Vitacucho continued slily for some time to behave respectfully to Soto and the Spaniards, yet contriving how best to destroy them. For this purpose he concerted with all his neighbours, whom he persuaded that it was proper and necessary to destroy these wicked vagabonds who had come into their country to reduce them to servitude. He imparted his design to four Indians who attended Soto in quality of interpreters, whom he informed that he had ten thousand well armed Indians in readiness to aid him in the execution of this enterprise, and that he proposed to roast some of the Spaniards, to boil others, to hang up another part on the loftiest tress, and to poison all the rest in such a manner as to pine and rot away for a long time before they died. Being desired to keep the secret and to give their opinion of this design, they answered that they approved it highly, as an exploit worthy of his wisdom and valour, and that nothing could be better contrived. Vitacucho thus encouraged, determined to persevere, and sent notice to his confederates to hold themselves in readiness; but the four Indians, satisfied of the impracticability of the design, owing to the excellent discipline and vigilance of the Spaniards, made a discovery of the whole plot to Juan Ortiz, who communicated it without delay to Soto. In a council of the officers held to consult how to act in this emergency, it was thought best to take no immediate notice of the matter, except standing vigilantly on their guard as if ignorant of the treacherous intention of the cacique, but to contrive to make him fall into his own snare.

When the day concerted between Vitacucho and his confederates for putting their enterprise into execution was come, the crafty cacique requested Soto to go with him out of the town to see his subjects whom he had drawn up in martial array for his inspection, that he might be acquainted with his power, and with the manner of fighting practised among the Indians. Soto was a prudent man well versed in the art of war, in which he had gradually risen by his merit. On this occasion he courteously accepted the proposal of the cacique, saying that it was likewise customary among the Spaniards, to shew honour to their friends by displaying their troops in order of battle. The Spanish forces accordingly marched out in good order, prepared for whatever might occur; and the better to conceal his suspicions, and the purpose he had now in view, he walked out of the town on foot along with the cacique. The Indian warriors, to the number of about ten thousand men, were found drawn up in good order at some distance from the town, having their left wing protected by a wood and their right by two lakes. They were well equipped after their manner, their heads adorned with high plumes of feathers of herons, swans, and cranes. Their bows lay beside them on the ground, and their arrows were covered over with grass, to make it appear that they were unarmed. Besides the main body in the position before mentioned, they had a wing on each flank advanced into the plain.

Soto and the cacique advanced into the plain towards the Indian army, each attended by twelve chosen men. The Spanish troops moved forwards in order of battle on the right of Soto, the cavalry being in the middle of the plain, while the infantry moved close to the wood on the left of the Indians. When Soto and Vitacucho were arrived at the place where it was previously known that the cacique intended to have given a signal for attacking the Spaniards, who were now all in readiness and fully instructed how to act, Soto gave notice to his army to commence the attack by ordering a musket to be fired off. The twelve Spaniards who attended Soto immediately seized the cacique according to the instructions they had received for that purpose; and Soto mounting his horse led on the Spanish cavalry to the charge, being always foremost on every occasion, whether for fighting or hard labour. The Indians took up their arms and resisted the Spaniards as well as they could by repeated flights of arrows, even killing the horse on which Soto rode, as they chiefly aimed at the horses of which they stood in much fear. Soto soon got another horse from his page, and as the cavalry now penetrated the main body of the Indians their whole army took to flight, some seeking for safety in the wood and others by throwing themselves into the lakes. All who fled along the open plain were either killed or made prisoners. About nine hundred of the Indians took shelter in the smaller lake, which was immediately surrounded to prevent their escape, and the Spaniards likewise kept up an incessant attack upon them with their fire-arms and cross-bows, to induce them to surrender. Although in the water, the Indians continued to shoot as long as their arrows lasted, many of them standing on the backs of their comrades, who were swimming, till their arrows were spent, and then giving similar aid to others. They continued in this manner from about ten in the morning till midnight, always surrounded by the Spaniards, refusing to surrender though assured of their lives. At length many of the feeblest surrendered, after being fourteen hours in the water. As the rest observed that no injury was offered to the prisoners, they mostly surrendered next day at noon, when they had been above twenty-four hours in the water; and it was observed that they came out excessively tired, hungry, sleepy, and swollen. Seven still obstinately remained in the water till about seven in the evening; when Soto, thinking it a pity such resolute men should perish, ordered twelve Spaniards to swim to them, with their swords in their mouths, who dragged them all out half-drowned. Care was taken to recover them; and when asked the reason of their obstinacy, they alleged that as commanders, they were willing to convince their lord that they were worthy of their rank, by dying in his service and leaving a good name behind them, even expressing a desire that they had been permitted to perish. Four of these men were about thirty-five years of age. The other three were lads about eighteen, the sons of chiefs, who had obeyed the summons of Vitacucho, in hopes of acquiring honour, and were unwilling to return home vanquished. Soto presented some small mirrors and other baubles to these youths and dismissed them; but he told the four commanders, in presence of Vitacucho, that they all deserved to be put to death for having broken their plighted faith, yet he forgave them in hopes that they would take warning by what had now befallen them, and behave better for the future. He then invited Vitacucho to dine at his own table every day, being of opinion that more was to be gained among these barbarians by kind usage than severity, unless when indispensably necessary.

The prisoners taken on this occasion amounted to above a thousand men, who were distributed as servants among the Spanish troops. Vitacucho gave these men secret orders to fall upon and destroy the Spaniards while at dinner, and appointed the seventh day after the engagement for the execution of this new plot. On that day, while Vitacucho as usual was at dinner along with Soto and the principal Spanish officers, he started up on a sudden and gave a loud whoop or war cry, which was the appointed signal of attack, and laying hold of Soto gave him so violent a blow with his fist as knocked him to the ground, and immediately fell upon him endeavouring to kill him; but the other officers who were at dinner killed Vitacucho immediately. On hearing the signal from the cacique, all the other Indians attacked their masters, some with fire-brands, others with the cooking kettles, pitchers, or whatever they could get hold of, of which the fire-brands did most harm; but as the Spaniards immediately seized their arms in their defence, all the Indians were slain.

Four days after this fray, the troops marched to another town called Osachile after the name of its cacique. Coming to a river which could not be forded, it was proposed to construct a bridge similar to that employed on a former occasion; but on account of opposition from a body of Indians on the farther bank it was necessary in the first place to drive these away. For this purpose an hundred men armed with muskets and cross-bows were ferried over on six rafts, and thirty horsemen got over by swimming their horses. The Indians then fled, and the bridge was constructed in the same manner as formerly described, over which all the rest of the army passed. About two leagues after crossing the river, the army came to some corn-fields with scattered houses, and were galled for some time by the Indians, who lurked among the standing maize, whence they discharged their arrows at the Spaniards: But they were soon put to flight and several of them speared by the cavalry. On arriving at Osachile they found the town abandoned, and the cacique of that place could never be persuaded to make his appearance. Some Indians were made prisoners on this march, who were more tractable than any they had hitherto met with, and undertook to act as guides. It was now necessary for the Spaniards to consider of a proper place in which to pass the winter, and as there had been much talk about the province or district of Apalache, as producing gold, the army only halted two days at Osachile, and recommenced their march in the direction of Apalache. After marching twelve leagues through a desert wilderness, they came to a swamp half a league over, where the pass was defended by a considerable number of Indians. An engagement ensued in which several were killed on both sides, and the Spaniards were foiled for that day. But on the next, after a bloody encounter, the Spaniards drove the Indians from the swamp and got possession of the pass, all of which was fordable except about forty paces in the middle, over which there was a bridge of trees made fast together.

Having crossed the swamp, a very thick wood was found on the other side, above a league and half through, which the army had great difficulty to penetrate, neither indeed was it able to pass through the wood in one day. During this difficult march, an hundred horsemen armed with targets led the van, and were followed by an hundred musqueteers and cross-bow-men, all of whom carried axes to hew down trees and make a clear space for the army to encamp, which it did in the middle of the forest, and was all night long disturbed by the incessant war-hoops of surrounding Indians. Next day they continued their march through the wood, which now became more open, but they were constantly harassed by the Indians, more especially as the cavalry could be of very little service among the trees, and wherever there were any open spaces, the Indians had cut down trees to obstruct the passage. After getting out of this forest into the open country, they marched two leagues farther, killing or making prisoners of all the Indians who attempted to make any opposition; so that the natives became at length convinced that they were unable to destroy the Spaniards or to expel them from the country. The army now encamped at the commencement of the cultivated lands belonging to the Apalaches, but the Indians still continued to annoy them, by continually pouring flights of arrows into the camp.

Next day the army marched two leagues through a perpetual succession of fields of Indian corn, interspersed with straggling houses, and were frequently vexed by lurking Indians who shot off their arrows and then ran away. At the farther side of this cultivated plain, they came to a deep brook running through a wood, the ford of which was fortified by palisades or fallen trees, to prevent the passage of the cavalry: But a hundred of them alighted from their horses, and cleared the way with their swords and targets in spite of the Indians, who fought with much obstinacy, and did not give way till many of them were slain, but some of the Spaniards were killed in this engagement. They marched four leagues next day with little opposition: and the day following were informed Capasi, cacique of Apalache, had taken post at the distance of two leagues with a large body of brave Indians intending to give them battle. The horse immediately advanced to attack him, and took some of his men, but Capasi made his escape. The town of Apalache, of which they now took possession, consisted of two hundred and fifty houses, having several other small dependent towns or villages, and many detached cabins or farm-houses scattered over the cultivated fields. The country was fertile and agreeable, the climate excellent, and the natives numerous and warlike. After some days rest, parties were sent out in different directions to explore the country. Those who penetrated northwards into the interior, reported that the country was excellent, fertile, populous, and free from woods and swamps; while those who went south towards the coast, found a rugged, barren, and impracticable country, being the same through which Cabeza de Vaca had travelled.

It being now the month of October, Soto determined to winter in this place; for which purpose he ordered sufficient fortifications to be constructed for defence, and provisions to be stored up for the supply of his army. He likewise sent back a party by the same way which the army had marched, being an hundred and fifty leagues to the bay of the Holy Ghost[150], to bring away the cavalry that had been left there to rejoin the rest of the army. He also sent a message to Capasi, the only cacique who had been hitherto met with having a proper name different from that of his town, requesting him to come in and make peace with the Spaniards, to which he would by no means consent. Being informed that Capasi had intrenched himself in the middle of a wood about eight leagues from Apalache, Soto marched against him and assailed his fortified post. The Indians defended themselves for some time with great bravery; but at length begged quarter which was granted, and Capasi was brought out on mens shoulders; as he was either so fat and unwieldy, or so much disabled by some distemper, that he was unable to walk, and was therefore carried on a kind of litter or bier, or crawled on his hands and knees. Soto returned well pleased at this good fortune to his quarters at Apalache, expecting that the Indians would give him no more disturbance, now that their chief was in his hands. But matters turned out quite otherwise; for having no ruler the Indians became even more disorderly and troublesome than before, and refused to obey the command of Capasi to remain in peace with the Spaniards.

[Footnote 150: Although in the text the general direction of the march of Soto is mentioned as to the N.E. there is every reason to believe it must have been to the west of north, into the country of what are now called the Creek Indians. The town of Apalache in which Soto spent the winter 1539-40 may have been on the river Catahoche otherwise called of Apalachicola, or on the Alibama, which runs into the Mobille. There still is a place known by the name of Apalache near the mouth of the Mobille river.—E.]

Under these circumstances, when Soto complained to the cacique of the perpetual hostilities of his people, Capasi pretended, if he were permitted to go to a place about six leagues from Apalache, to which the head men of the tribe had retired, that they would obey his orders on seeing him among them and agree to peace. Soto accordingly gave his permission, and Capasi went to the place indicated, carried as usual on a bier, and accompanied by a strong guard of Spaniards. The cacique then issued orders for all his people to appear before him next day, having some important matters to communicate. The Spaniards posted their guards for the night and went to rest, believing every thing secure; but when day appeared next morning neither the cacique nor any of his attendants were to be found. Taking advantage of the centinels falling asleep, Capasi had crept out from among them on all fours, after which his Indians carried him off to some more secure place than the former, as he was never more seen. The Spanish escort returned much ashamed of themselves to Soto, pretending that Capasi and his attendants must have been carried off through the air, as it was impossible for him to have got away from among them in any other manner. Soto prudently accepted of this excuse, saying with a smile that the story was very probable as the Indians were notable sorcerers. He was unwilling to punish his men for their negligence, being always more desirous to gain the affection of his soldiers by kind usage, as far as consistent with military discipline, that they might be ready to endure the fatigue and danger he expected to encounter in the prosecution of his enterprise.

SECTION V.

Continuation of the Transactions of Ferdinand de Soto in Florida[151].

[Footnote 151: Herrera, V. 507.—541.]

We have already mentioned that Soto, having determined to spend the winter 1539 at Apalache, sent a detachment back to Harrihiagua on the bay of the Holy Ghost, to bring away Captain Calderon and the men who had been left there. This detachment consisted of thirty horse under the command of Juan de Anasco. On coming to the ford of the river Ocali, Anasco was obliged to pass it by means of rafts, as the river was flooded; and though they used the utmost diligence, the Indians were up in arms on both sides of the river to oppose him, so that the Spaniards had to fight both to the front and rear while their baggage, horses, and selves were wafted over. Having got safely over, they found it necessary to go to the town, as one of their comrades was quite benumbed in passing the river. Believing the Spaniards more numerous than they really were, the Indians only defended their town till their wives and children were got away to a place of safety, and then abandoned the place, of which Anasco took possession. The Spaniards made four large fires in the marketplace, on purpose to restore their benumbed comrade, to whom likewise they gave the only clean shirt they had among them. They likewise dried their clothes and saddles, which had been all wetted in passing the river, and furnished their wallets with provisions from the stores of the Indians. In the mean time, ten horses at once were allowed to feed, while all the rest stood ready bridled in case of attack. About midnight an alarm was given by the centinels of the approach of a numerous body of Indians; on which the whole party mounted, tying the benumbed man who was now somewhat recovered, fast upon his horse which was led by another soldier, and set off on their march with so much expedition that they were five leagues from the town by day-break next morning. In this manner they continued their journey with as little delay as possible, going on at a round trot wherever they found the country inhabited, and walking their horses in passing through the wilderness.

On the seventh day after leaving Apalache, Pedro de Atienza was taken very ill, and died a few hours afterwards. Having travelled that day near twenty leagues they arrived at the great swamp[152] in the evening, and remained all night on its border, making great fires to keep them warm as the weather was extremely cold. Next morning, on attempting to pass, the horses refused on account of the excessive cold; but about noon the sun yielding some heat, they got across; On the third day after, while continuing their march with the usual diligence, they observed the track of horses, and some appearance of their having used a pool of water by the way side. Their horses even took heart at these appearances, smelling the track of others, and Anasco and his men were much rejoiced, having been previously afraid that Calderon and his troops had either gone away to Cuba, or had been slain by the Indians. About sunset of this day, being the tenth after leaving Apalache, they came in sight of Harrihiagua, just as the horse patrole was leaving the town. The new comers set up a loud shout for joy at seeing their friends, and Calderon came immediately out to welcome them with equal satisfaction.

[Footnote 152: A great swamp is laid down in lat. 81 deg. N. on the frontiers between Georgia and East Florida, at the head of the rivers of St Mary and St Mark, the former of which flows east to the Atlantic, and the latter south-west into the Bay of Apalache.—E.]

When the cacique Mucozo learnt the arrival of Anasco, he went to visit him, and brought the horse belonging to the man who had died by the way, which had been left in a meadow with the saddle hanging to a tree, which likewise was brought in by an Indian on his back, not knowing how to fasten the girths. Mucozo inquired after the health of Soto in a friendly manner, and expressed his sorrow that the other caciques were not of the same friendly disposition with himself. Calderon and Anasco consulted together as to the best way of going back to Apalache. As the stores of provisions shoes and clothes which had been provided liberally by Soto for the expedition were very large and could not be removed to Apalache, it was agreed to leave all these under the charge of Mucozo. It was likewise resolved that Anasco should proceed by sea with two of the brigantines to the Bay of Aute, which he had discovered when detached by Soto to explore the country to the south of Apalache, while Calderon was to go by land. Accordingly, every thing being in readiness, seven days after the arrival of Anasco, Calderon set out by land for Apalache with seventy horse and fifty foot soldiers, all the rest going by sea along with Anasco.

On the second day of his march, Calderon came to the town of Mucozo, and was hospitably entertained by that friendly chief. Nothing remarkable happened during this march till they came to the great swamp, except that one horse was killed by an arrow which penetrated through his breast to his bowels. These Indians are such powerful archers that they have been known to shoot through four folds of mail; for which reason the Spaniards laid aside their European armour, and used a kind which is stuffed with cotton, called escaupiles, to defend both themselves and their horses. Calderon travelled with very little opposition or difficulty all the way to the swamp of Apalache, where the Indians attacked him desperately and killed one of his horses. Next day he was again attacked, and disturbed all the ensuing night, the Indians constantly upbraiding the Spaniards as vagabonds and robbers, and threatening to quarter them. On the following day Calderon and his men reached Apalache, where ten or twelve of his people died of their wounds. Anasco arrived safe with the remainder of the Spaniards at the Bay of Aute[153], whence he marched by land to Apalache. Having now collected his whole force at Apalache, Ferdinand de Soto sent Diego Maldonado with the brigantines to explore the coast to the westwards, ordering him to return in two months with a particular description of all the ports, creeks, and headlands he might fall in with. Maldonado executed these orders; and on his return reported that he had discovered a very excellent harbour, called Achusi, sixty leagues to the westwards of Aute[154], whence he brought two Indian prisoners. Soto then sent Maldonado with the brigantines to the Havannah, carrying letters to his lady, and directed him to inform the colonists of Cuba that he had found an excellent harbour in Florida, and that the country was pleasant and fertile, by way of encouraging settlers to come over.

[Footnote 153: No bay is now known of this name, but it may possibly have been that now known by the name of Mobille.—E.]

[Footnote 154: This distance from Mobille Bay would lead us considerably to the west of the Missisippi, perhaps to Ascension Bay, or perhaps to the entrance of Ouachas Lake.—E.]

It happened one day that seven Spanish horsemen riding out from the town of Apalache saw an Indian man and woman gathering old kidney-beans in the fields. Immediately on seeing the horsemen the man took up the woman in his arms and carried her into the wood, whence he returned with his bow and arrows to attack the horsemen, who would have saved his life on account of his bravery, calling out to him to yield; but he was so desperate that he wounded them all, and when his arrows were expended he gave one of them so violent a blow with his bow on the head-piece that it stunned him, on which provocation he killed the Indian with his lance. While Soto wintered in Apalache, he used every exertion to obtain intelligence respecting the country towards the west, in order to prepare for extending his discoveries in the spring; and among the Indians who were brought to him on this occasion, was one about seventeen years of age who had been a servant to some Indian travelling merchants.

From this youth he was informed that, about thirteen of fourteen days journey farther on, there was a province called Cofachiqui[155], which produced gold, silver and pearls. This intelligence was very pleasing to the Spaniards, and made them wish anxiously for the season in which to march forwards. During all the winter, which the Spaniards spent in Apalache, when any parties of them went out into the country, the Indians seldom failed to kill some of the men or horses with their arrows, yet always kept at a distance or among the woods, carefully avoiding to encounter them in the open fields.

[Footnote 155: Perhaps the country of the Chicasaws.—E.]

The season being at length come, in the spring of 1540, for taking the field, Soto set out on his march from Apalache towards the north, and on the third day encamped in a peninsula formed by a swamp, having wooden bridges of communication with the dry land. This being an elevated situation, several towns could be seen from the encampment, which was still in the district belonging to Apalache. The Spaniards rested here two days, during one of which seven men strolled out from the camp without orders, six of whom were slain by the Indians before they had got two hundred paces from the camp, and the seventh difficultly escaped with two wounds. Leaving the province of Apalache, the Spaniards now entered that called Atalpaha, the first town they came to being abandoned by the natives. Six of the principal people remained behind, who were brought before Soto, whom they boldly asked whether he was for peace or war with their nation. Soto answered by means of his interpreter that he had no inclination for war, as his only intention was to pass through their country, yet desired that his people might be supplied with provisions. To this they answered, if such were his intentions there was no occasion to have made them prisoners, and if he conducted himself in a friendly manner he might depend on better treatment than he had received at Apalache. They accordingly dispatched some of the common people to desire the natives to return to their houses to serve the Spaniards, whom they conducted to a better town, where the cacique came to ratify a peace, which was punctually observed during three days that Soto remained there.

From that place they advanced for ten days to the northwards along the banks of a river, through a fertile country, in which all the inhabitants behaved in a friendly manner. After this they entered the province of Achalaqui, which was poor, barren, and thinly inhabited, having very few young men, and the old people being mostly short-sighted and many of them quite blind. Quickening the march through this bad country they came to the province of Cofachi, where, besides other presents, Soto gave the cacique some boars and sows for a breed, having brought above three hundred of these animals with him to Florida, where they increased very fast, as the Spaniards had no occasion to kill them, getting abundance of other provisions. During this expedition, Soto made it an invariable practice, before entering any province, to send a message to the cacique offering peace and demanding leave to pass through his dominions, that the natives might not be alarmed at the appearance of so many armed strangers; and besides it was always his wish to employ fair means in his intercourse with the Indians, rather than force. He accordingly sent a message to the cacique of Cofa with the usual requests of peace, provisions and a free passage, with which the cacique complied, coming himself to meet the Spaniards, for whom he appointed quarters and plenty of provisions. The land being plentiful, Soto and his army rested here five days. The next province belonged to a brother of Cofa, named Cofaqui, who came out to meet the Spaniards attended by a great number of his people, all finely adorned with plumes of feathers, and wearing mantles of rich sables and other valuable furs. After this friendly reception, the cacique went away to another town, leaving his own entirely for the accommodation of the Spaniards. This country abounded in maize or Indian corn, which is used by the Indians as wheat is in Europe. They had also abundance of dried fruits; but flesh was rare, being only what they procured by hunting, as they had no domesticated animals.

Next day, Cofaqui returned to Soto, offering a supply of provisions and a strong escort of armed Indians, to enable the Spaniards to cross a desert or wilderness of seven days journey leading to the next province of Cofachiqui[156]. Immediately there appeared four thousand Indians to carry burdens, and the like number armed, to accompany the Spaniards.

[Footnote 156: The word Cofa seems to have signified lord or chief among these Indians; as we have four successive chiefs in the text, named Cofa, Co-fachi, Cofa-qui, and Cofa-chiqui.—E.]

On seeing so great a number of men, Soto was on his guard like a good soldier and prudent commander, that he might not be taken by surprise. On this occasion the cacique made a speech to the commander of his forces, enjoining him, as he knew the ancient enmity subsisting between him and the people of Cofachiqui, that he should not let slip the present favourable opportunity of taking severe revenge upon their enemies, considering that he was now supported by these valiant strangers. The Indian commander, throwing off his mantle of furs, flourished a two-handed sword or war-club, the ensign of his command, and told his lord in pompous terms what he would do for his service. On this, the cacique took from his own shoulders a rich mantle of sables, thought by the Spaniards to be worth a thousand ducats, which he put upon the shoulders of his general, and placed a splendid plume of feathers on his head. The presentation of a mantle and plume of feathers is considered among the Indians as the highest honour which can be bestowed.

There were two Indians among the Spaniards who were extremely familiar, named ordinarily Mark and Peter though not baptized. On the night before commencing the new march for Cofachiqui, Peter made a violent outcry as if in danger of being slain. All the forces turned out under arms on this alarm, and found Peter in great trepidation and distress. He alleged that the devil and a number of his imps had threatened to kill him if he acted as a guide to the Spaniards, and had dragged him about and beaten him so unmercifully that he had assuredly been killed if they had not come to his assistance; and, since the great devil fled from two Christians, he begged to be baptized that he might be a Christian like them and able to drive away the devil. This appeared to be no fiction, by the bruises and swelling which Peter exhibited; and accordingly Soto gave him in charge to the priests, who remained with him all night and baptized him; and next day he was mounted on horseback, being unable to walk on account of the drubbing he had got from the Devil!

The two armies marched apart, pursuant to the wise precautions adopted by Soto. The Indians kept excellent order, having a regular van and rear guard, and making those who carried the provisions and baggage keep in the centre. Every night the two armies lay at some distance, each appointing their own guards. On the third day of the march from Cofaqui they entered upon the wilderness, through which they marched for six days, finding the country very agreeable. They had two rapid rivers to cross, at both of which the cavalry was made to form a kind of wall above the ford to break the force of the stream, by which means they all got safe over. On the seventh day both Spaniards and Indians were much at a loss, as the road they had hitherto followed was now at an end, so that they knew not which way to take through the rest of the wilderness. Soto asked the Indian general how it could possibly happen that among eight thousand men of his nation, more especially as they had always been at war with the people to whose country they were going, no one should know the road. The Indian chief answered that none of them had ever been there; for the war was never carried on by means of complete armies, as they merely killed or made prisoners of each other, when they chanced to meet at the fisheries on the rivers, or while hunting; and as the people of Cofachiqui were most powerful, his countrymen did not venture so far into the wilderness, by which reason they were unacquainted with the country. He farther assured Soto that he might rely on the probity and good faith both of the cacique and himself, who had no intention of fraud or perfidy; yet he might if he pleased take what hostages he thought proper for his security, and if that were not sufficient, he would submit to lose his own head, and that all his men should be put to death, wherever they were found to harbour any evil intentions.

Satisfied with these assurances, Soto sent for Peter the Indian, who was likewise at a loss, as he had not been in these parts for five years. They marched on however the rest of that day, without knowing any thing of the road, yet found the woods easily passable. Towards evening they arrived at a great river which could not be forded[157]. This circumstance added greatly to their perplexity, as they now had only seven days provisions, which would not hold out till they could make rafts to pass this river. Next day Soto sent off four several detachments in different directions to explore the country, with orders to return in five days; and with each of these went a thousand Indians, to assist in finding the way of which they were in search. The Indians who carried the baggage, and who remained at the encampment, went out every morning armed, and returned at night with herbs, roots, birds, some small land animals, and a little fish, part of which they gave to the Spaniards; but this scanty supply was quite insufficient for their necessities. Soto now ordered some of the swine which accompanied the army to be slaughtered, and distributed eight ounces of their flesh daily to every one of his men. Even this was only protracting their misery, yet all shewed wonderful patience, as their commander gave them a good example.

[Footnote 157: In the utter impossibility to trace the route of Soto, it may even appear absurd to suppose that this may have been the Tenasse or Hogohegee River, formerly called the Cherokee River; yet he assuredly marched in various directions through the interior country of North America, westwards of the present states of Virginia, the Carolinas, and Georgia, to the north of modern West Florida, now occupied by the Creeks, Cherokees, Catawbas, Chactaws, and Chickasaws.—E.]

Three of the detachments that had been sent out on discovery returned on the sixth day unsuccessful. But the commander of the fourth, Juan de Anasco, who had gone up the banks of the river, sent back four horsemen to inform Soto that he had found a small town on the same side of the river, which had a good store of provisions, and had seen several towns still higher up, where there was a good deal of cultivated land. The messengers brought with them many ears of zara[158], and some cows horns, without knowing whence these were procured, not having hitherto seen any cows in the country. The Indian general Patofa and his men, who accompanied Anasco, killed all the inhabitants of that town whom they could lay hands on, taking off their skulls[159], and plundering the temple or place of burial, where the best of the effects were secured. This town was in the province of Cofachiqui; and as the Indians accompanying the Spaniards did much injury to the country, Soto now sent them home again to prevent any farther harm being done under his auspices; and by making presents to the Indian general and the other chiefs, and supplying them with provisions for their journey, they went away well satisfied. Soto now advanced with the Spaniards through a pleasant and plentiful country, but which was abandoned by the natives on account of the ravages and slaughters that had been committed by Patofa and his people.

[Footnote 158: This word, left unexplained by the translator of Herrera, perhaps means some species of millet cultivated by the Indians.—E.]

[Footnote 159: This ought in all probability to have been translated scalps.—E.]

Three days afterwards, to avoid going on at random, Soto sent on Juan Anasco with thirty horse to explore the country. Anasco set out a little before night, and after proceeding about two leagues, he heard the barking of dogs and the noise of some children, and saw some lights; but on going towards the place for the purpose of trying to seize one or two Indians from whom to gain intelligence, he found that the town was on the other side of the river. He halted therefore at a place which seemed to be used as a landing for canoes; and having fed and rested the horses, he returned to give Soto an account of what he had observed. Soto went accordingly next day with an hundred horse and an equal number of foot to view the town; and as the Indians fled on seeing the Spaniards, the two Christian Indians, Peter and Mark called to them across the river that no harm was intended. Upon this six Indians ventured across the river in a canoe, and came to wait on Soto, who was seated in a chair, which was always carried with him to receive the natives in state, as the customs of these people required. On approaching Soto, the six Indians made their obeisances; first to the sun, then to the moon, and lastly to the Spanish commander, whom they asked whether he was for peace or war with their nation. He answered by means of his interpreter, that he was desirous of peace, and required nothing from them but provisions for his people. They replied that they willingly accepted of peace, but were sorry to say that they were very scarce of provisions in consequence of a pestilence which had lately raged among them; but they would inform their sovereign of his demands, who happened to be a young unmarried woman. When they had delivered their message to the princess, two large canoes covered with awnings were seen to set out from the town on the other side of the river, into one of which seven or eight women embarked, and six men in the other. Among the women was the princess who ruled over the tribe; and immediately on coming to Soto, she sat down on a stool before him, which her people brought for her use, and after some complimentary discourse, she expressed her sorrow for the scarcity which then existed in her country, but that having two storehouses filled with provisions for relieving the necessities of her subjects, she would give him one of these, and hoped he would leave her in possession of the other. She said likewise that she had two thousand measures of maize at another town, which she would give him, and would quit her own house and half the town to accommodate him and his people, and if that did not suffice, that the whole of the town should be cleared for his use. Soto thanked her in a courteous manner for her friendly offers, declaring that he would be perfectly satisfied with whatever she was pleased to give. While he was speaking, she took off a string of pearls which she wore round her neck, and gave it to Juan Ortiz the interpreter to present it in her name to Soto, as she could not deliver it with her own hands without transgressing the rules of decorum[160]. Soto stood up and received it with much respect, and presented her in return with a ruby which he wore on his finger. Thus peace was ratified with this princess, who now returned to the other side of the river, all the Spaniards admiring her beautiful appearance and good behaviour.

[Footnote 160: The circumstance of great quantities of pearls being found in this part of the country tends in some measure to confirm the idea of Soto being now on the Tenasse River. In the most recent maps of this part of America, a part of this river near its great bend, where it sweeps round from a S.W. to a N.N.W. direction, is distinguished by the appellation of the Muscle Shoals, and it is well known that the fresh-water muscles are often very productive in pearls.—E.]

After this all the Spanish force was transported across the river, on rafts and in canoes, four horses being drowned in the passage. The Spaniards were all commodiously quartered in the middle of the town, and the country round was found to be extraordinarily fertile. The mother of the princess of this tribe was a widow, and resided about twelve leagues from this town in great retirement; and on being sent for by her daughter to see the strangers, she not only refused, but sent a severe reproof to her daughter for admitting those persons of whom she knew nothing. Soto sent Juan Anasco with thirty horse, with a respectful message to the old lady inviting her to come to visit him. Anasco was accompanied on this occasion by an Indian of considerable rank, who seemed pensive and melancholy. After travelling some leagues, they stopped for rest and refreshment, and sat down under the shade of a tree to partake of a repast. Throwing off his mantle of sables, the Indian took the arrows one by one from his quiver, which were very curiously made of reeds, having heads of bones with three points[161] all of them feathered on three sides, and both them and his bow beautifully painted with some kind of bituminous substance, as smooth and glossy as the finest varnish. The last arrow which he drew out was headed with flint, sharp-pointed, and double-edged like a dagger. Seeing that the Spaniards were all intent upon observing the curious arrows, he cut his own throat with the flint-headed arrow, and immediately fell down dead. The other Indians who accompanied Anasco said that in their opinion he had killed himself because he was carrying a message which he believed was disagreeable to the old lady. A short time after this, as Anasco was still proceeding, one of the Spaniards observed that they were going blindly in search of a woman who was said to have gone to hide herself from them in another place; and as Soto already had the daughter in his power, he had no occasion for the mother also, and as their number was small they were exposed to much danger, and had much better return to head-quarters. As this advice was universally approved of, they turned back.

[Footnote 161: Perhaps this ought to have been triangular pointed heads.—E.]

Three days afterwards Soto sent twenty Spaniards up the river in two canoes at the request of the daughter to seek her mother, under the conduct of an Indian who offered to conduct them to her place of concealment. While on this expedition, the Spaniards recollected that Peter and Mark had reported there was both gold and silver in that province; but upon search they found much copper of a golden colour, and great plates of ore[162] which was very light and mouldered away like earth, which probably had deceived the young Indians. A wonderful quantity of pearls were found, and the old lady gave them leave to go into a sacred house where the chiefs or nobles of the tribe were buried, to take what pearls were there, and to another temple, or sepulchre rather, near the town, in which the bodies of her own ancestors were reposited, where they found pearls in still greater abundance. In these repositories of the dead they found a number of wooden chests in which the bodies were laid; and beside them in baskets made of reeds there were great quantities of large and seed pearls, as also garments both for men and women, made of skins and fine furs. So great was the abundance of pearls found on this occasion, that the kings officers weighed five hundred pounds weight. As Soto was unwilling to encumber his troops with so much additional weight, he proposed that no more than fifty pounds should be then taken, to send to the Havannah to learn their value; but as they were already weighed, the officers begged that they might be all carried away, to which he consented, and gave his captains two handfuls of pearls as large as pease to make strings of beads or rosaries.

[Footnote 162: These large plates of ore, were probably silver-coloured mica; and the golden-coloured copper in the text may have been bright yellow pyrites.—E.]

Leaving Cofachiqui, the army came to another town called Tolomeco, in a temple or charnel-house more properly of which place, opposite the residence of the chief, they found strings of large pearls hanging on the walls, and others in chests, with many fine garments like those formerly mentioned; and in rooms over this charnel-house were great numbers of pikes with copper heads resembling gold, and clubs, staves, and axes of the same metal, and bows, arrows, targets, and breast-plates. Soto would not take away any of these, being resolved to continue his march. Accordingly, taking leave of the princess of Cofachiqui, he divided the army into two parts for the better convenience of provisions, retaining the immediate command of one, and confiding the other to the charge of Baltasar de Gallegos. In this order they moved on to the province of Chalaqui; and next day were exposed to such a storm of wind, lightning, and hail, that many of them must have perished, but for the shelter afforded by the trees, as the hail-stones were as large as pigeons eggs. On the sixth day of this new march, they came to the valley of Xaula, a pleasant country to the N.N.E. The sailors who accompanied the army believed the river which flowed past Cofachiqui to be the same which is known on the coast under the name of Santa Ellena; and computing their marches at four leagues a-day, it appeared that the forces had come two hundred leagues from Apalache to Xaula[163]; which, with an hundred and fifty leagues from the Bay of the Holy Ghost to Apalache, made four hundred and ten leagues in all[164].

[Footnote 163: Two hundred Spanish leagues would amount to near 800 English miles. But as the march, was entirely in an uncertain and probably changing direction, this estimate does not assist in determining any thing of its extent Eight hundred miles would reach, even from Espiritu Santo Bay, to beyond the Ohio.—E.]

[Footnote 164: The numbers in the text are obviously corrupt, as the particulars do not agree with the sum; but it is impossible to correct or reconcile them, neither indeed is it of much consequence, as no establishment was made in Florida by Soto, and the names of the places he visited are now unknown and uninteresting. Four hundred and ten Spanish leagues, or 1640 English miles, would carry us into Upper Canada.—E.]

The Spanish forces rested a fortnight in the vale of Xaula, which was subject to the princess of Cofachiqui, though a separate province, being induced to this delay by finding abundance of all things, and on purpose to recruit their horses. Leaving this place, they marched one day through an agreeable country, and then five days over an unpeopled mountain[165], though not disagreeable, as it had many fine groves, waters, and pasture-grounds, the way over being about twenty leagues. Four Indian chiefs who accompanied them by order of the princess of Cofachiqui, sent to require the cacique of Guanale to receive the Spaniards with kindness, or otherwise to declare war against him. While on the march, a foot-soldier named Juan Terron pulled a little bag from his wallet full of large well-coloured pearls not pierced, which he offered to a horseman, who advised him to keep them as the general meant soon to send to the Havannah, where he might purchase a horse for them to ease him from marching on foot. On this refusal, Terron threw his pearls on the ground, alleging they were troublesome to carry, and they were picked up by his comrades. He sorely repented of this afterwards, as he was informed they would have been worth 6000 ducats in Spain. The Spaniards stopped four days at Guanale, and in five days march from thence they reached Ychiaha, a town situated on an island in the river about five leagues in length. As the general always made inquiry every where concerning the country farther on, the cacique of Ychiaha told him there were mines of yellow metal about thirty leagues from thence, and presented him with a long string of large pearls, which would have been of extraordinary value if they had not been bored. As Soto seemed to prize them, the cacique said there were many such in the burial place of his ancestors which he was welcome to take if he pleased. In return Soto presented the cacique with some pieces of velvet and satin, with which he was much gratified. Two soldiers were sent on, accompanied by a party of Indians, to view the reported mines of yellow metal, who reported that they were only copper, that the country was fruitful, and that they had been well treated by the inhabitants. Some of the men likewise were ordered to drag the river for the pearl oysters, where they soon brought up large quantities, which were laid on a fire to make them open their shells, and the pearls were taken out somewhat damaged by the heat. A soldier who boiled some of these oysters, while eating one of them, almost broke his teeth on a pearl as big as a hazle-nut, which he presented to Soto for his lady, as it was bright and well shaped; but the general refused it, desiring him to keep it to purchase horses, and in return for his good will paid the kings fifth out of his own money, its value being estimated at 400 ducats. Soto was exceedingly generous and obliging to his soldiers, making no distinction between himself and them, in clothes, eating, lodging, or enduring hardships, and enjoyed their entire confidence and affection.

[Footnote 165: If correct in the idea of Soto having crossed the Tenassee, the mountainous district here indicated may have been the Cumberland mountains, between the Tenassee and Cumberland Rivers.—E.]

From Ychiaha, the Spaniards proceeded onwards to Acoste, where the cacique received them with ill-will, and an open breach had like to have taken place; but Soto prevented this by conciliatory management, and still preserved the peace, which had not been infringed since leaving Apalache. Next day the Indians of Acoste became better humoured, and having contented them, Soto crossed the river into the large province of Coza, through which he marched for an hundred leagues, finding it every where populous and fertile, and the Spaniards were every where received in a friendly manner, well treated, and commodiously lodged. At the town of Coza, the cacique came out to meet Soto attended by a thousand Indians wearing plumes of feathers and rich mantles of furs. The town consisted of about five hundred houses along the side of the river, and here the Spaniards were most hospitably entertained. While dining one day with Soto, the cacique requested he would spend the winter in his country and establish a colony there; and indeed it was better land than any that the Spaniards had hitherto passed through. Soto thanked him for his friendly offer; but said that it was necessary for him in the first place to explore the country farther on, that he might be able to judge what articles were necessary for trade, and that he might give orders for seeds and all other requisites, after which he would return and accept his offer. He staid twelve days at this place, more to oblige the cacique than on any other account; and then set out towards the sea, which he had long designed, making a semicircular turn that he might march back by a different route to explore the country, meaning to make his way to the port of Anchusi.

In five days march he reached Talisse, a town fortified with entrenchments of timber and earth, on the frontiers of the territories of the cacique of Tascaluza, who was in enmity with the cacique of Coza, who went so far with the Spaniards on purpose to intimidate Tascaluza. At this place Soto was received by a son of Tascaluza, only eighteen years of age, and so tall that none of the Spaniards reached higher than his breast. This young man offered his fathers compliments of friendship to the Spaniards, and conducted Soto to Tascaluza, who received him sitting after their manner on a kind of chair, with a great number of men standing round him; and though the different commanders came up successively to salute him, no one stirred till Soto came forwards, when the cacique stood up and advanced twenty paces to meet him. Tascaluza was like a giant, much taller than his son, well-shaped, and of a good aspect. The Spaniards were well received, abundantly supplied, and commodiously quartered. They set out again on their march on the third day; and as the cacique Tascaluza chose to accompany them, one of the baggage horses belonging to Soto was selected for him to ride upon. When mounted, his feet reached within, a span of the ground. He was not fat, as his waist was hardly a yard in compass, and he did not seem to exceed forty years of age. In the course of this days march, after coming to a fortified town, the Spaniards had to cross the river, which they did with considerable difficulty, being badly supplied with rafts or floats. On taking up their quarters for the night, two Spaniards were amissing; and when the Indians were asked about them, they answered in a haughty manner, they were not given to our keeping, so that it was strongly suspected they were murdered. Upon this cause of jealousy, and being likewise privately informed that the cacique had assembled a great number of men at a place called Mavila, under pretence of serving the Spaniards, Soto sent three confidential officers to view that place, which was about a league and a half from quarters. They reported that they had seen no person by the way, but that Mavila was a much better fortified place than, any they had hitherto seen in Florida.

As the Spaniards were bound for Mavila, and under circumstances very considerable suspicion as to the good intentions of Tascaluza and his subjects, they marched with the utmost circumspection. Soto led the van in person, consisting of an hundred horse and an hundred and fifty foot. He was accompanied by Tascaluza, and as he marched with diligence, he arrived at Mavila at eight in the morning, the main body not coming up for a considerable time after. The town of Mavila was seated in a plain, enclosed by a double row of piles with timbers laid athwart, and the interstices rammed full of straw and earth, so that it looked like a wall smoothed by a masons trowel. At every eighty paces distance, there was a tower or platform where eight men could stand to fight, having many loop holes. It likewise had two gates. Though it only consisted of eighty houses, these were so large that each could have contained a thousand men. In the middle of the town was a large square or market-place, into which when Soto and the cacique were come and had dismounted, Tascaluza, pointed out to the interpreter a house in which the general might take up his quarters and another for his kitchen, saying that huts and barracks were provided for the rest of the Spaniards on the outside of the town. To this Soto made answer, that, when the major-general came up, he would distribute the troops to proper quarters.

Tascaluza now retired into a house where all his chiefs were assembled, on purpose to consult how best to kill all the Spaniards, which he had been long plotting to accomplish. It was proposed in this council to attack them in their present divided state, before the rest of the Spaniards could get forwards to the town; but another opinion prevailed, which was to allow them all to assemble, as the Indian chiefs had a large force concealed in the houses of the town, and thought themselves perfectly able to encounter with the Spaniards. When the meat was dressed at the quarters of Soto, Juan Ortiz the interpreter was sent with a message to Tascaluza desiring his presence; but he was refused admission to deliver his message, and on pressing to get in, an Indian came to the door exclaiming angrily, "What would these unmannerly vagabonds have with my lord? Down with the villains, there is no enduring their insolence!" He immediately bent his bow, and levelled at some Spaniards who were in the street; but Baltasar de Gallegos, who happened to be close by, gave him a cut on the shoulder which cleft him to the middle. An Indian youth now let fly six or seven arrows at Gallegos, which did him no harm as he was in armour, after which the Indian gave him three or four strokes on the helmet with his bow, but Gallegos killed him with two thrusts of his sword. The moment these Indians were slain an alarm was given, and above seven thousand warriors, who had been concealed in the large houses of the town, rushed out into the streets and drove all the Spaniards out of the town.

The Spaniards who managed best on this alarm, ran immediately to mount their horses, which had been left tied on the outside of the town; while others cut the halters or reins that the Indians might not shoot them. Others remained tied, and were slain by the Indians. Such of the Spaniards as had been able to mount their horses, with others who now arrived, charged the Indians who were engaged with the infantry, making room for them to draw up in regular order. Having re-established their ranks, a troop of horse and a company of foot made so furious a charge on the Indians that they drove them into the town, and attempted to get in at the gate after them; but they were received by such a volley of arrows and stones as compelled them to retire two hundred paces, yet without turning their backs, in which consisted their safety. As the Indians followed them, they made a fresh charge, and drove the Indians back to the town, yet dared not to venture too near the wall; and the fight continued in this manner for some time, alternately gaining and losing ground, several of the Spaniards being killed and wounded. Finding they had the worst of it in the open field, the Indians kept close behind the walls of the town. On this Soto alighted from his horse, causing others to do the same, and advanced up to the gate at the head of a party armed with targets, under cover of which two hundred men with axes hewed down the gate and rushed in, not without much hazard and some loss. Others of the Spaniards contrived to mount the wall, helping each other, and hastened to succour those who had gained the gate. Seeing the Spaniards had forced their way into the town, which they deemed impregnable, the Indians fought desperately in the streets, and from the roofs of the houses, for which reason these were set on fire by the Spaniards. After entering the town, Soto remounted his horse, and charged a body of Indians in the market-place, killing many with his spear; but, raising himself in the stirrup to make a home thrust, an arrow penetrated through his armour and wounded him in the hip, so that he could not regain his seat: yet, not to discourage his men, he continued to fight during the remainder of the action, though obliged to stand the whole time in the stirrups. Another arrow pierced quite through the spear of Nunno de Tovar, near his hand, but did not break the shaft of the lance, which continued to serve after the arrow was cut off.

The fire which had been put to the houses burned fiercely, as the houses were all of wood and covered with thatch, by which great numbers of the Indians perished. About four in the afternoon, being sensible of their own weakness and that they were likely to be worsted, the Indian women began to join in the battle, armed with the spears, swords, and partizans which the Spaniards had lost, some even with bows and arrows, which they managed as dexterously as their husbands, and some armed only with stones exposed themselves courageously in the heat of the action. The foremost of the Spanish main body, which had fallen greatly behind the van little thinking of what was to happen, on hearing the noise of trumpets, drums, and shouts, gave the alarm to the rest, and hastening forwards came up about the close of the engagement. At this time many of the Indians got over the wall into the fields, and endeavoured to make head against the newly arrived Spaniards, but were soon slain. On the arrival of the Spanish main body, about twelve fresh horsemen made a furious charge on a large body of Indian men and women who still continued the battle in the market-place, and soon routed them with great slaughter. This ended the fight about sunset, after it had lasted nine hours, being on St Lukes day in the year 1541[166].

[Footnote 166: The date of 1541 seems here erroneous, Soto having landed in 1539, and spent only one winter in the country, the transactions in this part of the text ought only to refer to the year 1540.—E.]

During the night and next day, Soto ordered the best possible care to be taken of the wounded, some of whom died for want of proper necessaries, no bandages, lint, oil, or medicines being to be had, as all these things had been plundered along with the other baggage at the commencement of the battle by the Indians, and having been carried into the town were all there burnt along with the houses. Forty-eight Spaniards were slain in this battle; thirteen others died shortly of their wounds, and twenty-two some time afterwards, so that the entire loss was eighty-three men, besides forty-five horses, which were much missed, as the cavalry constituted the main strength of the army. It was reckoned that eleven thousand Indians perished, four thousand of whom were found dead without the town, and young Tascaluza among them. The dead bodies within the town were computed at three thousand, as the streets were all full of them; and it was believed that upwards of four thousand were consumed by fire in the houses, for above a thousand perished in one house, as the fire began at the door and they were all stifled. When the Spaniards afterwards scoured the country round, many were found to have died of their wounds in various parts, and some of them four leagues from the town. The body of the cacique Tascaluza could not be found, whence it was concluded that he had perished in the flames, a victim to his eager desire to destroy the Spaniards, which he had anxiously premeditated from the first notice he had received of their arrival in the neighbourhood of his territories. It was reported by some women who were made prisoners, that on the Indians of Talisse complaining of having been ordered by their cacique to carry the baggage of the Spaniards, Tascaluza had exhorted them to have a little patience, as he would soon deliver up these strangers to them as slaves. These women said that they were strangers who had accompanied their husbands at the invitation of Tascaluza, who had promised to give them scarlet and silk dresses, and fine jewels to wear at their dances, and to divide the Spaniards and their horses among them. They said likewise that all the women of the surrounding country, married and single, had collected on this occasion; as it had been given out that an extraordinary festival was to be held in honour of the Sun, after the destruction of the Spaniards. Besides the destruction of their baggage on this occasion, the Spaniards lost all the wine, chalices, and holy vestments for celebrating the mass, so that in future they could only have ordinary prayers and sermons, without any consecration or communion, till after their return among Christians.

The Spaniards remained a fortnight at Mavila, making frequent excursions into the country, where they found plenty of provisions. From twenty Indians whom they took prisoners, they were informed that there were no warriors left to oppose them in all the surrounding country, as all the bravest men of the nation and its allies had been slain in the battle. At this time they received the intelligence that Maldonado and Gomez Arias were making discoveries along the coast; and Soto was much inclined to have established a colony at the port of Achiusi or Anchusi[167], to carry on trade with another establishment twenty leagues up the country, but this was opposed by some of his officers, who thought the Spanish force too small for subduing so warlike a people, considering the experience they had of their fierceness in the battle of Mavila. They objected likewise that they saw no reason for exposing themselves to such hazards, without hope of reward, as they had found no mines in all the vast extent of country they had travelled over. This opposition was exceedingly perplexing to Soto, as he had expended the whole of his substance on the expedition, and was afraid his men would desert him if he came near the coast, when he was not in a condition to raise new forces. For these reasons he resolved to penetrate into the interior of the country; and, being disgusted at seeing all his projects disappointed, he never succeeded afterwards in any of his undertakings.

[Footnote 167: It is quite impossible to conjecture even where this place may have been situated; perhaps it is the same bay or creek formerly called Auche, and may have been that now called Mobille Bay. The Mavila of the text may likewise have been on the river now called Mobille. We know that the b and v are often interchanged in the Spanish names of places and persons; as for example Baldivia and Valdivia are both applied to the original Spanish conqueror of Chili. In the present instance, Mavila may afterwards have been changed to Mabila, and then by the French to Mobille. All this however is mere conjecture.—E.]

When the sick and wounded were so far recovered as to be able to travel, Soto set out from Mavila, and marched through a fine country for three days, after which they entered the province of Chioza, where the natives refused to receive him in a peaceable manner. They abandoned their town, and took post to defend the passage of a very deep river in which were many craggy places. At this pass above eight thousand Indians collected, some of whom crossed in canoes to attack and harass the Spaniards: But Soto caused some trenches to be made, in which he concealed several bodies of musqueteers, targeteers, and crossbow-men, who fell upon the rear of the Indians, who forbore to repeat these attempts after having been twice discomfited in this manner. As it was found impossible to cross over in the face of so large a force of Indians in the ordinary manner, two very large piraguas were privately built in the woods, which were got ready in twelve days, and were then drawn out of the wood on rollers by the Spaniards with the assistance of their horses and mules. These were launched into the river without being perceived by the Indians; and forty musqueteers and crossbow-men were embarked in each with a few horses, and these pushed across the river with the utmost diligence. They were descried however, by five hundred Indians who were scouring the country, who with loud cries gave the alarm to the rest, and all hastened to defend the pass. Most of the Spaniards were wounded while on the water, as the Indians continually shot their arrows against them unopposed. One of the piraguas got straight across to the landing, but the other was forced some way down by the current, and had to be towed up. Two horsemen landed from the first piragua, who drove the Indians above two hundred paces back, and made four several charges before any reinforcement could land; but at length were joined by other four horsemen, and made several desperate charges on the Indians, so as to allow of the infantry getting on shore; but as these were almost all wounded, they were obliged to take shelter in an Indian town hard by. Soto came over in the second trip of the piraguas, accompanied by sixty men; and the Indians, on seeing the Spanish force increase, retired to a fortified town in the neighbourhood, whence they frequently sallied out to skirmish with the Spaniards; but as the cavalry killed many of them with their spears, they evacuated that place during the night.

The Spaniards now broke up their piraguas, keeping the iron work for future service, and advanced farther into the country. In four days they reached a town called Chicoza[168], well situated in a fertile country among brooks and surrounded by abundance of fruit trees. Resolving to spend the winter in this place, Soto caused it to be fortified, huts to be built for the accommodation of his troops, and all the provisions that could be procured to be collected. At this place they remained in peace for about two months, the horsemen making frequent excursions into the surrounding country in quest of provisions. Such Indians as happened to be made prisoners on these occasions were immediately set at liberty, receiving various trinkets for themselves and presents for their chiefs, with messages desiring them to repair to the Spanish quarters to enter into terms of peace and amity. The chiefs sent presents of fruit in return, and promised soon to visit the Spanish general. Soon afterwards they began every night to alarm the Spaniards; and one night three considerable bodies of them drew near the town about midnight, and when about an hundred paces from the entrenchments they set up loud shouts and made a prodigious noise with their warlike instruments; after which, with burning wreaths of a certain plant tied round their arrows, they set the town on fire, all the houses being thatched. Undismayed at this calamity, the Spaniards repaired to their alarm posts, and Soto issuing out in his escaupil or cotton armour, mounted his horse and went to attack the Indians, being the first to kill one of the assailants with his spear; as upon all occasions of danger he gave a wonderful example of cool and intrepid courage. Some sick Spaniards and several horses were burnt on this occasion; but Captain Andres de Vasconcelos with four horsemen fell with such fury on the enemy that he forced them to retire. Soto, being eager to slay an Indian who particularly distinguished himself in this action, leaned forwards so much that he and the saddle fell off; but being bravely rescued by his men, he mounted again and returned to the fight. At length after two hours hard fighting, the Indians were constrained to fly, and were pursued as far as they could be seen by the light from the burning houses, after which Soto sounded a retreat. In this fatal night, the Spaniards lost forty men and fifty horses, twenty of them being burnt. All the swine likewise perished in the fire, except a few that broke out of an enclosed yard. During this engagement prodigious shots of arrows were made by the Indians, one of which pierced through both shoulder-blades of a horse, and came out four fingers breadth on the opposite side.

[Footnote 168: This word seems to have almost the same sound with Chicasaw, and Soto may on his present return into the interior have crossed the river Yazous, which flows into the Missisippi in lat. 32 deg. 30' N. a short way above the Natches.—E.]

Soto now thought proper to remove the army to a town named Chicacolla, about a league from that which had been burnt; and, having fortified these new quarters, the Spaniards were obliged to make new saddles, spears, targets and clothes, to supply the places of those which had been burnt. The clothes were made of goats skins[169]. At this place the Spaniards spent the rest of the winter, during which they suffered extreme hardships for want of clothes, as the weather was excessively cold. Being sensible that they had done much harm to the Spaniards in the late night attack, the Indians returned again to make a similar attempt; but their bow-strings being wetted by violent rain, they withdrew, as was learnt from an Indian prisoner. They returned however every night to alarm the Spaniards, of whom they always wounded some; and though the cavalry scoured the country every day four leagues round, they could meet none of the natives, so that it was wonderful how they should come nightly from so great a distance.

[Footnote 169: More probably of deer skins found in the Indian towns, as goats certainly were not among the indigenous animals of North America.—E.]

The Spaniards contrived to shift in a very miserable manner at Chicacolla till about the latter end of March 1542[170], when they resumed their march. At the end of about four leagues, the advanced guard returned with a report that they had seen an Indian fort which appeared to be defended by about four thousand warriors. After viewing it, Soto told his soldiers that it was indispensably requisite to dislodge these people, who would otherwise annoy them with night attacks, and that it was likewise necessary to do this that they might preserve the reputation they had already gained in so many provinces of the country. This fort, called Alibamo[171], was of a square form, each side being four hundred paces in length, and the gates were so low that the horsemen could not ride in, similar in all respects to what has been already said respecting Mavila.[172] The general therefore gave orders to three companies of infantry to assail the gates, those who were best armed being placed in front. When they were all ready to begin the assault, a thousand Indians sallied out from the town, all adorned with plumes of feathers, and having their bodies and faces painted of several colours. At the first flight of arrows, five of the Spaniards were shot, three of whom died of their wounds. To prevent the discharge of more arrows, the Spaniards immediately closed and drove the Indians in at the gates, which they entered along with them, making dreadful havock with their swords, as may easily be imagined, the Indians being all naked. To escape from the infantry, the Indians threw themselves from the walls, by which means they fell into the hands of the horsemen, who slew many of them with their spears. Others of the Indians endeavoured to escape by swimming a river behind the fort; but a squadron of horse passed the river, and killed many of them, so that on the whole two thousand Indians were supposed to have been slain in this battle. During this engagement, an Indian challenged Juan de Salinas to single combat, which he accepted, and when his comrade made offer to cover him with his target, he refused, saying that it was a shame for two Spaniards to engage one Indian. Salinas shot his bolt through the breast of the Indian, and in return the Indians arrow went through the neck of the Spaniard.

[Footnote 170: Herrera persists in the error already noticed of advancing his chronology a year, as hitherto between May 1539 he has only accounted for two winters, and ought consequently to have been now only in the spring of 1541.—E.]

[Footnote 171: At present Toulouse, built on the scite of an Indian village called Alibama, stands on a river of the same name, which flows into the left or east side of the Mobille River in the back part of Georgia, and seems to have been surrounded by a tribe called the Alibamons. If this be the place indicated in the text, it is quite adverse to the idea of Chicoza being to the north-west of the Yazous.—E.]

[Footnote 172: These square forts of logs rammed full of earth may have given rise to the entrenchments which have lately occasioned some speculation in America, as having belonged to a people more advanced in civilization than the present race of savage hunters.—E.]

At this time the Spaniards were reduced to great distress from want of salt, owing to which they were afflicted with lingering fevers, of which several died, and their bodies stunk so violently, that there was no coming near them. As a remedy for this evil, the Indians taught them to make a lye of the ashes of a certain herb, into which they dipped their food by way of sauce. At this time likewise the Spaniards were put to much trouble for interpreters, on account of the great diversity of languages, so that they were obliged to employ thirteen or fourteen others besides Juan Ortiz, among the various tribes they met with in traversing the country; but so acute were the natives, that such of their women as happened to live with the Spaniards were able to understand them in two months. After three days march from Alibamo, the Spaniards came to another town named Chisca, on a river to which they gave the name of El Grande[173] or the Great River, as it was the largest they had yet seen. Coming upon this place by surprise, most of the inhabitants were made prisoners; but some of them made their escape to the residence of the cacique, which stood on a high and difficult ascent, to which the only access was by means of stairs. Though old and sick, the cacique was coming down to attack the Spaniards, whom he threatened to put all to death, but he was stopped by his women and servants. As there was no proper access for the horsemen to assail the residence of the cacique, and besides as Soto was always more inclined to carry his purposes by gentle means than by the exertion of force, he very courteously offered to enter into peace and amity with this cacique and his people. In less than three hours, more than four thousand Indians assembled at the residence of the cacique, among whom there was great difference of opinion as to the choice of peace or war with the Spaniards, many of them inclining to war as accordant with the natural ferocity of their dispositions. The opinion however of the wiser prevailed, who deemed it better to make peace, by which they might recover their wives and children, and retrieve their property without bloodshed, and might save their corn, which was then ripe, from being destroyed. Peace was accordingly concluded, on condition that the Spaniards should not insist upon going up to the residence of the cacique; the prisoners were set at liberty, all the plunder of the town restored, and the Spaniards were supplied with provisions.

[Footnote 173: From what will appear in the sequel, there can scarcely be a doubt that this great river must have been the Missisippi. According to the Governor Pownall's map of North America, Soto fell in with this river in 1541, about the lat. of 34 deg. 30' N. in the country of the Chicasaws and to the west of the Yazous, near where we have already supposed Chicoza to have been situated.—E.]

Having rested sixteen days in Chisca, on purpose to give time for the sick and wounded to recover, during which time they gained the friendship of the cacique, the Spaniards resumed their journey, and went four days along the river in search of some place in which it could be crossed, as the banks were everywhere high and almost perpendicular, and closely wooded. Although above six thousand Indians, with great numbers of canoes, were seen posted on the opposite side of the river, it was deemed necessary to get across in search of provisions, for which purpose two large piraguas were ordered to be built. In the mean time four Indians came to the camp, and having made their adorations to the sun and moon, they addressed Soto in the name of their cacique, bidding him welcome to his territories, and offering his friendship. The general returned a courteous answer, and was well supplied with provisions for his forces during his stay, but could never prevail on the cacique to visit him, who always excused himself under pretence of sickness; but it was afterwards found that this peace was concluded by the Indians on purpose to save their harvest, which was then ready to be carried home. In fifteen days the two piraguas were finished for crossing the river, although some damage was done by the Indians from the opposite side by means of their canoes; but the Spaniards drove them always away, as they kept a constant guard concealed behind trenches. These piraguas were so large as to contain an hundred and fifty foot and thirty cavalry, all of whom embarked in sight of the Indians, and plied up and down the river with sails and oars; and the Indians were so astonished and intimidated by the sight of such huge floating machines, that they abandoned the opposite bank of the river and dispersed.

After passing the river, the Spaniards came to a town of about four hundred houses, constructed upon some high bluffs or ridges near another river[174], and surrounded by spacious fields of Indian corn, and abundance of fruit-trees of several kinds. The Spaniards were courteously received at this place by order of the cacique, named Casquin[175], who resided at a different town higher up the river, and sent to compliment the Spanish commander. After resting six days, they proceeded up the banks of the river, through a plentiful and populous country, till they came to the town where Casquin resided, who received and entertained them with great attention and kindness.

[Footnote 174: This other river may have been the St Francis, which flows into the west side of the Missisippi a little above where Soto is supposed to have crossed.—E]

[Footnote 175: The memory of this name perhaps is still preserved in a small river or creek, called Kaskin-opa, which runs into the east side of the Missisippi about 20 miles below the mouth of the Ohio. The situation indeed is materially different from that in which Soto is supposed to have found the cacique named Casquin in the text; but the roaming tribes of Indians frequently change their places of residence, as influenced by success or misfortune in war and hunting.—E.]

Three days after their arrival, the cacique waited upon Soto, and, after making his obeisance to the sun and moon, he said "he was persuaded the Spaniards worshipped a better God than the Indians, since he had given them victory with so small a number over such multitudes of Indians: Wherefore he requested that Soto would pray to his God to send rain, of which they were in great want." The general answered, that though he and all his men were sinners, they would humbly pray to God to shew mercy. Having accordingly ordered a cross to be erected on a hill, he and all the forces, except a guard left to protect the quarters, went in solemn procession to adore the cross, accompanied by the cacique and some Indians, the Christian priests singing the litanies, and all the soldiers joining in the responses. Being come to the cross, many prayers were recited on their knees, after which they returned to their quarters chanting appropriate psalms. Above twenty thousand natives stood gazing at this religious procession, some on the same side of the river, and others on the opposite bank, all of whom occasionally set up loud shouts, as if begging of God to hear them. It pleased God to answer their humble prayers, as towards midnight there fell sufficient rain to satisfy the wants of the Indians, and the Christians returned solemn thanks for the mercy which God had been pleased to grant at their intercessions.

Nine days afterwards, the Spaniards again set out on their march, accompanied by Casquin and a great number of Indians carrying water and other necessaries. The cacique was also accompanied by five thousand of his warriors, as he was at war with the cacique of the next adjoining tribe, and took the opportunity of the Spaniards to assist in the war. During this march they spent three days in getting across a great swamp, when they came in sight of Capaha[176], being the frontier town of the next tribe. This place was fortified on three sides by a wet ditch forty fathoms wide and ten fathoms deep, into which water was conveyed from the great river by a canal three leagues in length. The fourth side, which had no ditch, was secured by high and thick palisades. As the cacique of Capaha was unprovided for resistance, he went away on seeing the approach of his enemies along the canal in a canoe, and sheltered himself in a fortified island in the great river. Many of his subjects accompanied him, and those who remained were butchered by the followers of Casquin, who took the whole scalps[177] of all they killed to carry home as trophies. They plundered the town, and took many prisoners, among whom were two beautiful women, wives of the cacique. They likewise demolished the burial-place belonging to Capaha, throwing about the bones of his ancestors, and recovered the scalps of their own countrymen which were hung up there as memorials of victory. All this evil was done before the arrival of Soto and the Spaniards, who had not been informed by Casquin of the enmity between him and Capaha. He would even have destroyed the town, if he had not feared giving offence to Soto.

[Footnote 176: On the western bank of the Missisippi, and in the country of the Akansas, there are two Indian towns named Kappas or Quapa, which may possibly have some connection with the Capaha of the text.—E.]

[Footnote 177: On all occasions the text of Herrera, as translated by Stephens, names these savage trophies of massacre sculls, which we have ventured to call scalps, consistent with the now universal practice of the North American savages. Possibly the entire scull might be the original trophy, for which the scalp was afterwards substituted as more portable.—E.]

On the coming up of the Spaniards, Soto sent a message to the fugitive cacique by means of some prisoners, offering peace; but Capaha would not hear of any friendly intercourse, and loudly declared his resolution to take ample vengeance of his enemies. Learning that the Spanish commander was making preparations for an attack on Capaha, Casquin requested him to wait for sixty canoes which he had ordered up the river, by means of which the army could be transported to attack the fortified island. In the mean time the troops of Casquin marched through the country of their enemies, which they laid waste on all sides, and in their course set free some of their own countrymen who were there in captivity, and had been lamed by cutting the sinews of one of their legs to prevent them from running away. On going in the canoes to attack the island, a great part of its coast was inaccessible, being overgrown with thick briars and brambles, which formed an impenetrable barrier, and the only accessible part was fortified by several rows of strong palisades. Soto ordered two hundred of his Spanish soldiers to endeavour to land along with the Indians belonging to Casquin. On this occasion one Spaniard was drowned by too great eagerness to get first to land; but the rest managed so well that they soon gamed the first palisade, on which the women and children belonging to the defenders set up a terrible cry of consternation. A desperate opposition was made at the second palisade, in which consisted the last refuge of the defenders. The subjects of Capaha reviled those of Casquin, calling them cowardly dogs, who had never ventured before to attack that place, and threatened them with ample vengeance when the valiant strangers had left the country. The subjects of Casquin were so intimidated by these threats and the brave opposition they experienced, that in spite of every thing their cacique could say they took to flight, carrying off forty of the canoes, and would have done the same with the other twenty, had not two Spaniards that were left in charge of each defended them with their swords. Being thus deserted by their allies, and having no horses to act against the Indians, the Spaniards began to retire; and when the Indians proposed to pursue them, Capaha restrained them, thinking this a favourable opportunity to embrace the peace he had before rejected, and the Spaniards accordingly retired unmolested.