In this council of the leaders of the insurrection, it was likewise proposed to send deputies from all parts of Peru to his majesty, to explain the state of the colony, and the events which had occurred; and particularly to exculpate their conduct in regard to the battle of Quito in which the viceroy was slain, by throwing the whole blame upon him as the aggressor. It was likewise proposed that these deputies should humbly implore his majesty to invest Gonzalo Pizarro in the government of Peru, for which especial purpose they should be so instructed and empowered by all the cities. They were also to be instructed, during their residence at Panama on their way into Spain, carefully to learn what were the powers and instructions of the president; and to endeavour to prevail upon him to delay proceeding to Peru, until they had informed his majesty of the true state of the kingdom, that ulterior orders might be issued in consequence. It was proposed at the same time, if the president persisted in coming into the country, to take him into custody. Some even proposed to put him to death during the journey, while others proposed to have him poisoned at Panama and likewise to put Alonzo de Alvarado to death. Many other proposals of a similar nature and tendency are said to have been made at this time; but as all these transactions took place in the secret meetings of the chief of the insurgents, it is difficult or impossible to ascertain the precise nature of their deliberations. It was besides resolved, that the messengers who were to be sent to the president should be charged to deliver him letters from the principal inhabitants of Lima, strongly urging him to refrain from coming into Peru, even in terms of insolence and implied threatening.

After long deliberations respecting the persons who should be sent into Spain to lay their representations before the emperor, Don Jerom de Loyasa archbishop of Lima, Lorenzo de Aldana, Friar Thomas de San Martino provincial of the Dominicans, and Gomez de Solis were chosen for that purpose. The provincial was much suspected by the insurgents of being inimical to their party, by several expressions of his opinion, both in his sermons and in private conversations: Yet they thought proper to employ him and the others in this commission, although they were almost equally suspicious of the rest; both to give weight to their representations through the respectability of their messengers, and because no other persons of any consequence in the country dared to appear before his majesty on this occasion, being afraid of punishment for the share they had taken in the past commotions. They considered likewise, if these deputies should declare against them while in Spain, as they actually suspected, that it was better to have them out of the country; as, if matters should assume an unfavourable aspect for Gonzalo and his adherents, these persons might have done them much injury by remaining, as they were much respected in Peru, both on account of their rank and character. Gomez de Solis, who was major domo to Gonzalo Pizarro, was the only one of these commisioners in whom he reposed confidence; though indeed some alleged that he was only intended to proceed to Panama with a supply of money and provisions for Hinojosa and his troops, while others believed he was to have accompanied the other deputies into Spain. Besides these persons, the bishop of St Martha was likewise requested to accompany the deputation; and they were all supplied with the necessary funds for the expences of their voyage.

Lorenzo de Aldana set off by sea for Panama in all haste, while the other deputies were making preparations for their voyage, being commissioned by Gonzalo to send him intelligence as quickly as possible as to the true state of affairs in the Tierra Firma. As Lorenzo set out from the port of Lima in October 1546, Gonzalo confidently expected to receive dispatches from him from Panama by the ensuing Christmas, or early in January 1547; and for this purpose, he appointed a set of couriers to remain in waiting all along the coast of Peru to the northward of Lima, to be in readiness to forward the dispatches as quickly as possible. The two bishops and the provincial embarked a few days after Aldana, and all of them arrived safely at Panama.

Vela Nunnez, the brother of the late viceroy, who had long remained a prisoner at large, being allowed to go out on hunting parties, and to ride about unarmed, yet under strict injunctions to take care of his conduct, was drawn about this time into a private engagement with a soldier named Juan de la Torre, by means of which he lost his life. De la Torre was one of those who had deserted from the viceroy to Gonzalo, along with Gonzalo Diaz and others, when on the expedition against Pedro de Puelles and the inhabitants of Guanuco. He had afterwards the good fortune to discover a concealed treasure of gold and silver in the valley of Hica, which had been consecrated by the Indians to their idols, and which was said to have contained to the value of 60,000 crowns in the precious metals, besides a great quantity of emeralds and turquoises. De la Torre placed all this treasure in the hands of the father guardian of the Franciscans; to whom he one day revealed in confession that he wished to return into Spain, that he might enjoy his riches in quiet; but, having followed the party of Gonzalo, and consequently incurred the displeasure of his majesty, he wished to be able to perform some acceptable service to the king before his departure, on purpose to merit pardon for his past offences. For this purpose, he intended to embark with his treasure from the port of Lima for Nicaragua, where he proposed to enlist a party of soldiers, and to fit out one or two vessels with which to cruize for some time along the coast of Peru against Gonzalo and his confederates, by landing, and pillaging in such places as were unprovided with troops: But, as he had not sufficient knowledge or experience for conducting such an enterprize, he wished to find a person properly qualified to act as commander on this occasion, and had a strong desire to induce Vela Nunnez to undertake the direction of the enterprize, as a gentleman experienced in war, and who was besides in a great measure bound to seek an opportunity of being revenged upon Gonzalo for the death of his brother the viceroy and many others of his friends and relations. With this view, therefore, it was his intention to place himself and his treasure at the disposal of Vela Nunnez, whom he wished to consult on this subject with some adherents of the late viceroy who dwelt in Lima, that these persons might likewise be induced to join in the enterprize. De la Torre, therefore, requested the father guardian to converse on the subject with Vela Nunnez.

At first Vela Nunnez was on his guard, lest it might be a false confidence devised for his ruin. But De la Torre satisfied his doubts in presence of the father guardian, by a solemn oath on a consecrated altar, and Vela Nunnez agreed to take charge of the enterprize, immediately using his endeavours to engage the adherents of the late viceroy in the plot. It is not known how this affair came to be divulged, which it certainly was to Gonzalo, who immediately caused Vela Nunnez to be arrested and brought to trial as a traitor and rebel against the king, and had him publickly beheaded. Vela Nunnez was a brave and honourable gentleman, much esteemed by all, and was exceedingly regretted by the whole inhabitants of Peru.[31]

[Footnote 31: From the sequel, it would appear that Juan de la Torre escaped entirely on this occasion; at least a person of exactly the same name appears afterwards as an officer in the service of Gonzalo.—E]

About this time likewise, Alfonzo de Toro, who was lieutenant-governor of Cuzco under Gonzalo Pizarro, was assassinated by his own father-in-law, in consequence of some dispute. Gonzalo was much grieved by the death of this person, from whom he expected to have derived important services in the approaching crisis. He appointed Alfonzo de Hinojosa to succeed as lieutenant-governor of Cuzco, who had in fact been elected to the vacant charge by the magistrates of that city. Under his administration some tumults were excited in Cuzco by Lope Sanchez de Valenzuela and Diego Perez Bezerra; but by the exertions of Hinojosa and Pedro de Villacastin the tumults were happily quelled; Valenzuela and Bezerra were put to death as the ringleaders, and some others who had been particularly active on the occasion were banished.

It is well known that Lorenzo de Aldana, who has been already mentioned as dispatched by Gonzalo to Panama, carried several letters from Gonzalo and the other leaders of the insurrection which were couched in very disrespectful terms: But Aldana, anxious to prevent the present troubles from becoming even more serious than they were, prudently destroyed these letters, so that they were not delivered. On his arrival at Panama, he went to lodge with Hinojosa, with whom he was extremely intimate, there being likewise some relationship between them. He went likewise without delay to pay his respects to the president; but at this first visit they both confined themselves to conversation on general topics, so that Aldana did not reveal his sentiments for some days, wishing, like a prudent person, to learn in the first place what were the sentiments and intentions of the officers who then resided at Panama. When he found that they were disposed to act for the service of his majesty, he revealed his real sentiments to the president, offering his best services in any manner that might be most conducive to the royal interest. From the confidence which was reposed in Aldana, it was at length resolved to treat openly with Hinojosa, with whom hitherto the president and Mexia had acted with much reserve. Accordingly, Mexia represented to him, that the affairs of Peru were now in such a situation that it was requisite to restore them to order, which might easily be done by agreeing to offer the services of all the faithful subjects of his majesty resident in Panama to the president; and if the present favourable opportunity for this purpose were neglected, another might not occur for a long time. Hinojosa replied, that he was entirely disposed to serve the president, to whom, he had already declared, if his majesty were not disposed to grant the demands of Gonzalo, he was ready in all things to yield obedience to the commands of the sovereign, being resolved to give no just cause of reproach as a rebellious subject.

In reality Hinojosa, although an excellent soldier and experienced in every thing relative to warlike affairs was exceedingly ignorant in political matters. He had always believed that every thing which had been done by the insurgents was founded in justice, and that the authors of the supplications and remonstrances had a right to use their utmost efforts to succeed in procuring all that they had demanded; having even been so assured by several learned men. Yet in all the past transactions, he had conducted his own actions with much prudent reserve, so as not to go beyond the original and avowed purposes of the remonstrants, having never put any one to death or confiscated the wealth of any of the royalists, as had been done by the other insurgent commanders. On perceiving the erroneous sentiments by which he was deluded, Mexia strongly represented to him, that, as the pleasure of his majesty had been clearly expressed, by means of the commission and instructions given to the president, there was no room now to wait for any new declaration of the royal will. That all the officers and soldiers in the Tierra Firma Were resolved to obey the president, and that Hinojosa must determine without delay on the part he chose to embrace as a loyal subject, without allowing himself to be misled by these ridiculous sentiments of pretended men of learning. Hinojosa requested to be allowed one day to consider what answer he should give to these representations; and accordingly the very next day he determined to follow the advice of his friend Mexia, whom he accompanied to the president, and engaged to obey him in all things conformable to the royal orders. After this, all the captains of the troops and other principal persons in Panama were convened; who all pledged their obedience to the president, engaging to keep the matter a profound secret till farther orders. Yet the soldiers began to suspect the real situation of affairs, as they noticed that the president gave orders on every affair of importance that occurred, and that all their officers visited him very frequently, and always behaved to him in public as their superior.

As president considered that any farther delay might be prejudicial to the royal cause, he resolved to dispatch Aldana with the command of about three hundred men in three or four vessels, with orders to proceed to the port of Lima, to assemble at that place all who were well affected to his majesty. By this measure, he wished to prevent Gonzalo from having time to learn the actual situation of matters in the Tierra Firma, and from placing his own affairs in perfect order; and was in hopes likewise by these means to prevent him from putting several of the principal loyalists to death, as had been often threatened by the insurgents. Accordingly, four vessels were fitted out with all expedition, of which the command was given to Aldana, having under his orders the captains Mexia, Palomino, and Yllanez. On this occasion, in a general review of the troops, all the colours were publickly resigned into the hands of the president; who immediately restored them to the respective officers, in his majestys name, and reappointed Hinojosa as general of the army. After this, the three hundred men above mentioned were embarked under Aldana, pay and equipments, being advanced to such of the soldiers as were in need. Aldana immediately set sail on his expedition, being accompanied by the provincial of the Dominicans, a person of merit and influence, whose authority and example were expected to confirm those who might be indetermined to follow the party which he espoused. Aidaria carried along with him several copies of the amnesty and of the royal orders for restoring peace and order to Peru; and was expressly enjoined not to land on any part of the coast if possible, till he got to the port of Lima, that he might endeavour to surprise Gonzalo.

About this time, the archbishop of Lima and Gomez de Solis arrived at Panama; both of whom expressed their satisfaction on learning the turn which affairs had taken at that place, and openly declared themselves for the royal party, offering their best services to the president. At this, time likewise, the president sent Don Juan de Mendoza to Mexico, with letters for the viceroy of that kingdom, Don Antonio de Mendoza, requiring the aid of all the soldiers that could be spared from that country. Don Balthazar de Castille was sent at the same time to Guatimala and Nicaragua on a similar mission; and other persons were dispatched to San Domingo, to procure every possible assistance for prosecuting the war in Peru, if that measure should ultimately be necessary.

It has been already mentioned that Pedro Hernandez Paniagua was dispatched by the president with letters for Gonzalo Pizarro. Paniagua arrived at Tumbez about the middle of January 1547, whence he went to San Miguel, where Villalobos then commanded for Gonzalo. Paniagua was immediately arrested by Villalobos, who took from him his dispatches and forwarded them with all speed to Gonzalo at Lima, by means of Diego de Mora the commandant of Truxillo. On learning the arrest of Paniagua, Gonzalo sent a confidential person to conduct him to Lima, with strict orders not to permit any person to converse with him by the way. On his arrival at Lima, Gonzalo, in presence of all his confederate officers, restored to Paniagua his credentials and dispatches, desiring him to declare every thing that had been confided to him by his employer, and assuring him of entire personal safety in regard to every thing connected with his commission: But, if he should presume to converse either publickly or privately with any other person on any subject connected with the president, he might rest assured of losing his head. Accordingly, Paniagua boldly explained the subject of his mission. When he had withdrawn from the council of officers, some were for putting him to death, alleging that he had previously communicated his sentiments to some confidential persons. Gonzalo Pizarro did not communicate to his officers either of the two letters formerly mentioned, which were addressed to himself, by the king and the president. In this consultation, it was the universal opinion of the insurgent leaders, that they ought on no account to admit the president into Peru; many of the officers, in expressing their sentiments on this occasion, spoke of the president in a very abusive manner, and even mentioned his majesty with very little respect, at which Gonzalo seemed well pleased.

At this time, Gonzalo Pizarro wrote to his lieutenant-general Carvajal, who still remained in La Plata, directing him to come immediately to Lima, and bring thither along with him all the treasure he could procure, and all the musquets and other arms that were in that place. These orders did not proceed from any idea that these were necessary for defence, as the transactions at Panama were still unknown in Peru; but on account of the many complaints which had been made of the continual murders and confiscations which were perpetrated by Carvajal. Some alleged that he was summoned to the capital to receive deserved punishment for his cruel and tyrannical conduct; while others said it was on purpose to strip him of more than 150,000 crowns which he had amassed by pillage. At this time Lima was so entirely occupied with suspicions, that no one dared to confide in any other, or to speak a single word respecting the present state of affairs; as the slightest misplaced word, or the most trifling pretext or suspicion, was sufficient to place the life of any one in imminent danger. Gonzalo took the greatest possible precautions for his safety, of which the following is a remarkable instance. He had noticed on many occasions that the oydor Zarate was by no means attached to his interests, although his daughter was married to the brother of Pizarro: And though Zarate was sick, it was confidently asserted that Gonzalo procured him to be poisoned, by means of certain powders which he sent him under pretence of a remedy. In the sequel this rumour was confirmed by the testimony of several persons who were in the service of Pizarro at the time. Whether Pizarro were really guilty of this crime or innocent, it is a certain fact that he expressed much satisfaction on learning the death of Zarate.

In the mean time, Paniagua procured permission, through the intermediation of the licentiate Carvajal, to return to Panama, though contrary to the opinion of the other insurgent officers, who were clear for detaining him; and he may assuredly be reckoned fortunate in having got away from Lima before intelligence arrived there that the fleet and army at Panama had submitted to the president. Although this circumstance had not reached the knowledge of the insurgents, it began to be vehemently suspected, in consequence of receiving no reports from that place for so long a time; insomuch that Gonzalo sent off orders to Pedro de Puelles, who commanded in Quito, and all his other captains, to keep themselves vigilantly on their guard, and to hold all their troops in continual readiness for taking the field.

At this period the lieutenant-general Carvajal arrived at Lima from Las Charcas accompanied by an hundred and fifty soldiers, and bringing with him three hundred musquets and treasure to the value of more than 800,000 crowns. He was received at Lima with extraordinary pomp, Gonzalo going out to meet him with all the inhabitants of the city, accompanied with bands of music and every demonstration of rejoicing. Just at this time intelligence was received from Puerto Viejo, that four ships had been seen near the coast, as if reconnoitering, which had stood out again to sea without coming to anchor or sending on shore for water or provisions, as was usual with ships navigating in these seas. This was looked upon as a sign of hostile intentions. It was a considerable time after this, before Gonzalo was entirely certified of the intention of these four ships, which in fact were those under Aldana, both because they were exceedingly cautious of coming near the land, and because Diego de Mora, his lieutenant at Truxillo, detained certain letters which had been sent through his hands on the subject. Yet their suspicious appearance on the coast gave great uneasiness to Gonzalo, and occasioned him to take every means of precaution for his security; ordering continual watch to be kept up day and night, both by the soldiers and the inhabitants, all of whom appeared to do so with much care and satisfaction. Some time after the appearance of the ships off Puerto Viego, they arrived at the harbour of Malabrigo, five or six leagues to the northwards of Truxillo, and Diego de Mora learnt their arrival by the same messenger who was charged with the news of their appearance at Puerto Viejo. As he was quite ignorant of the persons who were embarked in these ships, and of their intentions, he went on board a vessel in the harbour of Truxillo, accompanied by several inhabitants of that city, intending to seek for these four vessels wherever they might happen to be, and carried along with him a considerable supply of provisions and warlike stores. He considered it quite safe to board these strange vessels; as, if they belonged to the partisans of Gonzalo, it was easy for him to allege that he came in quest of news, and to supply them with refreshments; whereas if they should be of the royal party, so much the better, as he was resolved to join them with all his followers. He fortunately came up with Aldana on the very day in which he left the harbour of Truxillo; and, having entered into mutual explanations, joined company to the reciprocal satisfaction of both, supplying Aldana with such refreshments as were needed for his ships.

Next night, Aldana and De Mora with all the ships came to anchor in the harbour of Truxillo, where it was not deemed proper to land the troops; but it was agreed that De Mora and all the inhabitants of Truxillo should retire into the province of Caxamarca, in which place they could remain in safety till their assistance might be required, and where they might endeavour to assemble all that were favourable to the royal cause. At the same time messengers were dispatched with letters and orders from the president in the kings name, to Chachapoyas, Guanuco, and Quito, and to the frontier posts commanded by Mercadillo and Porcel, inviting all who were inclined to serve his majesty to declare themselves. Intelligence of these proceedings at Truxillo were speedily carried to Gonzalo by a monk of the order of Mercy, who had always favoured the Pizarrian faction; but who could only relate the departure of De Mora and the inhabitants of Truxillo, without being able to give any distinct account of their intercourse and agreement with those on board the fleet. Accordingly, Gonzalo concluded, from the information brought by the monk, that De Mora and the inhabitants of Truxillo had gone off for Panama to join the president. Gonzalo therefore sent off the licentiate Garcias de Leon, who had always accompanied him hitherto, with the commission of lieutenant-governor of Truxillo, accompanied by fifteen or twenty soldiers, to whom he gave grants of the lands and Indians which had belonged to the citizens of Truxillo who had gone off with De Mora. Along with De Leon, Gonzalo sent the superior of the order of Mercy, with orders to embark the wives of all the inhabitants of Truxillo who had gone off, and to carry them to their husbands at Panama, whither he supposed they were gone; and he sent at the same time proper persons to be married to the widows who remained in Truxillo, commanding that such of these widows as refused compliance should be deported along with the married women to Panama. Various and specious pretexts were alleged for this procedure; but the true reason was, that Gonzalo wished to be entire master of the country, and to dispose at his pleasure of the lands, Indians, houses, and properties of all who had fled from his usurped power.

As Garcias de Leon was sent on this expedition by sea, he fell in, a few days after his departure, with the four ships commanded by Aldana, and joined himself to them with all his followers, embracing the party of his majesty. On this occasion, the superior of the order of Mercy was sent by land to Lima, with directions to inform Gonzalo of what had happened, and the purpose of these four ships making their appearance on the coast. He was likewise desired to communicate the intelligence to several of the loyal inhabitants of Lima; and to tell them, if they were at any time able to go to the port belonging to that city, they would find boats ready to carry them on board the ships. On receiving this news, Gonzalo sent orders to the superior to keep out of the way, and on no account to have intercourse with any person whatever, either publickly or privately, as he valued his life. Gonzalo complained loudly against Aldana for deserting him; saying that if he had followed the advice of his principal officers, he would have put him to death long before.

When the arrival and intention of the fleet was certainly known and understood, by which it appeared necessary to prepare for war, Gonzalo began immediately to put every thing in proper order, and to assemble his troops; having hitherto believed himself in perfect security against any hostile attack. He appointed the licentiates Carvajal and Cepeda to be captains of cavalry, as persons in whose attachment he could confide, considering the weighty obligations they had received from him. Juan de Acosta, Juan Velez de Guevara, and Juan de la Torre were made captains of musqueteers; and Ferdinand Bachicao, Martin de Robles, and Martin de Almendras captains of pikemen. Francisco de Carvajal, who had hitherto enjoyed that office, was nominated lieutenant-general, having an hundred of the musqueteers he had brought with him from Las Charcas appointed for his guard. It was proclaimed by beat of drum, that all the inhabitants of Lima, and all strangers residing there, of whatever quality or condition, were to enrol themselves among the troops under pain of death; and money was issued to the several captains for the pay and equipment of their companies. The two captains of horse received 50,000 crowns, with which they were each ordered to levy and equip fifty horsemen; besides which, several merchants and others, very unfit for warfare, enrolled themselves. It was well known that these men were quite unfit for being soldiers; but they were constrained to enlist on purpose to exact money from them for their discharge, which in fact they purchased by furnishing horses, arms, and money to such as were in want. Martin de Robles received 25,000 crowns with which he was to enlist and equip a company of 130 pikemen. Ferdinand Bachicao had 20,000 to raise 120 pikemen; and Juan d'Acosta a similar sum for an equal number. Martin de Almendras had 12,000 crowns to raise 45 pikemen; and Juan de la Torre 12,000, to levy 50 musqueteers, who were to form the ordinary guard of Gonzalo. Antonio Altamirano, one of the principal inhabitants of Cuzco was appointed to carry the grand standard, with a troop of 80 horse; and he received 12,000 crowns for some particular purpose, as his men had no need of pay or equipments, being all chosen from among the rich inhabitants of the country.

On this occasion the several captains had standards or colours painted according to their respective fancies, the grand standard alone carrying the royal arms. Among these, Bachicao had the letters G.P. or the cypher of Gonzalo Pizarro, interlaced upon his colours, surmounted by a royal crown. Every thing being in order, posts were assigned to each officer, of which they were to take especial care by day and night. Gonzalo Pizarro made liberal donations to several soldiers who were unfit for service, as well as to those who took the field; giving them, besides what they were entitled to for their equipment, considerable sums according to their respective merits and occasions. In a general review, he mustered a thousand men, as well armed and equipped and furnished with all necessaries, as any that had been seen in the most prosperous campaigns in the Italian war. Besides their arms, which were all excellent, most of the soldiers were clothed in silken hose and doublets, and many had theirs of cloth of gold, or embroidery of gold silver or silk, with gold embroidery on their hats, their ammunition pouches, and the covers of their musquets. The army was well supplied with excellent powder; and Gonzalo gave orders that every soldier should have either a horse or a mule to ride upon during a march. In the equipment of this army, Gonzalo expended above half a million of crowns.

Besides these preparations, Gonzalo sent Martin Silveira to the city of La Plata, to bring from thence all the men and money that could be procured in that quarter. Antonio de Robles was sent to Cuzco, to conduct to Lima all the troops that were there under the charge of Alfonzo de Hinojosa, the lieutenant-governor of that city. He wrote to Lucas Martinez, his lieutenant at Arequipa, desiring him to join him immediately with all the soldiers he could raise. He sent orders to Pedro de Puelles, his lieutenant at Quito, to join him as soon as possible with all the troops from that province; and likewise ordered Mercadillo and Percel to abandon the passes of which they had the charge, bringing all their men along with them to Lima, and sent similar orders to Saavedra the lieutenant-governor of Guamanga. By these means Gonzalo exerted himself to the uttermost to collect a respectable force; and he particularly enjoined all his officers not to leave behind them any horses or arms, or any other conveniencies for those who remained to enable them to join the president. He endeavoured to justify his present conduct, by representing that Aldana, whom he had sent to give an account to the king of all that had occurred in Peru, had leagued with the president, and now employed against himself and the colony those vessels which had been confided to his charge, and which had cost more than 80,000 crowns in their equipment. He alleged that the president, who had been sent expressly by his majesty to restore peace and tranquillity to the kingdom, had raised troops of his own authority, and now proposed to come in arms into Peru, to punish all who had taken part in the late commotions, so that all were equally interested in opposing him. That no one ought therefore to reckon upon the pardon and amnesty with which the president was said to be entrusted, and which it was reported he was to extend to all who joined him; but rather that this ought to be considered as a fraudulent contrivance to divide and ruin the colonists. Even admitting the truth of the reported amnesty; it could only refer to the original opposition to the obnoxious regulations and tyrannical conduct of the viceroy, and could have no reference to those who were engaged in the battle of Quito, and the consequent death of the viceroy; as these transactions could only be known in Spain after the departure of the president, and nothing respecting them could therefore be included in his instructions and powers. Therefore, until his majesty were fully informed of the whole series of events, and had issued new orders on the subject, it became necessary to prevent the president from coming into Peru, more especially as Gonzalo Pizarro was informed by letters from Spain, that the president was not authorized by his majesty to deprive Gonzalo of the government, but merely to preside in the royal court of audience. He pretended to be perfectly assured of this circumstance, by letters from Francisco Maldonado, whom he had sent to the king, and that the president had even in some measure acknowledged this in the letter which was brought from him by Paniagua. He alleged farther, that the captains in his own employment, who had been sent into the Tierra Firma for the defence of Peru, having revolted to the president, had now persuaded him to change his tone and to invade Peru by force of arms; at which procedure his majesty would be assuredly much displeased, when informed. By these and other arguments of a similar nature, Gonzalo endeavoured to demonstrate that the president was highly to blame in detaining those persons whom he, Gonzalo, had sent to Spain, and that it was justifiable on these grounds to oppose him by force of arms.

Gonzalo, by the advice of his lieutenant-general and other confidential officers, took additional measures to justify their conduct, and to satisfy the soldiers and inhabitants in the goodness of their cause. In an assembly of all the men learned in the law who were then in Lima, they arraigned the president as having acted criminally, in taking possession of the ships belonging to the colony, and by invading the country in a warlike manner, contrary to the tenor of the commission and instructions he had received from the king; endeavouring at the same time to convince the assembly, that it was just and proper to proceed judicially against the president, and those captains and others who adhered to him and abetted him in these proceedings, and that they ought to be proceeded against in a formal manner, by legal process. The persons composing this assembly of men of learning, dared not to contradict Gonzalo on this occasion or to oppose his will in any respect: A process was accordingly instituted in due form, informations taken and recorded, and judgment pronounced in the following tenor: "Considering the crimes established by the judicial informations given against the licentiate De la Gasca and those captains who adhere to him; they are found guilty and deserving of condemnation; wherefore, the said licentiate De la Gasca is hereby adjudged to be beheaded, and the captains Aldana and Hinojosa to be quartered." The other captains and officers serving under the president, were at the same time condemned to various punishments, according to the measure of guilt which Gonzalo and the leaders of his faction were pleased to charge against them; and the sentences were ordered to be signed in due form by the oydor Cepeda, and other men of letters at Lima.

Among these persons of the law who were desired to sign on the present occasion, was a licentiate from Valladolid named Polo Hondegardo, who had the boldness to wait upon Gonzalo, and to represent to him, that the promulgation of such a sentence was by no means advisable or politic; as it might possibly happen hereafter that those officers who were now in the service of the president might incline to revert to his party, which they would not dare to do when once this cruel sentence was pronounced against them. He represented farther, that it was necessary to keep in mind the sacred character of the president as a priest; in consequence of which circumstance all who might sign a sentence of death against him would incur the pains and penalties of the greater excommunication. By this remonstrance, these strong measures were arrested in their progress, and the intended sentence was not promulgated.

About this time, intelligence was brought to Pizarro, that the squadron under Lorenzo de Aldana had quitted the port of Truxillo and was approaching along the coast towards Lima. On this intelligence, Gonzalo sent off Juan d'Acosta with fifty mounted musqueteers, with orders to keep in view of the ships, to prevent the royalists from being able to land for provisions or water. On arriving at Truxillo, Acosta only ventured to remain one day at that place, being afraid that Diego de Mora might bring a superior force against him from Caxamarca. He learnt likewise, that the royalists squadron had gone to the port of Santa, to which place he accordingly marched. Aldana got notice of his coming from some Spanish inhabitants of that place, and laid an ambuscade for him, consisting of an hundred and fifty musqueteers, in a place overgrown with tall reeds on the side of the road by which Acosta had to march in his way to Santa. Acosta had certainly fallen into the snare, if he had not fortunately made prisoners of some spies who had been sent on shore from the squadron, whom he was about to have hanged, when they prevailed on him to save their lives by giving him notice of the ambushment, and by farther informing him that he might make prisoners of some sailors who were taking in fresh water for the ships, by quitting the common road and going nearer the shore. He accordingly took that road and made the sailors prisoners, whom he sent to Gonzalo at Lima. Those belonging to Aldana, who were in ambush, learnt this transaction; but, being all on foot, and the insurgent party all horsemen, they could not attempt to rescue the prisoners from Acosta, as that part of the country consisted of very deep sands. Acosta returned to the port of Guavera, where he waited fresh orders from Lima.

Gonzalo treated the prisoners sent to him by Acosta with much kindness, supplying them with clothes and arms, and gave them their choice of any of the companies of his troops in which they might think proper to serve. From these men, he received exact information of all the late events which had occurred at Panama, of the succours which the president expected to receive from different parts of America, and of the force which accompanied Aldana on the present expedition. They informed him likewise that Aldana had set on shore Pedro de Ulloa, a Dominican friar, disguised in a secular habit, who had orders to distribute copies of the amnesty in every direction. In consequence of this information, he was sought for and soon found; and Gonzalo had him confined in a dungeon near the fish-ponds in his garden, which was infested with toads and vipers, where he remained till he recovered his liberty on the arrival of the fleet some time afterwards.

About this time, it was determined to dispatch the licentiate Carvajal with three hundred mounted musqueteers, together with the detachment under Juan d'Acosta, to scour the coast to the northwards, and to attack Diego de Mora who had withdrawn into the province of Caxamarca. When every thing was in readiness for this expedition, the lieutenant-general Carvajal went one morning early to Gonzalo, and represented to him, that it was by no means safe to entrust so important a command to the licentiate, as a person in whom they could not repose implicit confidence. That although he had hitherto attached himself to their party, it was obviously for the sole purpose of being revenged of the late viceroy; and, as that purpose was now accomplished, it did not appear that his fidelity could be depended upon. It was proper to recollect, he added, that all the brothers of the licentiate were greatly attached to his majesty, particularly the bishop of Lugo who enjoyed several high employments; so that it was not to be imagined the licentiate would act cordially in the interest of a party which was diametrically opposed to that in which all his nearest relations were engaged. Besides all which, this person had formerly been made a prisoner by themselves, without any just foundation, and had even been so nearly punished capitally, that he had been ordered to make his testament and to confess himself in preparation for death, which injurious treatment he could not be supposed to have forgotten. Gonzalo was so much convinced by these arguments, that he countermanded the order given to the licentiate Carvajal, and sent off Juan d'Acosta on the expedition to Caxamarca, with a force of two hundred and eighty men. D'Acosta accordingly set out on this intended service, taking the road for Truxillo; but on arriving at Baranza, about twenty four leagues from Lima, he halted at that place for reasons which will appear in the sequel.

At this period, the Captain Saavedra, who was lieutenant-governor of Guanuco for Gonzalo, received letters from Aldana urging him to quit the insurgent party and to declare for his majesty. He accordingly determined to do so; and under pretence of obeying the orders he had received from Gonzalo of joining his army at Lima, along with Hernando Alonzo, he assembled all the soldiers he could procure in that province, with whose assistance he fortified the city of Guanuco, and informed them of his resolution to exert his best endeavours in the service of the king. All his soldiers agreed to follow his example, except three or four who fled and informed Gonzalo of the defection of their governor. Saavedra retired immediately to Caxamarca, with forty horsemen, where he joined Diego de Mora and those who had withdrawn along with him from Truxillo, where both declared themselves for the royalist party. On learning the defection of Saavedra and the principal inhabitants of Guanuco, Gonzalo sent an officer to that place at the head of thirty soldiers; with orders to pillage and destroy the city: But the Indians of the neighbourhood, having armed themselves and taken possession of the place by the orders of their masters, made so resolute a defence that the insurgent detachment was beaten off, and constrained to return to Lima, being unable to procure any other plunder except some mares cattle and other animals belonging to the settlers.

On the arrival of Antonio de Robles at Cuzco, whom Gonzalo had sent to take the command in that city and province, Alfonso de Hinojosa, who had hitherto been lieutenant-governor there, resigned the command of the city and troops, but as was believed with much dissatisfaction. De Robles immediately collected as much money as he could procure, and enlisted all the soldiers that were to be found in that neighbourhood, with whom he marched to Xaquixaguana, about four leagues from Cuzco. At that place he learned that Diego Centeno; who had concealed himself for more than a year in a cave among the mountains, had recently left his concealment, on learning the arrival of the president, and had collected several of his former partisans, who had hidden themselves from the fury of Gonzalo in various parts of the woods and mountains. By this time Centeno had collected about forty men, mostly on foot, though some of them still had the horses with which they had made their escape. Although these men were neither so well armed or equipped as they could have wished, Centeno resolved to make an attempt upon Cuzco, shewing as much confidence as if he had been at the head of five hundred well armed troops. His principal followers were Luis de Ribera, Alfonso Perez de Esquival, Diego Alvarez, Francisco Negral, Pedro Ortiz de Zarate, and Friar Dominic Ruiz, commonly called Father Viscayno. With this small band of followers, Centeno drew nigh to Cuzco, being doubtless invited to that step by some of the principal inhabitants, for the purpose of freeing them from the tyranny of De Robles, a young man of low origin and little ability. It was even said that Alfonso de Hinojosa, from resentment against Gonzalo for superseding him in the government, had sent privately to offer his assistance to Centeno. Both of these reports are highly probable; as otherwise it would have been a most inexcusable rashness in Centeno, to call it no worse, to have presumed upon attacking Cuzco with the small number of men he had collected; as, besides the inhabitants of the city, there were more than five hundred soldiers there and in the environs, while he had only forty ill armed men, most of whom had swords or daggers fastened to poles, instead of pikes or lances.

On learning the approach of Centeno, De Robles returned to Cuzco, where he made such preparations as seemed necessary; and, on hearing that Centeno was within a days march, he took the field with three hundred men, sending forwards Francisco de Aguira to procure intelligence. This person was brother to one Peruchio de Aguira who had formerly been put to death by the lieutenant-general Carvajal, and was consequently a secret enemy to the insurgent party. Instead therefore of executing the commission confided to him by De Robles, he went immediately to join Centeno, whom he informed of every thing that was going on at Cuzco and of the state of affairs in that city. In the night before the festival of Corpus Christi of the year 1547, Centeno advanced toward the city of Cuzco, by a different road from that in which De Robles and his troops were posted; and, having turned one of his flanks, made an unexpected assault with great resolution, as resolved to conquer or die. Completely surprised and thrown into confusion, the troops of De Robles were unable to get into any order for defence, and even in several instances turned their arms against each other, insomuch that a good many of them were slain by their own comrades. On this occasion Centeno used the following stratagem, which succeeded admirably: Having taken off the saddles and bridles from the horses belonging to his small band of followers, he ordered them to be driven by his attendant Indians along the road which led to the front of the enemies camp, to call off their attention from his real attack on their flank and rear. By this means, as the horses were urged on by the Indians behind, they threw the troops of De Robles into confusion, and enabled Centeno to penetrate into the camp unperceived and unopposed, where he and his men exerted themselves so courageously that the insurgents were completely defeated and put to flight.



By this successful exploit Centeno acquired great honour; it having been seldom seen that so small a number had defeated so disproportioned a force of infinitely better armed troops. It has been reported that, on this occasion, some men belonging to Alfonso de Hinojosa were the first to fly, in consequence of secret orders for that purpose: But these men never acknowledged the truth of this allegation, as disgraceful to themselves; and Centeno denied the story, as detracting from the glory of his victory.

After the derout of De Robles, Centeno took possession of Cuzco, where he was immediately elected captain-general of that city and province for his majesty. Next day, he caused Antonio de Robles to be beheaded, and distributed 100,000 crowns, which he found in that city belonging to Gonzalo, among his followers. He in the next place took measures for raising a respectable force; appointing Pedro de Rios and Juan de Vargas, the brother of Garcilasso de la Vega, captains of infantry, and Francisco Negral captain of Cavalry; Luis de Ribera being named major-general. Having armed and equipped about four hundred men, he set out for La Plata, with the intention of persuading Alfonso de Mendoza, who commanded at that place for Gonzalo, to declare for the king, or otherwise to take possession of that place by force.

About this time, Lucas Martin, who had been sent by Gonzalo to conduct the troops of Arequipa to Lima, set out from Arequipa with 130 men for that purpose; but when he had proceeded about four leagues on his march, his people mutinied and made him prisoner, electing Jerom de Villegas as their commander, and immediately marched off to join Centeno, who was then in the Collao waiting the issue of some negotiations in which he had employed Pedro Gonzalo de Zarate, schoolmaster at Cuzco. While in the Collao, Centeno was informed that Juan de Silveira, the Serjeant major of the army of the insurgents, had been sent by Gonzalo to conduct the troops of that province to Lima, and had made prisoners of five or six of the royalists whom he met with on his march. Silveira had collected about three hundred men on this occasion, and we shall relate what befel them in the sequel.

On learning the success of Centeno at Cuzco and the death of De Robles, and being likewise informed that the people of San Miguel had declared for his majesty, and that the captains Mercadillo and Porcel had joined Diego de Mora at Caxamarca; Gonzalo Pizarro saw that he had now only to depend on the force which was along with himself at Lima, and those under Pedro de Puelles, on whose fidelity he reposed entire confidence. In this predicament, he determined to alter the destination of Juan d'Acosta and to send him against Centeno with a respectable force, resolving to follow d'Acosta in person with all his army if necessary, then amounting to nine hundred men, among whom were many of the principal inhabitants of Peru. In forming this new resolution, his object was in the first place to reduce all the upper or mountainous provinces to subjection, and afterwards to make war on every other part of the country which had withdrawn from his authority. It has likewise been conjectured, that Gonzalo proposed to himself, in case of any reverse, to endeavour to make some new discovery and conquest, towards the Rio Plata, or Chili, or in some other place to the south and east of Peru. He certainly never avowed this intention openly, nor is it alleged that he communicated it to any of his confidents, as this would have indicated a want of confidence in his cause; so that this idea rests only on conjecture. In consequence of this new plan, Gonzalo recalled D'Acosta to Lima with all his troops, to the great mortification of that person and his followers; insomuch that seven or eight of them deserted, choosing Jerome de Soria as their commander. Many others would certainly have followed this example, if it had not been for the severe precautions exercised by D'Acosta on the occasion, who put to death Lorenza Mexia, son-in-law to the Conde de Gomera, and another soldier, whom he suspected of intending to desert. He likewise arrested several others who were suspected of similar intentions, whom he carried prisoners to Lima.

A few days before the arrival of D'Acosta at Lima, Gonzalo took some suspicion of the fidelity of Antonio Altamarino, his standard bearer, who appeared to conduct himself with a degree of coldness in the present emergency; and, without any direct proof or even any strong suspicious circumstances being alleged against him, he caused him to be arrested and put in irons as a criminal, had him strangled in prison during the night, and ordered his dead body to be suspended upon the public gibbet. Altamarino was one of the richest colonists in Peru, and Gonzalo, having confiscated all his wealth, distributed it among his most attached followers. After this, he gave the charge of the royal standard to Don Antonio de Ribera, who had just joined with thirty men from Guamanga, whence also he had brought some arms and cattle which he had taken from the inhabitants of that place. At this time Gonzalo found his affairs much embarrassed and growing every day worse, insomuch that he could only count upon the force which accompanied him in Lima; whereas a short time before he seemed absolute master of the whole kingdom of Peru. He was in great fear, if the new royal orders, the general amnesty, and the revocation of the obnoxious regulations, all of which had been brought out from Spain by the president, should come to the knowledge of his remaining followers, that they would all abandon him. In this state of uncertainty and dread, he assembled all the principal inhabitants and citizens of Lima at his house, to whom he represented, "That he had brought himself into a very embarrassing and even dangerous situation by his exertions in their service, during which he had endured much labour and danger in the wars he had carried on for their benefit, and for the protection of their property and rights, for all which they were indebted to the genius and valour of his brother the marquis. That, in the present situation of affairs, the whole colonists ought to consider their honour and interests as identified with his own, the conduct of both being sufficiently justified in sending deputies to inform the king of all that had occurred during the troubles and commotions. That the president had arrested these deputies at Panama, had seduced his officers, and had taken possession of his ships. That the president certainly had done all these things to advance his own private interest; as, if he had received orders from his majesty to make war against the kingdom, he would assuredly have given intelligence of this circumstance through Paniagua. That not satisfied with these outrages, the president now invaded the government to which he, Gonzalo, had been lawfully appointed, and disseminated numerous libels against him throughout the kingdom, as was well known to them all. That consequently, he was determined to use his utmost efforts to oppose the president, who treated him as an enemy without any legitimate cause. That the general interests of all the colonists and his own were obviously identified; as, should the president carry matters to extremity as every thing seemed to indicate, they would all be brought to a severe account for the consequences of the late wars and disorders, and would be held responsible for the murders and plunders which had been perpetrated during their continuance. He requested them therefore to reflect maturely on all these things; and, as he had hitherto exerted his utmost efforts in defence of their rights, it still remained not only to continue to defend the same, but even to preserve their lives and honours. For these purposes, therefore, he had now assembled them, and to lay before them a clear state of the present situation of affairs; and he requested of them to declare freely and openly their undisguised sentiments; engaging, on the faith and honour of a gentleman and a knight, which he was ready to confirm by a solemn oath, that he would not injure any one in person or estate for the opinion or advice they might now give; but should leave every one at full liberty to declare for either party in the present troubles, and even to retire wherever they might judge proper. Therefore, he expected that all who were disposed to adhere to him on the present occasion should declare themselves without reserve, as he would demand of them to confirm their promise by a written and signed engagement. He advised them accordingly to look well to their promises when once made; as if any one should violate the same, or should appear lukewarm or feeble in their efforts in the approaching crisis, he would immediately order them to be put to death even upon very slight circumstances of suspicion."

Every person in the assembly answered unhesitatingly, that they were ready to obey his orders in every thing to the utmost of their power and abilities, and to devote their lives and fortunes in his cause. Some even went so far in their pretended attachment, as to say that they would willingly risk their eternal salvation in his service. Many of them emulously strove to find out arguments for justifying the war which was now about to commence, and to enhance the obligations which the whole country lay under to Gonzalo for undertaking the management of the enterprize. Some even carried their base and scandalous flattery to such a pitch of extravagance, to conciliate the tyrant, that it were improper to contaminate our pages with a repetition of their words. After they had all expressed their attachment to the cause, Gonzalo drew out a paper in which the proposed engagement was already engrossed at full length; at the bottom of which he caused the licentiate Cepeda to write a solemn promise of executing all which that paper contained, and to obey Gonzalo in every thing he should command; after which, he made Cepeda sign that promise, and take a solemn oath to observe all its conditions. After Cepeda, all who were present in the assembly were made to sign and swear to the engagement in a similar manner.

After the conclusion of this affair, Juan d'Acosta was ordered to prepare for marching to Cuzco by way of the mountain, at the head of three hundred men. Paez de Sotomayor was appointed his major-general on this expedition, Martin d'Olmos captain of cavalry, Diego de Gumiel captain of musqueteers, Martin de Almendras captain of pikemen, and Martin de Alarzon standard-bearer. The whole of this detachment being well provided with arms and all necessary equipments, left Lima taking the mountain road for Cuzco, on purpose to recover that important city from Centeno. At the same time Gonzalo received notice that the squadron commanded by Lorenzo de Aldana had been seen at the distance of about fifteen leagues from the port of Lima. It was determined therefore in a council of war, to encamp the whole insurgent army between Lima and the sea; as it was feared, if the ships got possession of the port, it might occasion great confusion and disturbance in the city, especially as in that case the necessary orders would have to be hastily issued and executed; by which means the malcontents might have an opportunity of withdrawing during the battle, and might even escape on board the ships to join the enemy; while, at the same time, there would be no leisure to watch the behaviour of the wavering, and to compel them to join the army. Orders were issued accordingly for the army to take the field, and it was publickly proclaimed throughout the city, that every one fit to carry arms, of every age and condition, was to join the troops, on pain of death. Pizarro gave notice that he would behead every person who acted contrary to these orders; and, while he marched in person at the head of the troops, he should leave the lieutenant-general in charge of the city, to execute rigorous punishment on all who lagged behind. All the inhabitants were so confounded and terrified by these threats, that no one dared to converse with another, and none had the courage either to fly or to determine what was best to be done in this emergency. Some however contrived to conceal themselves in places overgrown with tall reeds, or in caves, and many concealed their valuable effects under ground.

On the day preceding that which had been fixed upon by Gonzalo for marching from Lima, news was brought that three ships had entered the port of Lima, which occasioned universal consternation. The alarm was sounded, and Gonzalo marched out with all the men who could be collected on a sudden, taking up his encampment about midway between the city and the port, at the distance of about a league or four miles from each, that he might at the same time make head against his enemies if they attempted to land, and might prevent the inhabitants of Lima from having any communication with the vessels. He was at the same time unwilling to abandon the city, and wished to know exactly the intentions of Aldana, before going to a greater distance, and if possible to gain possession of the vessels by some contrivance or negociation, having no means of preventing them from gaining possession of the port, as one of his own captains, contrary to the opinion of the other officers, had lately sunk five vessels in the harbour. On this occasion Gonzalo mustered five hundred and fifty men, cavalry and infantry included; and, after encamping in the situation already mentioned, he placed eight horsemen in ambush close to the sea, with orders to prevent any person landing from the vessels to deliver or to receive letters, or to converse with any one. Next day, Gonzalo sent Juan Hernandez, an inhabitant of Lima, in a boat on board the ships, with orders to say in his name, if Aldana chose to send any of his people on shore to explain the object of his coming into Peru, that Hernandez would remain on board as an hostage for the safety of his messenger. Hernandez was conducted on board the admiral where Aldana retained him as proposed, and sent on shore the captain Penna to wait upon Gonzalo.

Penna was not conducted to camp till night, that he might have no opportunity of conversing with any one; and on being introduced to Gonzalo in his tent, he delivered to him a writing, containing the orders and instructions which the president had received from his majesty, the general amnesty granted by his majesty to all the colonists of Peru, and the revocation of the obnoxious regulations. He then expatiated, as instructed by Aldana, on the universal and great advantages which would accrue to all by giving a prompt and entire obedience to the commands of his majesty, who had not judged it convenient to continue Gonzalo in the government of Peru. That his majesty, being fully informed of all that had occurred in that country, had sent out De la Gasca as president, with instructions and full powers to provide a remedy for all the existing evils. Gonzalo proudly answered, that he would severely punish all who were on board the fleet, and would chastise the audacity of the president for the outrage he had committed in detaining his envoys and seizing his ships. He complained loudly against Aldana, for coming now against him as an enemy, after receiving his money, and accepting his commission to go into Spain on purpose to give an account of his conduct to the king.

After some farther discourse, all the officers belonging to Gonzalo left the tent, leaving him and Penna alone together. Gonzalo made him a long discourse, endeavouring to justify his conduct in regard to his past and present conduct; and concluded by making him an offer of 100,000 crowns, if he would contrive to put him in possession of the galleon commanded by Aldana, which composed the principal force of the hostile fleet. Penna rejected his proposal with disdain, declaring himself dishonoured by the offer, and that nothing whatever would induce him to be guilty of such treacherous conduct. At the conclusion of this conference, Penna was committed to the custody of Antonio de Ribeira, with strict injunctions that he should not be allowed to have the smallest intercourse with any individual whomsoever; and was sent back next day to the fleet, when Juan Fernandez returned to camp, having in the interval promised and resolved to use his utmost efforts in the service of his majesty on every favourable opportunity.

Aldana had rightly judged, that the surest means for succeeding in the mission on which he had been entrusted by the president, was to communicate the knowledge of the general pardon among the soldiers. For this purpose, therefore, he devised exceedingly proper measures to diffuse the intelligence among the troops, but which were at the same time exceedingly dangerous for Juan Hernandez. Aldana gave him copies of all his dispatches in duplicate, and entrusted him with letters for several principal persons in the camp of Gonzalo. Fernandez concealed such of these papers as he judged necessary in his boots, giving all the rest to Pizarro. Taking Gonzalo afterwards aside, he told him secretly that Aldana had endeavoured to prevail upon him to publish the royal pardon in the camp; and that accordingly he had thought it prudent to pretend compliance, and had taken charge of that general amnesty among his other dispatches, both to blind Aldana by the expectation of, doing what he wished, and on purpose to get these from him for the information of Gonzalo; pretending to be ignorant that Gonzalo knew of any such thing existing. Gonzalo thanked him for his prudent conduct, and considered him as a person worthy of entire confidence and much attached to the cause. He then received the papers which Fernandez offered, threatening the severest punishment against Aldana. Having thus craftily deceived Gonzalo, Fernandez contrived to deliver some of the letters he had in charge, and allowed some of them to fall on the ground, as if lost, yet so as they might be found by those to whom they were addressed.

When Gonzalo quitted Lima to encamp on the road towards the sea-port of Calao, he left Pedro Martin de Cicilia in charge of the city as provost-marshal. This man, who had attached himself to Gonzalo with much zeal from the very commencement of the troubles, was now about seventy years of age, yet healthy and vigorous, of a rough and cruel disposition, and entirely destitute of piety towards God or of loyalty to the sovereign. Gonzalo had given him orders to hang up every person he might find loitering in the city with out a written permission, or who might return thither from camp without a pass. Martin executed these rigorous orders with so much exactitude, that, meeting a person who came under the foregoing predicament, he had not sufficient patience to have him hanged, but dispatched him directly with his poignard. He generally went about the streets followed by the hangman, carrying a parcel of ropes, and loudly declared that he would hang up every one whom he found in the city without permission from Ganzalo.

One day several of the citizens came from the camp to the city, under the authority of a pass, to procure such provisions and other articles as they stood in need of, the principal persons among whom were Nicolas de Ribeira, who was alcalde or police judge of the city, Vasco de Guevara, Hernando Bravo de Lagunas, Francisco de Ampuero, Diego Tinoco, Alfonzo Ramirez de Sosa, Francisco de Barrionueva, Alfonzo de Barrionuevo, Martin de Menezes, Diego d'Escobar, and some others. After they had collected the articles of which they were in want, they left the city with their horses arms and servants; but, instead of returning towards the camp, they went off in the road for Truxillo. Being noticed by some spies, who gave immediate notice to Gonzalo, he caused them to be pursued by Juan de la Torre with a party of mounted musqueteers. At the distance of eight leagues from Lima, De la Torre came up with Vasco de Guevara and Francisco Ampuero, who had fallen behind with the intention of acting as a kind of rear guard, to give notice to the rest in case of a pursuit. They defended themselves courageously, and as their enemies could not take any certain aim, it being under night, they contrived to make their escape unwounded. De la Torre and his men found themselves unable to continue the pursuit with any chance of success, as their horses were already completely tired with their rapid march from camp. They returned, therefore, believing that, even if they were to get up with the fugitives, they would be unable to take them by force, as they were all men of quality, who would rather be slain than surrender. On their way back to camp, they fell in with Hernando Bravo, who had fallen behind his companions, and on bringing him a prisoner to Gonzalo he was ordered to immediate execution. Donna Ynez Bravo, who was sister to the prisoner and wife to Nicolas de Ribeira, one of the fugitives, on hearing the situation of her brother, hastened to the camp accompanied by her father, and threw herself at the feet of Gonzalo, whom she earnestly implored to spare the life of her brother. Being one of the most beautiful women of the country, and of the highest rank, and being seconded by most of the officers who served under Gonzalo, he at length allowed himself to be prevailed on to pardon her brother, who was the only person, during the whole subsistence of his usurpation, whom he forgave for a similar offence. On granting this pardon, Alfonzo de Caceres, one of the captains under Gonzalo, kissed his hand saying: "Illustrious prince! accursed be he who abandons you, or hesitates to sacrifice his life in your service." Yet, within three hours afterwards, Hernando Bravo and several others made their escape from the camp. Among these who now deserted were several persons of consideration who had attached themselves to Gonzalo from the very commencement of the troubles, so that their defection gave him infinite vexation and alarm, insomuch that hardly any one dared to speak to him, and he issued peremptory orders to put to death every person who might be found beyond the precincts of the camp.

On the same night, Captain Martin de Robles sent a message to Diego Maldonado, who had been alcalde of Cuzco, usually called the rich, intimating that Gonzalo had resolved in a consultation with his officers to put him to death. Maldonado very readily believed this information, as he had formerly been one of the inhabitants of Cuzco who made offer of their services to the late viceroy. Likewise, although then pardoned by Gonzalo, whom he accompanied in the march to Quito against the viceroy, he had fallen under new suspicions, and had even been put to the torture, on account of a letter which was dropt near Gonzalo, containing some very unpleasant truths; and although the real authors of that letter had been afterwards discovered, Maldonado could never forget the treatment he had suffered at that time. Besides this, he was the intimate friend of Antonio Altamirano, whom Gonzalo had recently put to death. Considering all these circumstances, Maldonado was so thoroughly convinced of the imminent danger in which he stood, that he immediately quitted his tent with only his sword and cloak, not even taking time to saddle a horse, though he had several good ones, or speaking to any of his servants. Though a very old man, he walked as fast as possible all night in a direction towards the sea, and concealed himself in the morning among some tall reeds near the shore about three leagues from where the ships of Aldana lay at anchor. As he was much afraid of being pursued, he revealed his situation to an Indian who happened to be near; and whom he prevailed upon to construct a float of reeds and straw, on which the Indian carried him on board one of the ships.

In the morning, Martin de Robles went to the tent of Maldonado; and finding him withdrawn as he expected, he immediately waited on Gonzalo, whom he informed of the circumstance, adding, "As the army was diminishing daily by the number and quality of the fugitives, he begged leave to advise that they should quit the present camp, and march into the interior provinces, as formerly agreed upon, without granting permission to any one to go into the city of Lima, lest many more might use that pretence for an opportunity to desert. Several of his own company, he said, had applied for leave to go into the city, to procure provisions; but he considered it better for himself to go therewith a detachment of soldiers to collect the provisions and necessaries required, that he might keep all his men in sight, and that he proposed on this occasion to take Maldonado from the Dominican convent, where he understood he had taken refuge, and to bring him a prisoner to the camp, where he ought to undergo condign punishment, as a warning to others." Gonzalo approved all that was said on this occasion by De Robles, in whom he had great confidence as a person who had taken part with him in all the past troubles, and desired him to act in the way he proposed. De Robles accordingly, taking all his own horses and attendants and those belonging to Maldonado, took along with him to Lima all the soldiers of his company in whom he could confide. After collecting such provisions and other necessaries as might serve his purpose, he set off for Truxillo with thirty armed horsemen, declaring publickly that Gonzalo was a tyrant and usurper, that all good subjects were bound to obey the orders of his majesty, and that he was resolved to join the president.

When this serious defection became known in the camp, it was universally believed that the army would soon disperse, and that Gonzalo would be massacred. Gonzalo endeavoured to restore order and confidence among his troops, pretending to care little for those who had deserted him; yet resolved to decamp next morning. That very night, Lope Martin, an inhabitant of Cuzco, deserted almost in sight of the whole army. Next morning Gonzalo quitted his present camp, and marched about two leagues to a new camp near an aqueduct, taking every precaution to prevent his people from deserting; believing that his principal danger on that account would be got over if he were once ten or twelve leagues from Lima. The licentiate Carvajal was appointed to take charge of the night guard, with strict injunctions to prevent desertion: But even he, in the middle of the night, quitted the camp accompanied by Paulo Hondegardo, Marco de Retamoso, Pedro Suarez d'Escovedo, Francisco de Miranda, Hernando de Vargas, and several others belonging to his company. These men went in the first place to Lima, whence they took the road towards Truxillo. A few hours afterwards, Gabriel de Roias left the camp, accompanied by his nephews Gabriel Bermudez and Gomez de Roias and several other persons of quality. These men left the camp unseen by any one, as they went through the quarter which had been confided to the charge of the licentiate Carvajal.

In the morning, Gonzalo was much distressed on learning the events of the past night, and more especially by the desertion of the licentiate Carvajal, whom he had disobliged by superseding him in the command which had been conferred on Juan d'Acosta, and by refusing him his niece Donna Francisca in marriage. The departure of the licentiate had a very bad effect on the minds of the troops; as they knew he was entrusted with all Gonzalos secrets, and had been greatly in his confidence ever since the death of the viceroy whom he had slain in the battle of Quito. Carvajal left to the value of more than 15,000 crowns in the camp, in gold silver and horses, all of which was immediately confiscated and divided among the soldiers: But the army was convinced he would not have abandoned so much valuable property, unless he had been satisfied that the affairs of Gonzalo were in a very bad condition, both in regard to power of resisting the president, and in respect of the right and justice of his pretensions. So great was the defection in the camp, that the greater part of the troops had resolved to disperse; and next morning, when the army had begun its march, two cavaliers, named Lopez and Villadente, quitting the ranks and causing their horses to vault in sight of the whole army, they cried, out aloud, "Long live the king, and let the tyrant die!" These men trusted, to the speed of their horses; and Gonzalo was so exceedingly suspicious of every one, that he expressly forbid these men to be pursued, being afraid that many might use that pretence for joining them. He continued his march accordingly, in all haste by the road of the plain country, leading towards Arequipa; in which march several of his musqueteers and others deserted, although he hanged ten or twelve persons of consideration in the course of three or four days. At length his force was reduced to two hundred men, and he was in continual dread that in some false alarm all his remaining men might disperse. Continuing his march, he at length came to the province of Nasca, about fifty leagues from Lima.

After Gonzalo had gone to a considerable distance from Lima, Don Antonio de Ribeira, Martin Pizarro, Antonio de Leon, and some other inhabitants of Lima, who as old and infirm had been allowed by Gonzalo to remain behind the army on giving up all their horses and arms, erected the standard of the city, and, assembling the small number of inhabitants that remained in the great square, they publickly declared for his majesty in their own names and in the names of all the loyal citizens of the city. After proclaiming the new regulations and orders of the president, the general amnesty granted by the king, and the abrogation of the obnoxious regulations, they sent notice of all the recent events to Aldana, who still remained on the coast to receive and protect all who were inclined to quit the party of the insurgents. At the same time, and for the same purpose, Juan Alfonso Palamino had landed with fifty men, yet keeping his boats always in readiness to reimbark, in case of the return of Gonzalo. Aldana likewise placed an advanced picket of twelve horsemen, of those who had deserted from the insurgents, on the road towards Arequipa, to bring him timely notice of any thing that might occur in that quarter, with orders to return with all speed in case of the enemy making a countermarch, or of any important event. Aldana likewise gave orders to Captain Alfonzo de Caceres to remain at Lima, to collect any of the deserters from Pizarro that might come there; and he dispatched Juan Yllanez in one of his vessels along the coast, with orders to land a monk and a soldier in some secure place, to carry dispatches to Centeno, announcing the events that had occurred at lima, and to furnish him with copies of the royal orders and general amnesty, and to communicate similar intelligence at Arequipa. He sent likewise several intelligent persons by land to Arequipa, with letters to different persons of consideration, and to carry orders and instructions to the captains Alfonzo de Mendoza and Juan de Silveira at La Plata. By means of the Indians of Jauja, who belonged to him, Aldana transmitted letters and copies of the amnesty to several of those persons who accompanied Juan d'Acosta, that the royal clemency might be made known in all parts of Peru. Most of these measures succeeded, and produced material advantages as will appear in the sequel. In the mean time, Lorenzo de Aldana remained on board ship, with about an hundred and fifty men, issuing such orders as seemed necessary in the present state of affairs.

It was soon learnt that Gonzalo received regular advices of ever thing that occurred, and great care was likewise taken by Aldana to procure intelligence of all that passed in the camp of the insurgents; so that every day messengers went and came between both parties, and both were continually endeavouring to mislead each other by false reports. Accordingly it was reported one day that Gonzalo and his troops Were in full march for Lima, which occasioned much confusion and dismay in that city; but it was known afterwards that this rumour had been purposely spread by Gonzalo and his lieutenant-general, on purpose to prevent Aldana from pursuing them, a measure of which they were much afraid. In this unpromising state of his affairs, great numbers of the adherents of Gonzalo abandoned him, believing that he could not resist the power of his enemies. Such of them as had horses took the road to Truxillo; and all the rest endeavoured to reach the ships of Aldana, concealing themselves as well as they could in retired places till they might ascertain that Gonzalo had proceeded farther on his march, which indeed he continued to do with much precipitation. When he had proceeded to a considerable distance from Lima, all those who had abandoned him flocked to that city, and every day some fresh deserters came there, by which means Aldana got accurate intelligence of the proceedings of Gonzalo, who was reported to be in continual dread of being put to death by his own men. After the flight of the licentiate Carvajal and Gabriel de Roias, Gonzalo made no farther use of the royal standard, only displaying that which contained his own arms. His cruelty increased with his disappointment, insomuch that not a day passed in which he did not put some one to death. He took extraordinary precautions for his own personal safety, which were so far effectual, but every effort to prevent desertion was unavailing.

Lorenzo de Aldana sent intelligence of all these matters to the president, by means of messengers dispatched both by sea and land, earnestly urging him to come into Peru as quickly as possible, as the insurgent party seemed at so low an ebb that nothing was wanting but his presence to make it fall entirely in pieces and submit without a struggle. On the 9th. of September 1547, when assured that Gonzalo had retreated eighty leagues from Lima, Aldana landed with all his officers and all the inhabitants of Lima that had taken shelter on board his ships. He was received on shore with every demonstration of joy and respect, every one who was able appearing in arms to do him honour. Having appointed Juan Fernandez to the command of the ships, he took charge of the vacant government of Lima, where he made every possible preparation for carrying on the war, collecting arms ammunition and all other necessaries.

Some time after the departure of Juan d'Acosta from Lima for Cuzco by the mountain road, as already mentioned, at the head of three hundred men well armed and equipped, he got notice that Gonzalo Pizarro had abandoned that city; on which he sent Fra Pedro, a monk of the order of Mercy, to Gonzalo, to demand instructions for his ulterior proceedings. Pizarro sent back the monk with directions for Acosta to join him at a certain place. On his return to Acosta, accompanied by a person named Gonzalo Muquos, after delivering his dispatches, Friar Pedro gave him an account of all that had happened in the army of Gonzalo, and in particular of the great number of men that had deserted from him; which Acosta had not before learnt, though several of his soldiers had received the intelligence by letters brought to them by the Indians who frequented the camp, but which they dared not to communicate to each other. On the present occasion, the messengers from Gonzalo recommended to Acosta to keep this matter as secret as possible till such time as he should join Gonzalo. Acosta therefore, gave out that he had received favourable intelligence from the monk, and that Gonzalo had been successful on several occasions, being daily joined by many additional soldiers; and, as he had found it convenient and necessary to send off many confidential persons in various directions, these persons pretended to have deserted from Gonzalo by way of stratagem, on purpose, to gain possession of the ships commanded by Aldana. All this however was insufficient to disguise the truth from many of the followers of Aldana, particularly Paez de Sotomayor, his major-general, and Martin d'Olmos one of his captains; who, coming to a knowledge of the real state of affairs, entered into a resolution of putting D'Acosta to death. They formed this resolution unknown to each other, as no one at this time dared to avow his sentiments to any other person, for fear of being put to death; yet, from certain indications, they began to suspect each other of entertaining similar sentiments, and at length opened themselves reciprocally, and communicated their purposes to several soldiers in whom they confided. Just when they were about to have put their enterprize into execution, Sotomayor got notice that D'Acosta was holding a secret conference in his tent with two of his captains, and that he had doubled his ordinary guard. From these circumstances, Sotomayor concluded that their conspiracy, having been revealed to several persons, had been betrayed to Acosta. He took therefore prompt measures to inform all his confederates, and both he and they took horse without delay, and left the camp in sight of all the army, to the number of thirty-five in all; among whom, besides Sotomayor and D'Olmos, the principal persons were Martin d'Alarzon who carried the grand standard, Hernando de Alvarado, Alfonzo Regel, Antonio de Avila, Garcias Gutierrez d'Escovedo, and Martin Monje; who, with all who went off on this occasion, were men of consideration and of much experience in the affairs of Peru. These men took immediately the road for Guamanga, and used such expedition that, though Acosta sent off sixty mounted musqueteers to pursue them, they made their escape in safety.

Acosta caused immediate investigations to be made in regard to such as had participated in this plot, and ordered several persons to be hanged who were proved to have known its circumstances: some others in the same predicament he detained prisoners, and dissembled with the rest who had been implicated, pretending not to know that they had participated in the conspiracy: Yet, during his march towards Cuzco, he put to death several of those of whom he was suspicious, and others who endeavoured to desert. On his arrival at Cuzco, he displaced all the magistrates who had been appointed by Centeno, nominating others in their stead in whom he thought he could confide, and appointed Juan Velasquez de Tapia to take the chief direction of affairs in that city and province; and having regulated every thing to his mind, he resumed his march for Arequipa to join Gonzalo, according to his directions. In this latter part of his march, about thirty of his men deserted from him, by two or three at a time, all of whom went directly to Lima where they joined Lorenzo de Aldana. Besides these, when Acosta had got about ten leagues beyond Cuzco, Martin de Almandras abandoned him with twenty of the best soldiers of his small army, and returned to Cuzco, where he found a sufficient number of the inhabitants disposed to join him in returning to their duty, and in concurrence with whom he deposed the magistracy appointed by Acosta, one of whom he sent away prisoner to Lima, and established a new set in the name of his majesty. Finding that the number of his followers diminished from day to day, Acosta accelerated his march as much as possible, both for his own security and to serve the insurgent cause in which he was engaged. Out of three hundred well armed and excellently equipped men, with whom he had set out from Lima, only one hundred remained with him on his arrival at Arequipa. He found Gonzalo Pizarro at that place, with only about three hundred and fifty men, who a very short while before had a fine army of fifteen hundred, besides all those who were dispersed in different parts of Peru under various captains, all of whom were then under his orders. Gonzalo was now exceedingly irresolute as to his future proceedings; being too weak to wait the attack of the royalists, who continually augmented in their numbers, and yet deeming it dishonourable to fly or to endeavour to conceal himself.

In the mean time Centeno remained in the Collao, waiting an answer from Captain Mendoza to the message he had sent by Gonzalo de Zarate as formerly mentioned. While there he received dispatches from the president, which were forwarded by Aldana, and accounts of the events which had occurred at Lima, particularly the flight of Gonzalo Pizarro to Arequipa, and the junction of Acosta with the insurgents at that place. On receiving this intelligence he sent a new message to Mendoza by means of Luis Garcias, giving him an account of all these events, and particularly informing him of the orders and instructions given to the president, the general amnesty, the revocation of the obnoxious regulations, and the determination of his majesty that Gonzalo Pizarro was not to continue in the government of Peru. He apprized him likewise, that most of the gentlemen and persons of consideration, who had hitherto followed Gonzalo, had now abandoned him on account of his tyrannical conduct, in murdering and plundering all the principal colonists, and more especially because of his rebellion against the sovereign, and refusal to submit to his royal orders, and to the authority of him who had been appointed to regulate the affairs of the kingdom. Wherefore, although all that had been done hitherto might in some measure be excused, he urged Mendoza to consider that in continuing to obey Gonzalo he could no longer avoid the reproach of acting as a rebel against the king. It was now necessary and proper therefore, to forget all individual interests or past disputes, and to devote himself entirely to his majesty, to whom he was enabled by his present situation to render important service.

Alfonzo de Mendoza was already well disposed to act the part of a loyal subject in the present situation of affairs, yet uncertain how best to conduct himself for that purpose; but by this message from Centeno, he was completely determined as to the regulation of his conduct on the present emergency, and immediately declared for his majesty. By agreement between him and Centeno, each was to retain the chief command of the troops now under their orders, and Mendoza departed from La Plata with his men to join Centeno in the Collao. The union of these leaders and their troops occasioned great joy to all their followers, now exceeding a thousand men; and they resolved to march immediately against Gonzalo, taking up a position at a certain pass to prevent him from escaping, and were likewise induced to remain at that place for the convenience of procuring provisions.

At this time the whole extent of Peru from Quito to Lima had declared for his majesty. Juan d'Olmos, who commanded under Gonzalo at Puerto Viejo, on observing the vessels under Aldana passing the port of Manta in that province, had sent an express to Gonzalo giving his opinion that these vessels seemed hostile, as they had not called at the port for refreshments. He at the same time sent some Indians on board, in their ordinary rafts or flat boats, to inquire the purpose of their voyage; by means of which Indians Aldana transmitted letters to D'Olmos, urging him to quit the insurgent party, with copies of all the papers connected with the mission of the president. After perusing these papers, D'Olmos transmitted them to Gomez Estacio who was lieutenant-governor of the province for Gonzalo at St Jago de Guyaquil, usually called Culata. On learning that his majesty did not approve of continuing Gonzalo in the government, and had sent out Gasca as president, Gomez wrote back to D'Olmos, that when the president arrived in the country he should know better how to act, and might probably join him; but in the present situation of affairs, he thought it best for both to remain quiet. Juan d'Olmos went immediately to visit Gomez, accompanied by seven or eight friends, under pretence of communing with him on the state of affairs; but, taking his opportunity, one day when Gomez was off his guard, he stabbed him with his poniard, and immediately got the people to declare for his majesty, after which he did the same at his own government of Puerto Viejo.

When Pedro de Puelles, the governor of Quito, became acquainted with these proceedings of D'Olmos, and that the fleet and army at Panama had declared for the president, he became exceedingly anxious as to the measures proper for him to pursue. At this time D'Olmos sent Diego de Urbina to Quito to endeavour to prevail on Puelles to declare for the royal party. Puelles declared he was ready to receive and obey the person sent out by the king, when once he was satisfied that his majesty had no intention of continuing Gonzalo in the government, but would make no alteration in the mean time; and with this indecisive answer Urbina returned to D'Olmos. A few days afterwards, Rodrigo de Salazar, in whom Puelles reposed entire confidence, entered into a conspiracy with several soldiers at Quito, assassinated Puelles, and declared for his majesty. After this exploit, Salazar set out from Quito for Tumbez with three hundred men, with the intention of joining the president. By these several events, and others which have been formerly related, almost the whole of Peru had already returned to obedience before the arrival of the president in the kingdom.

While these favourable events were going on in Peru, the president embarked at Panama with about five hundred men, and arrived safely at the port of Tumbez; one of his ships, commanded by Don Pedro de Cabrera, being under the necessity of stopping at Buenaventura, whence Cabrera and his men marched by land to Tumbez. On his arrival in Peru, the president received letters from all parts of the kingdom, by which the writers offered him their services and assistance, besides communicating their sentiments on the situation of the colony, and giving their advice how best to proceed in reducing it to order; to all of which letters he replied with great condescension. So many flocked to his standard from all quarters, that he considered himself sufficiently strong to overcome all resistance from the remnant of the insurgents, without drawing any reinforcements from the other Spanish colonies in America; on which account he sent off messengers to New Spain, Guatimala, Nicaragua, and St Domingo, informing the governors of these colonies of the favourable turn of affairs in Peru, and that he should now have no occasion for the reinforcements which he had formerly thought necessary. Soon after his arrival, he gave orders to his lieutenant-general, Pedro Alfonzo de Hinojosa, to march with the troops to form a junction with the royalists in Caxamarca. In the mean time Polo de Menzes remained in charge of the fleet, with which he advanced along the coast to the southwards, while the president, with a sufficient escort, went by the road of the plain to Truxillo, at which place he received intelligence from all parts of the country, stating that every thing went on well.