city, the magistrates and citizens found themselves obliged to arm, and being joined by many soldiers who were not of the faction, they took post in the market-place. The mutineers drew up likewise in the street where Giron's house stood, at no great distance from the market-place; and in this manner both parties remained under arms for two days and nights, always on the point of coming to action; which had certainly been the case if some prudent persons had not interposed between them, and prevailed on the magistrates to enter into a treaty for compromising their differences. The most active persons on this occasion were Diego de Silva, Diego Maldonado the rich, Garcilasso de la Vega my father, Vasco de Guevara, Antonio Quinnones, Juan de Berrio, Jeronimo de Loyasa, Martin de Meneses, and Francisco Rodriguez. By their persuasions the regidor Juan de Saavedra and Captain Francisco Hernandez Giron were induced to meet in the great church, on which occasion the soldiers demanded four hostages for the security of their commander. In this conference Giron behaved with so much insolence and audacity, that Saavedra had assuredly arrested him if he had not been restrained from respect for the hostages, of whom my father was one. In a second conference in the evening, under the same precautions, Giron agreed to remove his soldiers from the city, to give up eight of the most mutinous of his soldiers to the magistrates, and even to make compearance in person before the court to answer for his conduct during the mutiny.

On being made acquainted with this agreement, the soldiers were exceedingly enraged; and if Giron had not pacified them with soothing words and promises they had certainly attacked the loyal inhabitants, the consequences of which might have been exceedingly fatal. The mutineers amounted to two hundred effective well-armed men, of desperate fortunes, while the loyalists consisted of only eighty men of quality, all the rest being rich merchants not inured to arms. But it pleased God to avert the threatened mischief, at the prayers and vows of the priests, friars and devout women of the city. The mutineers were under arms all night, setting regular guards and sentinels as in the presence of an enemy; and in the morning, when Saavedra saw that Giron had not marched from the city according to agreement, he sent a warrant to bring him before his tribunal. As Giron suspected that his men might not permit him to obey the warrant, he walked out in his morning gown, as if only going to visit a neighbour; but went directly to the house of Saavedra, who committed him to prison. On this intelligence being communicated to the soldiers, they immediately dispersed, every one shifting for himself as he best could. The eight men who were particularly obnoxious took sanctuary in the Dominican convent, and fortified themselves in the tower of the church, where they held out for several days, but were at last obliged to surrender. They were all punished, but not in that exemplary manner their rebellious conduct deserved; and the tower was demolished, that it might not be used in the same manner in future.

After the dispersion of the mutineers and the punishment of the most guilty, Giron was released on his solemn engagement to make his appearance before the royal audience at Lima to answer for his conduct. He went there accordingly, and was committed to prison; but after a few days was permitted to go out as a prisoner at large, confining himself to the city of Lima. He there married a young virtuous noble and beautiful lady, with whom he went to reside at Cuzco, where he associated with none but soldiers, avoiding all society with the citizens as much as possible.

About two years afterwards several soldiers residing in Cuzce, entered into a new plot to raise disturbances in the kingdom, and were eager to find some proper person to choose as their leader. At length this affair came to be so openly talked of that it reached the knowledge of Saavedra, who was required to take cognizance of the plot and to punish the ringleaders; but he endeavoured to excuse himself, being unwilling to create himself enemies, alleging that it more properly belonged to the jurisdiction of the court of audience. When this affair was reported to the oydors at Lima, they were much displeased with the conduct of Saavedra, and immediately appointed the marshal Alonzo de Alvarado to supersede him in the office of regidor or mayor of Cuzco, giving Alvarado an especial commission to punish the insolence and mutinous conduct of the soldiers, to prevent the evil from getting to an unsupportable height. Immediately on taking possession of his office, Alvarado arrested some of the soldiers; who, to screen themselves, impeached Don Pedro de Puertocarrero as a principal instigator of their mutinous proceedings. After a minute examination, Francisco de Miranda, Alonzo Hernandez Melgarejo, and Alonzo de Barrienuevo were capitally punished as chief ringleaders in the conspiracy; six or seven others were banished from Peru, and all the rest made their escape. Puertocarrero made an appeal to the royal audience, by whom he was set at liberty.

These new commotions, and others of more importance which shall be noticed in the sequel, proceeded in a great measure from the imprudent conduct of the judges themselves, by enforcing the observance of the obnoxious regulations which had formerly done so much evil during the government of the viceroy Blasco Nunnez Vela. Just before his departure from Peru, the president Gasca had received fresh orders from his majesty to free the Indians from services to their lords: But having experienced that this had occasioned the most dangerous commotions in the country, he very wisely commanded before his departure that the execution of this new order should be suspended. The judges however, saw this matter in a different light, and circulated their commands over the whole kingdom to enforce this new royal order; which gave occasion to the mutinous and disorderly behaviour of the soldiery, who were encouraged in their rebellious disposition by many persons of consideration, the possessors of allotments of lands and Indians, who considered themselves aggrieved.

SECTION II.

History of Peru during the Viceroyalty of Don Antonio de Mendoza.

About this time Don Antonio de Mendoza, the viceroy of Mexico, was appointed viceroy of Peru, and landed at Lima, where he was received with great demonstration of joy and respect. He was accompanied on this occasion by his son, Don Francisco de Mendoza, afterwards general of the galleys in Spain. Don Antonio was a nobleman of much sanctity, and had greatly impaired his health by long abstinence and frequent acts of penance; insomuch that his natural heat began to fail, and he was obliged to use violent exercise to keep him warm, even in the hot climate of Lima. In consequence of his want of health, he deputed his son Don Francisco to make a progress through all the cities of the kingdom, from Lima to Las Charcas and Potosi, to bring him back a faithful representation of the state and condition of the kingdom and its mines, to be laid before his majesty; and, after his return to Lima, Don Francisco was sent into Spain in 1552, to communicate an account of the whole kingdom to the emperor.

About four years before the appointment of the marshal Alonzo de Alvarado to the mayoralty and government of Cuzco, a party of two hundred soldiers marched from Potosi towards the province of Tucuman; most of whom, contrary to the orders of the judges, had Indians to carry their baggage. On this occasion, the licentiate Esquival, who was governor of Potosi, seized upon one Aguira, who had two Indians to carry his baggage; and some days afterwards sentenced him to receive two hundred lashes, as he had no money to redeem himself from corporal punishment. After this disgrace, Aguira refused to proceed along with the rest for the conquest of Tucuman, alleging that after the shame which he had suffered, death was his only relief. When the period of Esquivals office expired, he learnt that Aguira had determined upon assassinating him in revenge for the affront he had suffered. Upon which Esquival endeavoured to avoid Aguira, by travelling to a great distance, but all to no purpose, as Aguira followed him wherever he went, for above three years, always travelling on foot without shoes or stockings, saying, "That it did not become a whipped rascal to ride on horseback, or to appear in the company of men of honour." At length Esquival took up his residence in Cuzco, believing that Aguira would not dare to attempt anything against him in that place, considering that the governor was an impartial and inflexible judge: Yet he took every precaution for his safety, constantly wearing a coat of mail, and going always armed with a sword and dagger, though a man of the law. At length Aguira went one day at noon-day to the house of Esquival, whom he found asleep, and completed his long resolved revenge by stabbing him with his dagger. Aguira was concealed for forty day in a hog-stye by two young gentlemen; and after the hue and cry was over on account of the murder, they shaved his head and beard, and blackened his skin like a negro, by means of a wild fruit called Vitoc by the Indians, clothing him in a poor habit, and got him away from the city and province of Cuzco in that disguise. This deed of revenge was greatly praised by the soldiers, who said, if there were many Aguiras in the world, the officers of justice would not be so insolent and arbitrary in their proceedings.

During a long sickness of the viceroy, in consequence of which the government of the country devolved upon the judges of the royal audience, they proclaimed in all the cities of Peru that the personal services of the Indians should be discontinued, pursuant to the royal orders, under severe penalties. This occasioned new seditions and mutinies among the Spanish colonists, in consequence of which one Lois de Vargas, a principal promoter of the disturbances was condemned and executed; but as many principal persons of the country were found to be implicated, the judges thought fit to proceed no farther in the examinations and processes. Even Pedro de Hinojosa was suspected of being concerned in these seditious proceedings, having been heard to say to some of the discontented soldiers, that when he came to Las Charcas he would endeavour to satisfy them to the utmost of power. Though these words had no seditious tendency, the soldiers who were desirous of rebellion were willing to interpret them according to their own evil inclinations. On these slight grounds, and because it was known that Hinojosa was to go as governor and chief justice of the province of Las Charcas, as many of the discontented soldiers as were able went to that country, and wrote to their comrades in various parts of the kingdom to come there also. Some even of the better sort, among whom were Don Sebastian de Castilla, son to the Conde de Gomera, with five or six others of rank and quality went secretly from Cuzco, taking bye-paths out of the common road to prevent them from being pursued by the governor of that city. They were induced to this step by Vasco Godinez a ringleader among the malcontents, who informed Don Sebastian by a letter in cyphers that Hinojosa had promised to become their general.

During these indications of tumult and rebellion, the viceroy Don Antonio de Mendoza died, to the great grief and detriment of the kingdom. On his death, the entire government of the kingdom of Peru devolved on the judges of the royal audience, who appointed Gil Ramirez de Avalos, who had been one of the gentlemen of the household to the viceroy, governor of the city of Lima; and the marshal was sent to command in the new city of La Paz, in which neighbourhood his lands and Indians were situated.

SECTION III.

Narrative of the Troubles in Peru, consequent upon the Death of the Viceroy Mendoza..

At this threatening period, all the soldiers and discontented persons of Peru, flocked to Las Charcas, Potosi, and that neighbourhood, endeavouring to procure employment about the rich mines of that district. Disputes continually arose between the soldiers and principal inhabitants and merchants, and duels were fought almost daily. In some of these duels, the combatants fought naked from the waist upwards, while in others they were dressed in crimson taffety waistcoats, that they might not see their own blood. I shall only mention the particulars of one of these duels, between two famous soldiers, Pero Nunnez, and Balthazar Perez, with the former of whom I was acquainted in 1563 at Madrid, who was then so much disabled in both arms by the wounds he received in that duel, that he could scarcely use his hands to feed himself.

They fell out respecting some circumstances of a duel that had happened a few days before, in which they were seconds. Balthazar Perez had Egas de Guzman for his second, one of the greatest hectors and bullies of the time; and Hernan Mexia prevailed on Pero Nunnez to take him for his second, that he might have an opportunity to fight Guzman, who had defamed and spoken lightly of Mexia. When Egas de Guzman understood that Mexia was the person who was to be opposed to him, he sent a message to Pero Nunnez saying, as the principals were gentlemen of family, he ought not to debase himself by having a man for his second whose mother was a Morisca and sold broiled sardinas in the market of Seville. Pero Nunnez, knowing this to be true, endeavoured to get Mexia to release his promise, but could not prevail. They accordingly went out to fight in a field at some distance from Potosi. At the first rencounter of the principals, Pero Nunnez struck his adversaries sword to one side, and closing upon Perez threw him to the ground, where he cast dust into his eyes, and beat him about the face with his fists, but did not stab him with his dagger. In the mean time the seconds were engaged in another part of the field. Mexia was afraid to close with Guzman, knowing him to have great bodily strength, but kept him in play by his superior agility, leaping and skipping about, yet never coming near enough to wound him. At length, wearied with this mode of fighting, Guzman darted his sword at Mexia, who looking anxiously to avoid it, gave an opportunity to Guzman to close with him, and to give him a wound with his dagger in the skull, two fingers deep, where the point of the dagger broke off; Mexia became frantic with his wound, and ran about the field like a madman; and came up to where the two principals were struggling on the ground, where, not minding whom he struck, he gave his own principal a slash with his sword, and ran wildly away. Guzman came hastily up to the rescue of his own principal, when he heard Nunnez say that he had been wounded by his own second, and was still continuing to pummel Perez on the face, and to throw dust in his eyes. Then Guzman, after harshly reproving Nunnez from bringing such a rascal to the field as his second, attacked Nunnez with his sword, who defended himself as he best could with his arms, till he was left all hacked and hewed on the field, streaming with blood from many wounds. Guzman then helped up his companion, and taking all the four swords under his arm, took Perez on his back who was unable to stand, and carried him to an hospital where he desired them to bury him, after which he took sanctuary in a church. Nunnez was likewise taken to the hospital, where he recovered of his wounds, but Mexia died of the wound in his forehead, as the point of the dagger could not be extracted from his skull.

When Pedro de Hinojosa took possession of his government of Las Charcas in place of Paulo de Meneses, he found a great number of soldiers in the country, who were exceedingly troublesome, as there were neither sufficient quarters nor provisions for so many; on which he took occasion to reprove Martin de Robles and Paulo de Menezes, alleging that their quarrels had drawn so many soldiers thither, for which reason they ought to provide for them, and not allow them to die of famine. So great was the confusion and disturbance, that many of the principal inhabitants retired from the city to their estates in the country, to avoid the violence of the soldiers, who were now come to such a pitch of insolence, that they held public meetings, openly avowed their cabals and plots, and upbraided Hinojosa with his breach of promise, alleging that he had engaged to be their general when he should arrive in Las Charcas. They even declared themselves ready for an insurrection, offering to put themselves under his command. Hinojosa endeavoured to amuse them with hopes, by telling them he expected very soon to receive a commission from the judges to enlarge their conquests by a new war, which would give them an opportunity to rise in arms. Although he had formerly let fall some dubious expressions at Lima, which the soldiers were disposed to consider as promises of support, he was far from any intention of complying with their turbulent and rebellions humours. Being now in possession of his government, with an estate in lands and Indians worth two hundred thousand dollars a-year, he was desirous to enjoy his fortune in peace, and not to risk the loss of these riches by a new rebellion, which he had gained in the former at the loss of Gonzalo Pizarro.

Disappointed in their expectations from Hinojosa, the soldiers consulted how to manage their intended rebellion under another leader, and agreed to kill Hinojosa and to elect Don Sebastian de Castilla as their commander-in-chief; and their design was carried on with so little regard to secrecy that it soon became publickly known in the city of La Plata. Several persons of consideration therefore, who were interested in the peace of the country, communicated the intelligence to Hinojosa, advising him to take precautions for his security, and to banish these people from his government. One Hondegardo a lawyer was particularly urgent on this occasion; and offered, if Hinojosa would appoint him his deputy for one month, that he would secure both him and the city from the threatened danger of insurrection; but Hinojosa had so much confidence in the power of his office, and the influence of his vast wealth and reputation, that he despised every thing that he did not see with his own eyes, and neglected all their warnings. Being unable to persuade the governor to listen to him, and as the soldiers still proceeded in their rebellious designs, and threw out many threatenings against the governor, Hondegardo prevailed on the guardian of the Franciscan convent to intimate to the governor that he had received communications respecting these proposed schemes of the soldiers in confession, and to urge him to make judicial examinations into the affair and to punish the offenders; yet even this made little impression on Hinojosa. Notwithstanding these and other intimations of the plot, Hinojosa obstinately refused to attend to the suggestions of Hondegardo and others, proudly declaring he had only to hold up his hand to make the soldiers tremble before him.

Impatient of any longer delay, the conspirators came at length to the determination of putting the governor Hinojosa to death, and rising in a general insurrection. The principal ringleaders in this conspiracy were Don Sebastian de Castilla, Egas de Gusman, Basco Godinez, Balthazar Velasquez, and Gomez Hernandez, besides several other soldiers of note, most of whom were then resident in the city of La Plata. Having arranged their plan of operations, Don Sebastian and seven chosen accomplices went one morning to the residence of the governor, as soon as his gate was opened, to execute their vile purpose. The first person they met on entering the house was Alonzo de Castro, the deputy-governor, who questioned them on the reason of their present tumultuous appearance, as they seemed extremely agitated. They immediately put De Castro to death. Then forcing their way into the apartment of Hinojosa, they were astonished to find him gone: But after some search he was found in a retired corner, and dispatched.

After the death of Hinojosa, the conspirators went out to the market-place, proclaiming aloud, God save the king, the tyrant is dead! the common watchword in all the rebellions in Peru. Having collected all their associates, they seized on Pedro Hernandez Paniagua, the person employed by the late president Gasca to carry his letters to Gonzalo Pizarro, Juan Ortiz de Zarate, Antonio Alvarez, and all the wealthy citizens they could lay hold of. Martin de Robles, Paulo de Menezes, and Hondegardo the lawyer, against whom they were particularly incensed, made their escape. After this, they made proclamation by beat of drum, for all citizens and other inhabitants of La Plata, to repair immediately to the market-place and enrol themselves under their standard; on which Rodrigo de Ordlana, though then sheriff of the city, and many others, to the amount of a hundred and fifty-two persons, came forwards and inlisted, fearing for their lives in case of refusal. Don Sebastian was elected captain-general and chief-justice, and some days afterwards he got himself appointed mayor of the city: Gomez Hernandez a lawyer was appointed recorder; Hernando de Guillado and Garci Tello de Vega, were made captains; Juan de Huarte serjeant-major, Pedro de Castillo captain of artillery, Alvar Perez Payaz commissary-general, Diego Perez high sheriff, and Bartholomew de Santa Ana his deputy. Rodrigo de Orellana, and many of the citizens, who now joined the rebels, acted merely from fear of losing their lives if they refused or even hesitated, though loyal subjects in their hearts.

Immediately after the murder of Hinojosa, intelligence was sent in various directions of the insurrection, and great numbers of malcontents flocked to the city of La Plata to join the rebels. Among these was Basco Godinez, who had been a chief instigator of the conspiracy, and who seems to have promoted or permitted the elevation of Don Sebastian to be commander-in-chief merely to use him as an instrument of his own ambition, and to screen himself in case of failure at the commencement: For, in a very few days, Don Sebastion was put to death by Godinez and a few confidential associates; and they immediately proclaimed their bloody exploit to the rest of the insurgents, by exclaiming God save the king! the tyrant is slain! He even carried his dissimulation to such a length, as to erect a court of justice to try those who had murdered Hinojosa, in the vain hope of covering his own treasonable conduct, and to make himself and his abettors appear as loyal subjects. The murder of Hinojosa took place on the 6th of March 1553, and the subsequent slaughter of Don Sebastian on the eleventh of the same month, only five days after.

Godinez and his associates immediately liberated Juan Ortiz de Zarate and Pedro Hernandez Paniagua from prison, pretending that their great purpose in taking arms was to procure their liberty, to deliver the city from the rebels and traitors who would have ruined it, and to evince their loyalty to the king. In the next place, he called together Zarate, Paniagua, Antonio Alvarez, and Martin Monge, the only citizens then remaining in La Plata, whom he desired to elect him captain-general of the province, and to grant him the vacant lands and Indians which had belonged to Hinojosa to enable him to maintain the dignity of that office. Not daring to refuse any thing in the present situation of affairs, they acceded to his demands, and Godinez was proclaimed lord chief-justice, governor, and captain-general of the province, and successor to Hinojosa in his great estate and rich mines, producing two hundred thousand dollars of yearly revenue. After this, Gomez Hernandez the lawyer was appointed lieutenant-general of the army; and Juan Ortiz and Pedro de Castillo were made captains of foot: pretending on this occasion to communicate a share in the administration of government to the citizens, which they were constrained to accept. Balthazar Velasquez, one of the conspirators, was appointed major-general. Next day Martin de Robles, Paulo de Meneses, Diego de Almendras, and Diego Velasquez returned to the city, having fled from some soldiers that had been sent in search of them by Don Sebastian; and were immediately enjoined to concur with the other citizens in confirming the appointment of Godinez.

When intelligence of the insurrection of the soldiers in La Plata arrived at Cuzco, the citizens put themselves into a posture of defence against the enemy; and, with the consent of the Cabildo, Diego Maldonado, commonly called the rich, was elected governor and captain-general. Garcilasso de la Vega and Juan de Saavedra were made captains of horse; and Juan Julio de Hojeda, Thomas Vasquez, Antonio de Quinnones, and another whose name I have forgot, were made captains of foot. So diligently did these officers apply themselves to raise men, that in five days Juan Julio de Hojeda marched into the city accompanied by three hundred soldiers well armed and appointed. Three days afterwards news came of the death of Don Sebastian, by which they flattered themselves that the war was ended for the present.

By the end of March intelligence was brought to the judges at Lima of the rebellion of Don Sebastian and the murder of Hinojosa: Six days afterwards, news came that Egas de Guzman had revolted at Potosi; and in four days more advices were brought of the destruction of both these rebels; on which there were great rejoicings at Lima. On purpose to inquire into the origin of these commotions and to bring the ringleaders to condign punishment, the judges immediately appointed Alonzo de Alvarado chief-justice of Las Charcas, giving him the assistance of Juan Fernandez the kings attorney-general, for proceeding against the delinquents. By another commission, Alvarado was nominated governor and captain-general of Las Charcas and all the neighbouring provinces, with full power to levy soldiers, and to defray their pay and equipment and all the necessary expences of the war, from the royal treasury. Godinez was soon afterwards arrested and thrown into prison at La Plata under a strong guard by Alonzo Velasquez. Alvarado the new governor, began the exercise of his authority in the city of La Paz, where he tried a number of rebel soldiers who had concealed themselves on the borders of the lake of Titicaca, whence they had been brought prisoners by Pedro de Encisco. Some of these were hanged, some beheaded, others banished, and others condemned to the gallies. Alvarado went next to the city of Potosi, where many of the followers of Egas de Guzman had been committed to prison, all of whom were treated according to their deserts like those at La Paz. Among the rebels at Potosi was one Hernan Perez de Peragua, a knight of the order of St John of Malta, who had taken part in the rebellion of Don Sebastian. From respect to the order to which he belonged, Alvarado only confiscated his lands and Indians, and sent him a prisoner to be disposed of by the grand master of the order at Malta. It would be tedious to relate the names and numbers of those who were tried, hanged, beheaded, whipt, and otherwise punished on this occasion: But, from the end of June 1553, to the end of November of the same year, the court sat daily, and every day four, five, or six were tried and condemned, who were all punished according to their sentences next day. The unthinking people styled Alvarado a Nero, who could thus condemn so many of a day, yet amused himself afterwards with the attorney-general in vain and light discourses, as if those whom he condemned had been so many capons or turkies to be served up at his table. In the month of October, Basco Godinez was put upon his trial, for many heinous offences, and was condemned to be drawn and quartered. But a stop was put to farther proceedings about the end of November, by the news of another rebellion raised by Francisco Hernandez Giron, as shall be related in the sequel.

"The Indians of Cuzco prognosticated this rebellion openly and loudly in the streets, as I heard and saw myself: For the eve before the festival of the most holy sacrament, I being then a youth, went out to see how the two marketplaces of the city were adorned; for at that time the procession passed through no other streets but those, though since that time, as I am told, the perambulation is double as far as before. Being then at the corner of the great chapel of our lady of the Merceds, about an hour or two before day, I saw a comet dart from the east side of the city towards the mountains of the Antis, so great and clear that it enlightened all places round with more splendor than a full moon at midnight. Its motion was directly downwards, its form was globular, and its dimensions as big as a large tower; and coming near the ground, it divided into several sparks and streams of fire; and was accompanied with a thunder so loud and near as struck many deaf with the clap, and ran from east to west; which when the Indians heard and saw, they all cried out with one voice, Auca, Auca, Auca, which signifies in their language, tyrant, traitor, rebel[44], and every thing that may be attributed to a violent and bloody traitor. This happened on the nineteenth of June 1553, when the feast of our Lord was celebrated; and this prognostication which the Indians made, was accomplished on the 13th of November in the same year, when Francisco Hernandez Giron began a rebellion, which we shall now relate[45]."

[Footnote 44: In the language of Chili at least, Auca signifies free, or a freeman; it is possible however that in an absolute government, the same term may signify a rebel, yet it is a singular stretch of interpretation to make it likewise signify a tyrant.—E.]

[Footnote 45: This paragraph, within inverted commas, is given as a short specimen of the taste of Garcilasso, and the respectable talents of his translator, Sir Paul Rycant, in 1688. It gives an account of one of these singular meteors or fire balls, improperly termed a comet in the text, which some modern philosophers are pleased to derive from the moon, and to suppose that they are composed of ignited masses of iron alloyed with nickel. It were an affront to our readers to comment on the ridiculous pretended prognostication so gravely believed by Garcilasso Inca.—E.]

SECTION IV.

Continuation of the Troubles in Peru, to the Viceroyalty of the Marquis de Cannete.

On the 13th of November 1553, a splendid wedding was celebrated at Cuzco, between Alonzo de Loyasa, one of the richest inhabitants of the city, and Donna Maria de Castilla, at which all the citizens and their wives attended in their best apparel. After dinner an entertainment was made in the street, in which horsemen threw balls of clay at each other, which I saw from the top of a wall opposite the house of Alonzo de Loyasa; and I remember to have seen Francisco Hernandez Giron sitting on a chair in the hall, with his arms folded on his breast and his eyes cast down, the very picture of melancholy, being then probably contemplating the transactions in which he was to engage that night. In the evening, when the sports were over, the company sat down to supper in a lower hall, where at the least sixty gentlemen were at table, the ladies being by themselves in an inner room, and from a small court-yard between these apartments, the dishes were served to both tables. Don Balthazar de Castillo, uncle to the bride, acted as usher of the hall at this entertainment. I came to the house towards the end of supper, to attend my father and stepmother home at night. I went to the upper end of the hall, where the governor sat, who was pleased to make me sit down on the chair beside him, and reached me some comfits and sweet drink, with which boys are best pleased, I being then fourteen years of age.

At this instant some once knocked at the door, saying that Francisco Hernandez Giron was there; on which Don Balthazar de Castillo, who was near the door ordered the door to be opened. Giron immediately rushed in, having a drawn sword in his right hand, and a buckler on his left arm; accompanied by a companion on each side armed with partizans. The guests rose in great terror at this unexpected interruption, and Giron addressed them in these words: "Gentlemen be not afraid, nor stir from your places, as we are all engaged in the present enterprize." The governor, Gil Ramirez, immediately retired into the apartment of the ladies, by a door on the left hand. Another door led from the hall to the kitchen and other offices; and by these two doors a considerable number of the guests made their escape. Juan Alonzo Palomino, who was obnoxious to Giron for having opposed him in a late mutiny, was slain by Diego de Alvarado the lawyer. Juan de Morales, a rich merchant and very honest man, was slain while endeavouring to put out the candles. My father and a number of others, to the number in all of thirty-six, made their escape by means of a ladder from the court-yard of Loyasa into that of the adjoining house, in which I accompanied them, but the governor could not be persuaded to follow them, and was made prisoner by the rebels. My father and all the companions of his flight agreed to leave the town that night, and endeavour to escape to Lima.

Having assembled about an hundred and fifty soldiers, Giron assumed the office of commander-in-chief of the army of liberty, appointing Diego de Alvarado the lawyer his lieutenant-general; Thomas Vasquez, Francisco Nunnez, and Rodrigo de Pineda captains of horse; the two last of whom accepted more from fear than affection. Juan de Pedrahita, Nuno Mendiola, and Diego Gavilan were made captains of foot; Albertos de Ordunna standard-bearer, and Antonio Carillo serjeant-major; all of whom were ordered to raise soldiers to complete their companies with every possible expedition. It being reported through the country that the whole citizens of Cuzco had concurred in this rebellion, the cities of Guamanga and Arequipa sent deputies to Cuzco, desiring to be admitted into the league, that they might jointly represent to his majesty the burdensome and oppressive nature of the ordinances imposed by the judges in relation to the services of the Indians. But when the citizens of Guamanga and Arequipa became rightly informed that this rebellion, instead of being the act of the Cabildo and all the inhabitants, had been brought about by the contrivance of a single individual, they changed their resolutions, and prepared to serve his majesty. About this time, the arch rebel Giron caused the deposed governor, Gil Ramirez, to betaken from prison and escorted forty leagues on his way towards Arequipa, and then set free.

Fifteen days after the commencement of the rebellion, finding himself at the head of a considerable force, he summoned a meeting of all the citizens remaining in Cuzco, at which there appeared twenty-five citizens who were lords of Indians, only three of whom were intitled from office to sit in that assembly. By this meeting, Giron caused himself to be elected procurator, captain-general, and chief-justice of Peru, with full power to govern and protect the whole kingdom both in war and peace. When news of this rebellion was brought to Lima by Hernando Chacon, who was foster-brother to Giron, the judges would not credit the intelligence, believing it only a false report, to try how the people stood affected to the cause, and therefore ordered Chacon to be imprisoned; but learning the truth soon afterwards, he was set at liberty, and the judges began seriously to provide for suppressing the rebellion, appointing officers and commanders to raise forces for that purpose. They accordingly sent a commission to Alonzo de Alvarado, then at La Plata, constituting him captain-general of the royal army against Giron, with unlimited power to use the public treasure, and to borrow money for the service of the war in case the exchequer should fail to supply sufficient for the purpose. Alvarado accordingly appointed such officers as he thought proper to serve under him, and gave orders to raise men, and to provide arms and ammunition for the war.

Besides the army which they authorized Alvarado to raise and command in Las Charcas, the judges thought it necessary to raise another army at Lima, of which Santillan, one of themselves and the archbishop of Lima were appointed conjunct generals. Orders were likewise transmitted to all the cities, commanding all loyal subjects to take up arms in the service of his majesty, and a general pardon was proclaimed to all who had been engaged in the late rebellions, under Gonzalo Pizarro, Don Sebastian de Castilla, and others, provided they joined the royal army within a certain given time. They likewise suspended the execution of the decrees for freeing the Indians from personal services, during two years, and repealed several other regulations which had given great and general offence to the soldiers and inhabitants, and had been the cause of all the commotions and rebellions which distracted the kingdom for so long a time.

While these measures were carrying on against him, Hernandez, Giron was not negligent of his own concerns. He sent off officers with detachments of troops to Arequipa and Guamanga, to induce the inhabitants of these cities to join him, and requiring them by solemn acts of their cabildos to confirm and acknowledge him in the offices he had usurped. He caused the cabildo of Cuzco to write letters to the other cities of Peru to concur in his elevation and to give assistance in the cause, and wrote many letters himself to various individuals in Las Charcas and other places, soliciting them to join him. Having collected an army of above four hundred men, besides the detachments sent to Guamanga and Arequipa, he resolved to march for Lima, to give battle to the army of the judges, as he called it, pretending that his own was the royal army, and that he acted in the service of his majesty. At the first he was undetermined, whether it might not be better to march previously against Alvarado, whose party he considered to be the weakest, owing to the great and cruel severity which that officer had exerted against the adherents of the late rebellions: And many judicious persons are of opinion that he would have succeeded better if he had first attacked the marshal, as in all probability he would have got possession of these provinces, and his men would not have deserted from him to a person so universally disliked for his cruelty, as they afterwards did when they marched towards Lima. He accordingly marched from Cuzco and crossed the river Apurimac; immediately after which Juan Vera de Mendoza and five others deserted from him, re-crossed the bridge, which they burnt to prevent pursuit, and returned to Cuzco, where they persuaded about forty of the inhabitants to set out for Las Charcas to join the marshal Alvarado.

At this time Sancho Duarte who was governor of the city of La Paz, raised above two hundred men in the service of his majesty, which he divided into two companies, one of horse and the other of foot. Giving the command of his infantry to Martin d'Olmos, he took the command of the horse himself, and assumed the title of general. With this force he set out for Cuzco, intending to march against Giron, but not to join the marshal Alvarado that he might not submit to his superior command. On his arrival at the bridge over the Rio Desaguadero, he learnt that Giron had left Cuzco to attack Lima, and proposed to have continued his march for Cuzco remaining independent of the marshal. But, in consequence of peremptory commands from Alvarado as captain-general, who highly disapproved of so many small armies acting separately, he returned to his own province.

Pursuing his march for Lima, Hernandez Giron learnt at Andahuaylas that the citizens of Guamanga had declared for his majesty, at which circumstance he was much disappointed. He proceeded however to the river Villca[46], where his scouts and those of the royal army encountered. He proceeded however to the city of Guamanga, whence he sent orders to Thomas Vasquez to rejoin him from Arequipa. Although the inhabitants of that place, as formerly mentioned, had written to those of Cuzco offering to unite in the insurrection, supposing it the general sense of the principal people; they were now ashamed of their conduct, when they found the rebellion only proceeded from a few desperate men, and declared for the king; so that Vasquez was obliged to return without success. Being now at the head of above seven hundred men, though disappointed in his expectations of being joined by the citizens of Guamanga and Arequipa, Hernandez Giron pursued his march for the valley of Jauja; during which march Salvador de Lozana, one of his officers, who was detached with forty men to scour the country, was made prisoner along with all his party by a detachment from the army of the judges.

[Footnote 46: The river Cangallo is probably here meant, which runs through the province of Vilcas to the city of Guamanga.—E.]

Notwithstanding this unforseen misfortune, Giron continued his march to the valley of Pachacamac, only four leagues from Lima, where it was resolved in a council of war to endeavour to surprise the camp of the royalists near the capital. Intelligence of this was conveyed to the judges, who put themselves in a posture of defence. Their army at this time consisted of 300 cavalry, 600 musqueteers, and about 450 men armed with pikes, or 1350 in all. It may be proper to remark in this place, that, to secure the loyalty of the soldiers and inhabitants, the judges had proclaimed a suspension of the obnoxious edicts by which the Indians were exempted from personal services, and the Spaniards were forbidden to make use of them to carry their baggage on journeys; and had agreed to send two procurators or deputies to implore redress from his majesty from these burdensome regulations.

Two days after the arrival of Giron in the valley of Pachacamac, a party of his army went out to skirmish with the enemy, on which occasion Diego de Selva and four others of considerable reputation deserted to the judges. For several days afterwards his men continued to abandon him at every opportunity, twenty or thirty of them going over at a time to the royal army. Afraid that the greater part of his army might follow this example, Hernandez Giron found it necessary to retreat from the low country and to return to Cuzco, which he did in such haste that his soldiers left all their heavy baggage that they might not be encumbered in their march. On this alteration of affairs, the judges gave orders to Paulo de Meneses to pursue the rebels with six hundred select men; but the generals of the royal army would not allow of more than a hundred being detached on this service. During his retreat, Giron, finding himself not pursued by the royalists with any energy, marched with deliberation, but so many of his men left him that by the time he reached the valley of Chincha his force was reduced to about 500 men. Paulo de Meneses, having been reinforced, proposed to follow and harass the retreating rebels; but not having accurate intelligence, nor keeping sufficient guard, was surprised and defeated by Giron with some considerable loss, and obliged to retreat in great disorder. Yet Giron was under the necessity to discontinue the pursuit, as many of his men deserted to the royalists.

Sensible of the detriment suffered by the royal interests in consequence of the disagreement between the present generals, Judge Santillan and Archbishop Loyasa, to which the defeat of Meneses was obviously owing, these very unfit persons for military command were displaced, and Paulo de Meneses was invested in the office of commander-in-chief, with Pedro de Puertocarrero as his lieutenant-general. This new appointment occasioned great discontent in the army, that a person who had lost a battle, and rather merited ignominy and punishment for his misconduct, should be raised to the chief command. The appointment was however persisted in, and it was resolved to pursue the enemy with 800 men without baggage.

Hernandez Giron, who retreated by way of the plain towards Arequipa, had reached the valley of Nasca, about sixty leagues to the southwards of Lima, before the confusion and disputes in the royal camp admitted of proper measures being taken for pursuit. At this time, the judges gave permission to a sergeant in the royal army, who had formerly been in the conspiracy of Diego de Royas, to go into the enemys camp disguised as an Indian, under pretence of bringing them exact information of the state of affairs. But this man went immediately to Hernandez, whom he informed of the quarrels among the officers and the discontents in the royal army. He likewise informed him that the city of San Miguel de Piura had rebelled, and that one Pedro de Orosna was coming from the new kingdom of Grenada with a strong party to join the rebels in Peru. But to qualify this favourable news for the rebels, Giron received notice at the same time that the marshal Alvarado was coming against him from Las Charcas with a force of twelve hundred men. About this time, on purpose to reinforce his army, Giron raised a company of an hundred and fifty negroes, which he afterwards augmented to 450, regularly divided into companies, to which he appointed captains, and allowed them to elect their own ensigns, sergeants, and corporals, and to make their own colours.

In the mean time, the marshal Alonzo de Alvarado, employed himself diligently in Las Charcas to raise men for the royal service, and to provide arms, ammunition, provisions, horses, and mules, and every thing necessary for taking the field. He appointed Don Martin de Almendras, who had married his sister, lieutenant-general, Diego de Porras standard-bearer, and Diego de Villavicennio major-general. Pera Hernandez Paniagua, Juan Ortiz de Zarate, and Don Gabriel de Guzman, were captains of horse. The licentiate Polo, Diego de Almendras, Martin de Alarzon, Hernando Alvarez de Toledo, Juan Ramon, and Juan de Arreynaga, were captains of foot; Gomez Hernandez the lawyer, military alguazil or judge-advocate, and Juan Riba Martin commissary-general. His force amounted to 750 excellent soldiers, all well armed and richly clothed, with numerous attendants, such as had never been seen before in Peru. I saw them myself a few days after their arrival in Cuzco, when they made a most gallant appearance. While on his march to Cuzco from La Plata, Alvarado was joined by several parties of ten and twenty together, who came to join him in the service of his majesty. On his way to Arequipa he was joined by about forty more; and after passing that place, Sancho Duarte and Martin d'Olmos joined him from La Paz with more than two hundred good soldiers. Besides these, while in the province of Cuzco, he was joined by Juan de Saavedra with a squadron of eighty five men of the principal interest and fortune in the country. On entering Cuzco, Alvarado was above 1200 strong; having 300 horse, 350 musqueteers, and about 530 armed with pikes and halberts. Not knowing what was become of Giron, Alvarado issued orders to repair the bridges over the Apurimac and Abancay, intending to pass that way in quest of the rebels. But receiving intelligence from the judges, of the defeat of Meneses, and that the rebels were encamped in the valley of Nasca, he ordered the bridges to be destroyed, and marched by the nearest way for Nasca, by way of Parinacocha, in which route he had to cross a rocky desert of sixty leagues.

In this march four of the soldiers deserted and went over to Hernandez Giron at Nasca, to whom they gave an account of the great force with which Alvarado was marching against him, but reported in public that the royalists were inconsiderable in number. Giron, however, chose to let his soldiers know the truth, and addressed his army as follows. "Gentlemen, do not flatter or deceive yourselves: There are a thousand men coming against you from Lima, and twelve hundred from the mountains. But, with the help of God, if you stand firm, I have no doubt of defeating them all." Leaving Nasca, Giron marched by way of Lucanas, by the mountain road, intending to take post on the lake of Parinacocha before Alvarado might be able to reach that place. He accordingly left Nasca on the 8th of May[47] for this purpose.

[Footnote 47: Although Garcilasso omits the date of the year, it probably was in 1554, as the rebellion of Giron commenced in the November immediately preceding.—E.]

In the mean time pursuing his march, Alvarado and his army entered upon the desert of Parihuanacocha, where above sixty of his best horses died, in consequence of the bad and craggy roads, the unhealthiness of the climate, and continued tempestuous weather, though led by hand and well covered with clothes. When the two armies approached each other, Alvarado sent a detachment of an hundred and fifty select musqueteers to attack the camp of Giron, and marched forwards with the main body of his army to support that detachment. An engagement accordingly took place in rough and strong ground, encumbered with trees brushwood and rocks, in which the royalists could make no impression on the rebels, and were obliged to retire with the loss of forty of their best men killed or wounded. In the following night, Juan de Piedrahita endeavoured ineffectually to retaliate, by assailing the camp of Alvarado, and was obliged to retreat at daybreak. Receiving notice from a deserter that the rebel army consisted only of about four hundred men, in want of provisions, and most of them inclined to revolt from Giron and return to their duty, Alvarado determined upon giving battle, contrary to the opinion and earnest advice of all his principal officers and followers. But so strong was the position of the enemy, and the approaches so extremely difficult, that the royal army fell into confusion in the attack, and were easily defeated with considerable loss, and fled in all directions, many of them being slain by the Indians during their dispersed flight.

On receiving the afflicting news of this defeat, the judges ordered the army which they had drawn together at Lima to march by way of Guamanga against the rebels. In the mean time Giron remained for forty days in his camp at Chuquinca, where the battle was fought, taking care of his wounded men and of the wounded royalists, many of whom now joined his party. He sent off however his lieutenant-general towards Cuzco in pursuit of the royalists who had fled in that direction, and ordered his sergeant-major to go to La Plaz, Chucuito, Potosi, and La Plata, to collect men arms and horses for the farther prosecution of the war. At length Giron marched into the province of Andahuaylas, which he laid waste without mercy, whence he went towards Cuzco on receiving intelligence that the army of the judges had passed the rivers Abancay and Apurimac on their way to attack him. He immediately marched by the valley of Yucay to within a league of Cuzco, not being sufficiently strong to resist the royalists; but turned off from that city at the persuasion of certain astrologers and prognosticators, who declared that his entrance there would prove his ruin, as had already happened to many other captains, both Spaniards and Indians.

The army of the judges marched on from Guamanga to Cuzco unopposed by the rebels, their chief difficulty being in the passages of the great rivers, and the transport of eleven pieces of artillery, which were carried on the shoulders of Indians, of whom ten thousand were required for that service only. Each piece of ordinance was fastened on a beam of wood forty feet long, under which twenty cross bars were fixed, each about three feet long, and to every bar were two Indians, one on each side, who carried this load on their shoulders, on pads or cushions, and were relieved by a fresh set every two hundred paces. After halting five days in the neighbourhood of Cuzco, to refresh the army from the fatigues of the march, and to procure provisions and other necessaries, the royal army set out in pursuit of the rebels to Pucara[48], where the rebels had intrenched themselves in a very strong situation, environed on every side with such steep and rugged mountains as could not be passed without extreme difficulty, more like a wall than natural rocks. The only entrance was exceedingly narrow and intricate, so that it could easily be defended by a handful of men against an army; but the interior of this post was wide and convenient, and sufficient for accommodating the rebel army with all the cattle provisions and attendants with the utmost ease. The rebels had abundance of provisions and ammunition, having the whole country at their command since the victory of Chuquinca; besides which their negro soldiers brought in provisions daily from the surrounding country. The royal army encamped at no great distance in an open plain, fortifying the camp with an intrenchment breast-high all round, which was soon executed by means of the great numbers of Indians who attended to carry the baggage and artillery. Giron established a battery of cannon on the top of a rising ground so near the royal camp that the balls were able to reach considerably beyond the intrenchment: "Yet by the mysterious direction of Providence, the rebel cannon, having been cast from the consecrated metal of bells dedicated to the service of God, did no harm to man or beast."

[Footnote 48: Pucara is in the province of Lampa, near the north-western extremity of the great lake Titicaca.—E.]

After a considerable delay, during which daily skirmishes passed between the adverse parties, Giron resolved to make a night attack upon the camp of the royalists, confiding in the prediction of some wise old woman, that he was to gain the victory at that place. For this purpose he marched out from his natural fortress at the head of eight hundred foot, six hundred of whom were musqueteers, and the rest pikemen, with only about thirty horse. His negro soldiers, who were about two hundred and fifty in number, joined with about seventy Spaniards, were ordered to assail the front of the royal camp, while Giron with the main body was to attack the rear. Fortunately the judges had got notice of this intended assault from two rebel deserters, so that the whole royal army was drawn out in order of battle on the plain before the rebels got up to the attack. The negro detachment arrived at the royal camp sometime before Giron, and, finding no resistance, they broke in and killed a great number of the Indian followers, and many horses and mules, together with five or six Spanish soldiers who had deserted the ranks and hidden themselves in the camp. On arriving at the camp, Giron fired a whole volley into the fortifications without receiving any return; but was astonished when the royal army began to play upon the flank of his army from an unexpected quarter, with all their musquets and artillery. Giron, being thus disappointed in his expectations of taking the enemy by surprise, and finding their whole army drawn up to receive him, lost heart and retreated back to his strong camp in the best order he could. But on this occasion, two hundred of his men, who had formerly served under Alvarado, and had been constrained to enter into his service after the battle of Chuquinca, threw down their arms and revolted to the royalists.

Giron made good his retreat, as the general of the royalists would not permit any pursuit during the darkness of the night. In this affair, five or six were killed on the side of the judges, and about thirty wounded; while the rebels, besides the two hundred who revolted, had ten men killed and about the same number wounded. On the third day after the battle, Giron sent several detachments to skirmish with the enemy, in hopes of provoking them to assail his strong camp; but the only consequence of this was giving an opportunity to Thomas Vasquez and ten or twelve more to go over to the royalists. Heart-broken and confounded by these untoward events, and even dreading that his own officers had conspired against his life, Giron fled away alone from the camp on horseback during the night after the desertion of Vasquez. On the appearance of day he found himself still near his own camp, whence he desperately adventured to make his escape over a mountain covered with snow, where he was nearly swallowed up, but at last got through by the goodness of his horse. Next morning, the lieutenant-general of the rebels, with about an hundred of the most guilty, went off in search of their late general; but several others of the leading rebels went over to the judges and claimed their pardons, which were granted under the great seal.

Next day, Paulo de Meneses, with a select detachment, went in pursuit of Diego de Alvarado, the rebel lieutenant-general, who was accompanied by about an hundred Spaniards and twenty negroes; and came up with them in eight or nine days, when they all surrendered without resistance. The general immediately ordered Juan Henriquez de Orellana, one of the prisoners, who had been executioner in the service of the rebels, to hang and behead Diego de Alvarado and ten or twelve of the principal chiefs, after which he ordered Orellana to be strangled by two negroes.

"I cannot omit one story to shew the impudence of the rebel soldiers, which occurred at this time. The very next day after the flight of Francisco Hernandez Giron, as my father Garcilasso de la Vega was at dinner with eighteen or twenty soldiers, it being the custom in time of war for all men of estates to be hospitable in this manner according to their abilities; he observed among his guests a soldier who had been with Giron from the beginning of this rebellion. This man was by trade a blacksmith, yet crowded to the table with as much freedom and boldness as if he had been a loyal gentleman, and was as richly clothed as the most gallant soldier of either army. Seeing him sit down with much confidence, my father told him to eat his dinner and welcome, but to come no more to his table; as a person who would have cut off his head yesterday for a reward from the general of the rebels, was not fit company for himself or those gentlemen, his friends and wellwishers, and loyal subjects of his majesty. Abashed by this address, the poor blacksmith rose and departed without his dinner, leaving subject of discourse to the guests, who admired at his impudence."

After his flight, Hernandez Giron was rejoined by a considerable number of his dispersed soldiers, and took the road towards Lima, in hopes of gaining possession of that place in the absence of the judges. He was pursued by various detachments, one of which came up with him in a strong position on a mountain; where all his followers, though more numerous than their pursuers, surrendered at discretion, and the arch rebel was made prisoner and carried to Lima, where he was capitally punished, and his head affixed to the gallows beside those of Gonzalo Pizarro and Francisco de Carvajal. This rebellion subsisted from the 13th of November 1553, reckoning the day on which Giron was executed, thirteen months and some days; so that he received his well-merited punishment towards the end of December 1554.

SECTION V.

History of Peru during the Viceroyalty of the Marquis del Cannete.

Immediately after learning the death of Don Antonio de Mendoza, his imperial majesty, who was then in Germany, nominated the Conde de Palma to succeed to the viceroyalty of Peru: But both he and the Conde de Olivares declined to accept. At length Don Andres Hurtado de Mendoza, Marquis of Cannete, was appointed to the office. Having received his instructions, he departed for Peru and arrived at Nombre de Dios, where he resided for some time for the purpose of suppressing a band of fugitive negroes, called Cimarrones who lived in the mountains, and robbed and pillaged the merchants and others on the road between Nombre de Dios and Panama. Finding themselves hard pressed by a military force sent against them under the command of Pedro de Orsua, the negroes at length submitted to articles of accommodation, retaining their freedom, and engaging to catch and deliver up all negroes that should in future desert from their masters. They likewise agreed to live peaceably and quietly within a certain district, and were allowed to have free trade with the Spanish towns.

Having settled all things properly in the Tierra Firma, the viceroy set sail from Panama and landed at Payta on the northern confines of Peru, whence he went by land to Lima, where he was received in great pomp in the month of July 1557. Soon after the instalment of the new viceroy, he appointed officers and governors to the several cities and jurisdictions of the kingdom; among whom Baptisto Munnoz a lawyer from Spain was sent to supersede my father Garcilasso de la Vega in the government of Cuzco. In a short time after taking possession of his office, Munnoz apprehended Thomas Vasquez, Juan de Piedrahita and Alonzo Diaz, who had been ringleaders in the late rebellion, and who were privately strangled in prison, notwithstanding the pardons they had received in due form from the royal chancery. Their plantations and lordships over Indians were confiscated and bestowed on other persons. No other processes were issued against any of the other persons who had been engaged in the late rebellion. But Munnoz instituted a prosecution against his predecessor in office, my father, on the four following charges. 1st, For sporting after the Spanish manner with darts on horseback, as unbecoming the gravity of his office. 2d, For going on visits without the rod of justice in his hand, by which he gave occasion to many to despise and contemn the character with which he was invested. 3d, For allowing cards and dice in his house during the Christmas holidays, and even playing himself, contrary to the dignity becoming the governor. 4th, For employing as his clerk one who was not a freeman of the city, nor qualified according to the forms of law. Some charges equally frivolous were made against Monjaraz, the deputy-governor, not worth mentioning; but these processes were not insisted in, and no fines or other punishment were inflicted.

Soon after the viceroy was settled in his government, he sent Altamirano, judge in the court of chancery at Lima, to supersede Martin de Robles in the government of the city of La Plata. De Robles was then so old and bowed down with infirmities, that he was unable to have his sword girt to his side, and had it carried after him by an Indian page; yet Altamirano, almost immediately after taking possession of his government, hanged Martin de Robles in the market-place, on some pretended charge of having used certain words respecting the viceroy that had a rebellious tendency. About the same time the viceroy apprehended and deported to Spain about thirty-seven of those who had most eminently distinguished their loyalty in suppressing the late rebellion, chiefly because they solicited rewards for their services and remuneration for the great expences they had been at during the war, and refused to marry certain women who had been brought from Spain by the viceroy as wives to the colonists, many of whom were known to be common strumpets.

The next object which occupied the attention of the viceroy was to endeavour to prevail upon Sayri Tupac, the nominal Inca or king of the Peruvians, to quit the mountains in which he had taken refuge, and to live among the Spaniards, under promise of a sufficient allowance to maintain his family and equipage. Sayri Tupac was the son and heir of Manco Capac, otherwise called Menco Saca, who had been killed by the Spaniards after delivering them out of the hands of their enemies. After a long negociation, the Inca Sayri Tupac came to Lima where he was honourably received and entertained by the viceroy, who settled an insignificant pension upon him according to promise. After remaining a short time in Lima, the Inca was permitted by the viceroy to return to Cuzco, where he took up his residence in the house of his aunt Donna Beatrix Coya, which was directly behind my fathers dwelling, and where he was visited by all the men and women of the royal blood of the Incas who resided in Cuzco. The Inca was soon afterwards baptized along with his wife, Cusi Huarcay, the niece of the former Inca Huascar. This took place in the year 1558; and about three years afterwards he died, leaving a daughter who was afterwards married to a Spaniard named Martin Garcia de Loyola.

Having settled all things in the kingdom to his satisfaction, by the punishment of those who had been concerned in the rebellion under Giron, and the settlement of the Inca under the protection and superintendence of the Spanish government; the viceroy raised a permanent force of seventy lancers or cavalry, and two hundred musqueteers, to secure the peace of the kingdom, and to guard his own person and the courts of justice. The horsemen of this guard were allowed each a thousand, and the foot soldiers five hundred, dollars yearly. Much about the same time, Alonzo de Alvarado, Juan Julio de Hojeda, my lord and father Garcilasso de la Vega, and Lorenzo de Aldana died. These four gentlemen were all of the ancient conquerors of Peru who died by natural deaths, and were all greatly lamented by the people for their virtuous honourable and good characters. All the other conquerors either died in battle, or were cut off by other violent deaths, in the various civil wars and rebellions by which the kingdom was so long distracted.

On the arrival of those persons in Spain who had been sent out of Peru by the viceroy for demanding rewards for their services, they petitioned the king, Don Philip II, for redress; who was graciously pleased to give pensions to as many of them as chose to return to Peru, to be paid from the royal exchequer in that kingdom, that they might not need to address themselves to the viceroy. Such as chose to remain in Spain, he gratified with pensions upon the custom-house in Seville; the smallest being 80 ducats yearly, to some 600, to some 800, 1000, and 1200 ducats, according to their merits and services. About the same time likewise, his majesty was pleased to nominate Don Diego de Azevedo as viceroy of Peru, to supersede the Marquis of Cannete; but, while preparing for his voyage, he died, to the great grief of all the colonists of the kingdom. The Marquis of Cannete was much astonished when those men whom he had banished from Peru for demanding rewards for their past services, came back with royal warrants for pensions on the exchequer of that kingdom, and still more so when he learnt that another person was appointed to succeed him in the office of viceroy. On this occasion he laid aside his former haughtiness and severity, and became gentle and lenient in his disposition and conduct for the rest of his days; so that, if he had begun as he ended his administration, he would have proved the best governor that ever commanded in the New World. On seeing this change of conduct, the heirs of those citizens who had been executed for having engaged in the rebellion of Giron, laid the pardons obtained by their fathers before the judges of the royal audience, and made reclamation of the estates which had been confiscated, and even succeeded in having their lands and Indians restored, together with all other confiscations which had been ordered at the first coming over of the viceroy.

At this time likewise, the viceroy gave a commission to Pedro de Orsua, to make a conquest of the country of the Amazons on the river Marannon, being the same country in which Orellana deserted Gonzalo Pizarro, as formerly related. Orsua went to Quito to raise soldiers, and to provide arms and provisions, in which he was greatly assisted by contributions from the citizens of Cuzco, Quito and other cities of Peru. Orsua set out accordingly on his expedition, with a well appointed force of five hundred men, a considerable proportion of which was cavalry. But he was slain by his own men, at the instigation of Don Fernando de Guzman and some others, who set up Don Fernando as their king, yet put him to death shortly afterwards. Lope de Aguira then assumed the command, but the whole plan of conquest fell to the ground, and Aguira and far the greater part of the men engaged in this expedition were slain.

SECTION VI.

Incidents in the History of Peru, during the successive Governments of the Conde de Nieva, Lope Garcia de Castro, and Don Francisco de Toledo.

On the death of Don Diego de Azevedo, Don Diego de Zuniga by Velasco, Conde de Nieva, was appointed to supersede the Marquis of Cannete as viceroy of Peru, and departing from Spain to assume his new office in January 1560, he arrived at Payta in Peru in the month of April following. He immediately dispatched a letter to the marquis informing him of his arrival in the kingdom as viceroy, and requiring the marquis to desist from any farther exercise of authority. On the arrival of the messenger at Lima, the marquis ordered him to be honourably entertained, and to receive a handsome gratification, to the value of 7000 dollars; but he forfeited all these advantages, by refusing to address the ex-viceroy by the title of excellency. This slight, which had been directed by the new viceroy, so pressed on the spirits of the marquis, already much reduced by the infirmities of age and the ravages of a mortal distemper, that he fell into a deep melancholy, and ended his days before the arrival of his successor at Lima.

The Conde de Nieva did not long enjoy the happiness he expected in his government, and he came by his death not many months afterwards by means of a strange accident, of which he was himself the cause; but as it was of a scandalous nature I do not chuse to relate the particulars. On receiving notice of his death, King Philip II. was pleased to appoint the lawyer Lope Garcia de Castro, who was then president of the royal council of the Indies, to succeed to the government of Peru, with the title only of president of the court of royal audience and governor-general of the kingdom. He governed the kingdom with much wisdom and moderation, and lived to return into Spain, where he was replaced in his former situation of president of the council of the Indies.

Don Francisco de Toledo, second son of the Conde de Oropeta, succeeded Lope Garcia de Castro in the government of Peru, with the tide of viceroy. He had scarcely been two years established in the government, when he resolved to entice from the mountains of Villcapampa[49] where he resided, the Inca Tupac Amaru, the legitimate heir of the Peruvian empire, being the son of Manco Inca, and next brother to the late Don Diego Sayri Tupac, who left no son. The viceroy was induced to attempt this measure, on purpose to put a stop to the frequent robberies which were committed by the Indians dependent on the Inca, in the roads between Cuzco and Guamanga, and in hope of procuring information respecting the treasures which had belonged to former Incas and the great chain of gold belonging to Huayna Capac, formerly mentioned, all of which it was alleged was concealed by the Indians. Being unable to prevail upon the Inca to put himself in the power of the Spaniards, a force of two hundred and fifty men was detached into the Villcapampa, under the command of Martin Garcia Loyola, to whom the Inca surrendered himself, with his wife, two sons, and a daughter, who were all carried prisoners to Cuzco.

[Footnote 49: The river Quiliabamba, otherwise called Urabamba and Vilcamayo is to the north of Cuzco, and to the north of that river one of the chains of the Andes is named the chain of Cuzco or of the rebel Indians. This is probably the mountainous region mentioned in the text.—E.]

The unfortunate Inca was arraigned by the attorney-general, of having encouraged his servants and vassals to infest the roads and to rob the Spanish merchants, of having declared enmity against all who lived or inhabited among the Spaniards, and of having entered into a plot with the Caracas or Caciques, who were lords of districts and Indians by ancient grants of the former Incas, to rise in arms on a certain day and to kill all the Spaniards they could find. At the same time a general accusation was made against all the males of mixed race, born of Indian mothers to the Spanish conquerors, who were alleged to have secretly agreed with Tupac Amaru and other Incas to make an insurrection for extirpating the Spaniards and restoring the native, Inca to the throne of Peru. In consequence of this accusation, all the sons of Spaniards by Indian women who were of age sufficient to carry arms were committed to prison, and many of them were put to the torture to extort confession of these alleged crimes, for which they had no proof or evidence whatsoever. Many of them were accordingly banished to various remote parts of the New World, as to Chili, the new kingdom of Granada, the West India islands, Panama, and Nicaragua, and others were sent into Spain.

All the males of the royal line of the Incas, who were in the capacity of being able to succeed to the throne, to the number of thirty-six persons, together with the two sons and the daughter of the Inca Tupac Amaru, were commanded to reside for the future in Lima, where in little more than two years they all died except three, who were permitted to return to their own houses for purer air: But even these three were beyond recovery, and died soon afterwards. One of these, Don Carlos Paula, left a son who died in Spain in 1610, leaving one son a few months old who died next year; and in him ended the entire male line of the Incas of Peru.

Tupac Amaru was brought to trial, under pretence that he intended to rebel, and had engaged in a conspiracy with several Indians, and with the sons of Spaniards born of Indian mothers, intending to have dispossessed his majesty Philip II of the kingdom of Peru. On this unfounded accusation, and on the most inconclusive evidence, he was condemned to lose his head. Upon notice of this sentence, the friars of Cuzco flocked to prison, and persuaded the unfortunate prince to receive baptism, on which he assumed the name of Don Philip. Though the Inca earnestly entreated to be sent to Spain, and urged the absurdity and impossibility that he could ever intend to rebel against the numerous Spanish colonists who now occupied the whole country of Peru, seeing that his father with 200,000 men was utterly unable to overcome only 200 Spaniards whom he besieged in the city of Cuzco; yet the viceroy thought fit to order the sentence to be carried into execution. The Inca was accordingly brought out of prison, mounted on a mule, having his bands tied and a halter about his neck, and being conducted to the ordinary place of execution in the city of Cuzco, his head was cut off by the public executioner.

After continuing sixteen years in the viceroyalty of Peru, Don Francisco de Toledo returned into Spain, with a fortune of above half a million of pesos. Falling under the displeasure of the king, he was ordered to confine himself to his own house, and all his fortune was laid under sequestration, which so affected his mind that he soon died of a broken heart. Martin Garcia Loyola, who made the Inca prisoner, was married to a coya, the daughter of the former Inca Sayri Tupac, by whom he acquired a considerable estate; and being afterwards made governor of Chili, was slain in that country by the natives.

END OF THE EARLY HISTORY OF PERU.



CHAPTER IX.

HISTORY OF THE DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST OF CHILI

INTRODUCTION.

Not having the advantage of any original and contemporary author to lay before our readers on this occasion, it was at first our intention to have omitted any notice of Chili in the present division of this work: But under the existing and important circumstances of the Spanish American colonies, to which some allusion has been already made in the introduction to the preceding chapter, it has been deemed proper to deviate on this occasion from our general principle, and to endeavour to draw up a short satisfactory account of the Discovery and Conquest of Chili, and of the early History of that interesting region, the most distant of all the early European colonies in the New World, and which presents the singular and solitary phenomenon, of a native nation inhabiting a fertile and champaign country, successfully resisting the arts, discipline, and arms of Europeans, and remaining unconquered and independent to the present day, after the almost perpetual efforts of the Spaniards during a period of 277 years.

In the composition of this chapter, we have been chiefly guided by the geographical natural and civil history of Chili, by the Abbe Don Juan Ignatio Molina, a native of the country, and a member of the late celebrated order of the Jesuits. On the dissolution of that order, being expelled along with all his brethren from the Spanish dominions, he went to reside at Bologna in Italy, where in 1787 he published the first part of his work, containing the natural history of Chili, and the second part, or civil history, some years afterwards. This work was translated and published some years ago in the United States of North America; and was republished in London in the year 1809, with the addition of several notes and appendixes from various sources by the English editor. In the present abridged version of the second part of that work, or civil history of Chili, we have collated the whole with An Historical Relation of the Kingdom of Chili, by Alonzo de Ovalle, or Ovaglia, likewise a native and a Jesuit, printed at Rome in 1649, of which an English translation is inserted in Churchill's collection of voyages and travels, Vol. III. p. 1-146. In other divisions of this work, more minute accounts will be furnished, respecting the country of Chili and its inhabitants and productions, by means of several voyages to that distant and interesting country.

SECTION I.

Geographical View of the Kingdom of Chili.

The kingdom of Chili in South America, is situated on the coast of the Pacific Ocean or Great South Sea, between 24 deg. and 45 deg. of south latitude, and between 68 deg. 40' and 74 deg. 20' of west longitude from Greenwich; but as its direction is oblique from N.N.E. to S.S.W. between the Andes on the east and the Pacific Ocean on the west, the middle of its northern extremity is in 70 deg., and of its southern termination in about 73 deg. of W. longitude. Its extreme length therefore is 1260 geographical, or 1450 statute miles; but its breadth varies considerably, as the Andes approach or recede from the sea. In the more northern parts, between the latitudes of 24 deg. and 32 deg. S. the average breadth is about two degrees, or nearly 140 English miles. Its greatest breadth in lat. 37 deg. S. is about 220 miles; whence it grows again narrower, and the continental part of the country, opposite to the Archipelago of Chiloe, varies from about 50 to 100 miles. These measures are all assumed as between the main ridge of the Andes and the sea; but in many places these mountains extend from 60 to 100 miles farther towards the east, and, being inhabited by natives of the same race with the indigenous Chilese, or confederated with them, that transalpine region may be likewise considered as belonging to Chili.

Chili is bounded on the north by Peru, whence its lower or plain country, between the Andes and the Pacific, is divided by the extensive and arid desert of Atacama. On the east it is separated by the lofty chain of the southern Andes, from the countries of Tucuman, Cujo, and Patagonia, on the waters which run towards the Southern Atlantic. Through these lofty and almost impracticable mountains, there are eight or nine roads which lead from Chili towards the east, into the vast plains which depend upon the viceroyalty of La Plata, all of which are exceedingly difficult and even dangerous. The most frequented of these roads is that which leads from the province of Aconcagua in Chili to Cujo, running along the deep ravines of the rivers Chillan and Mendoza, bordered on one side by deep precipices overhanging these rivers, and on the other by lofty and almost perpendicular mountains. Both of these rivers derive their origin from the Alpine vallies of the Andes, the former running westwards to the Pacific; while the latter takes a much longer course towards the Southern Atlantic. This road requires at least eight days journey to get across the mountain range, and is so narrow and incommodious, that travellers are obliged in many places to quit their mules and proceed on foot, and every year some loaded mules are precipitated from this road into the rivers below. In some places the road passes over agreeable plains among the mountains, and in these the travellers halt for rest and refreshment. In these vallies, when the Incas conquered the northern provinces of Chili, before the coming of the Spaniards, they caused some tambos or stone houses to be constructed for the accommodation of their officers. Some of these are ruined but others remain entire, and the Spaniards have built some more for the convenience of travellers.

On the west side Chili is bounded throughout its whole extent by the shores of the Pacific Ocean; and on the south it joins with the southern land usually called the Terra Magellanica, from the name of the navigator, Magellan or Magelhaens, who first circumnavigated the continent of South America, and opened the way by sea from the Atlantic to the Pacific Ocean, through the Straits which are still known by his name.

Chili may be considered under three natural divisions. The country of Chili Proper, between the main ridge of the Andes and the sea: The Andes themselves, from the main ridge eastwards to the plain country of La Plata, and the Chilese islands. Chili Proper, or that which lies between the main ridge of the Andes and the Pacific, is usually distinguished into the Maritime and Midland countries. The Maritime country is intersected by three chains of hills, running parallel to the Andes, between which are many fine vallies which are watered by delightful rivers. The Midland country consists almost entirely of a uniform plain of considerable elevation, having a few isolated hills interspersed which add much to its beauty. The Andes, which are among the loftiest mountains in the world, are mostly about 120 miles from east to west, in that part of their course which belongs to Chili, consisting of a vast number of mountains of prodigious height, as if chained together, and displaying all the beauties and horrors of the most sublime and picturesque grandeur, abounding everywhere with frightful precipices, interspersed with many fine vallies and fertile pastures, watered by numerous streams and rivers which rise in the mountains. Between the latitudes of 24 deg. and 33 deg. south, the Andes are entirely desert and uninhabited; but the remainder as far as 45 deg. S. is inhabited by various tribes or colonies of the Chilese, called Chiquillanes, Pehuenches, Puelches, and Huilliches, which are commonly known under the general appellation of Patagonians.

S1. Chili Proper.

The political divisions of Chili consist of that part which has been conquered by the Spaniards, and that which still remains independent in the possession of the natives. The Spanish portion is situated between the latitudes of 24 deg. and 37 deg. south, and is divided into thirteen provinces; of which the following is an enumeration, with a short account of each, beginning on the north, at the desert of Atacama or frontiers of Peru. In each of these a corregidor, or deputy-governor resides, to whose command the civil and military officers of the province are subordinate, and on whom the respective cabildos or municipal magistracies are dependent.

1. Copaipo, is bounded on the north by the great desert of Atacama, on the east by the Andes, on the south by Coquimbo, and on the west by the Pacific. It is about 300 English miles long by 120 in breath. It contains the rivers Salado, Juncal, Chineral, Copaipo, Castagno, Totoral, Quebradaponda, Guasco, and Chollai. This province abounds in gold, lapis lazuli, sulphur, and fossile salt, which last is found in almost all the mountains of the Andes on its eastern frontiers. Copaipo its capital is in lat. 27 deg. 15' S. and long. 70 deg. 53' W. The northern part of this province, beyond the river Juncal is hardly inhabited, except by hunters of the Vicugnas, which they catch by means of large palisaded inclosures. Besides lead mines to the north of the river Copaipo, there are several silver mines in this province, and some sugar is made in the valley of the Totoral. This province has five ports, at Juncal, Chineral, Caldera, Copaipo, and Huasca, or Guasco. The chief town, Copaipo, situated on the river of the same name, contains a parish church, a convent of the order of Mercy, and a college which formerly belonged to the Jesuits. The town of San Francisco della Salva, stands on the same river about sixty miles farther inland.

2. Coquimbo, which is divided from Copaipo by the river Huasca or Guasco, is the next province towards the south. It is accordingly bounded on the north by Copaipo, on the east by the Andes, on the south-east by Aconcagua, on the south-west by Quillota, and on the west by the Pacific. It is about 135 miles from north to south, and 120 from east to west. Its principal rivers are the Coquimbo, Tongoi, Limari, and Chuapa. Its capital is called Coquimbo, or La Serena, founded in 1544 by Valdivia at the mouth of the river Coquimbo in lat. 29 deg. 53' S long. 71 deg. 12' W. This city is the residence of several ancient and honourable families, and is situated in a delightful country and charming climate; such being the mild temperature of the air, that though rain seldom falls, the surrounding country is continually verdant. This province is rich in gold, copper, and iron, and its fertile soil produces grapes, olives, and other fruits in great abundance, both those belonging to Europe, and such as are natural to the country.

3. Quillota, is bounded on the north by Coquimbo, on the east by the province of Aconcagua, on the south by Melipilla, and on the west by the sea. Its chief rivers are the Longotoma, Ligua, Aconcagua, and Limache; and its territory is among the most populous and most abundant in gold of any in Chili. The capital, called Quillota or San Martin, stands in a pleasant valley, in lat. 32 deg. 42' S. and long. 71 deg. W. having three churches dedicated to the saints Dominic, Francis, and Augustine. The province likewise contains the cities of Plazza, Plazilla, Ingenio, Cassablanca, and Petorca; which last is very populous, owing to the resort of great numbers of miners who work in the celebrated gold mines in the neighbourhood. Valparaiso, or Valparadiso, the most celebrated and most commercial harbour in Chili is in this province, from whence all the trade is carried on with Peru and Spain. The harbour is very capacious, and so deep that large ships can lie close to the shore. Its convenience for trade, and the salubrity of its climate, have rendered this a place of considerable resort; so that besides the city, which is three miles from the port, there is a populous town along the shore of the harbour, called Almendral, in which those belonging to the shipping mostly reside. A deputy-governor or corregidor sent directly from Spain resides here, who has the command of the civil and military officers of the city, and is only amenable to the president of Chili.