"Another botanical curiosity, mentioned by him, is what they call the impregnated lemon.[74] It is a perfect and distinct lemon, inclosed within another, differing from the outer one only in being a little more globular. The leaves of the tree that produces this sort, are much longer than those of the common one; and it was represented to me as being crooked, and not equal in beauty."

[Footnote 74: The writer of the Relation of Teneriffe, in Sprat's History, p. 207, takes notice of this lemon as produced here, and calls it Pregnada. Probably, emprennada, the Spanish word for impregnated, is the name it goes by.—D.]

"From him I learnt also, that a certain sort of grape growing here, is reckoned an excellent remedy in phthisical complaints; and the air and climate, in general, are remarkably healthful, and particularly adapted to give relief in such diseases. This he endeavoured to account for, by its being always in one's power to procure a different temperature of the air, by residing at different heights in the island; and he expressed his surprise that the English physicians should never have thought of sending their consumptive patients to Teneriffe, instead of Nice or Lisbon. How much the temperature of the air varies here, I myself could sensibly perceive, only in riding from Santa Cruz up to Laguna; and you may ascend till the cold becomes intolerable. I was assured that no person can live comfortably within a mile of the perpendicular height of the Pic, after the month of August."[75]

[Footnote 75: This agrees with Dr T. Heberden's account, who says that the sugar-loaf part of the mountain, or la pericosa, (as it is called,) which is an eighth part of a league (or 1980 feet) to the top, is covered with snow the greatest part of the year. See Philosophical Transactions, as quoted above.—D.]

"Although some smoke constantly issues from near the top of the Pic, they have had no earthquake or eruption of a volcano since 1704, when the port of Garrachica, where much of their trade was formerly carried on, was destroyed."[76]

[Footnote 76: This port was then filled up by the rivers of burning lava that flowed into it from a volcano; insomuch that houses are now built where ships formerly lay at anchor. See Glas's History, p. 244.—D.]

"Their trade, indeed, must be considered as very considerable; for they reckon that forty thousand pipes of wine are annually made, the greatest part of which is either consumed in the island, or made into brandy, and sent to the Spanish West Indies.[77] About six thousand pipes were exported every year to North America, while the trade with it was uninterrupted; at present, they think not above half the quantity. The corn they raise is, in general, insufficient to maintain the inhabitants; but the deficiency used to be supplied by importation from the North Americans, who took their wines in return."

[Footnote 77: Glas, p. 342, says, that they annually export no less than fifteen thousand pipes of wine and brandy. In another place, p. 252, he tells us, that the number of the inhabitants of Teneriffe, when the last account was taken, was no less than 96,000. We may reasonably suppose that there has been a considerable increase of population since Glas visited the island, which is above thirty years ago. The quantity of wine annually consumed, as the common beverage of at least one hundred thousand persons, must amount to several thousand pipes. There must be a vast expenditure of it, by conversion into brandy; to produce one pipe of which, five or six pipes of wine must be distilled. An attention to these particulars will enable every one to judge, that the account given to Mr Anderson, of an annual produce of 40,000 pipes of wine, has a foundation in truth.—D.]

"They make a little silk; but unless we reckon the filtering-stones, brought in great numbers from Grand Canary, the wine is the only considerable article of the foreign commerce of Teneriffe.'

"None of the race of inhabitants found here when the Spaniards discovered the Canaries, now remain a distinct people;[78] having intermarried with the Spanish settlers; but their descendants are known, from their being remarkably tall, large-boned, and strong. The men are, in general, of a tawny colour, and the women have a pale complexion, entirely destitute of that bloom which distinguishes our northern beauties. The Spanish custom of wearing black clothes continues amongst them; but the men seem more indifferent about this, and in some measure dress like the French. In other respects, we found the inhabitants of Teneriffe to be a decent and very civil people, retaining that grave cast which distinguishes those of their country from other European nations. Although we do not think that there is a great similarity between our manners and those of the Spaniards, it is worth observing, that Omai did not think there was much difference. He only said, 'that they seemed not so friendly as the English; and that, in their persons, they approached those of his countrymen.'"

[Footnote 78: It was otherwise in Glas's time, when a few families of the Guanches (as they are called) remained still in Teneriffe, not blended with the Spaniards. Glas, p. 240.—D.]

SECTION III.

Departure from Teneriffe.—Danger of the Ship near Bonavista.—Isle of Mayo.—Port Praya.—Precautions against the Rain and sultry Weather in the Neighbourhood of the Equator.—Position of the Coast of Brazil.—Arrival at the Cape of Good Hope.—Transactions there.—Junction of the Discovery.—Mr Anderson's Journey up the Country.—Astronomical Observations,—Nautical Remarks on the Passage from England to the Cape, with regard to the Currents and the Variation.

Having completed our water, and got on board every other thing we wanted at Teneriffe, we weighed anchor on the 4th of August, and proceeded on our voyage, with a fine gale at N.E.

At nine o'clock in the evening on the 10th,[79] we saw the island of Bonavista bearing south, distant little more than a league; though, at this time, we thought ourselves much farther off: But this proved a mistake. For, after hauling to the eastward till twelve o'clock, to clear the sunken rocks that lie about a league from the S.E. point of the island, we found ourselves, at that time, close upon them, and did but just weather the breakers. Our situation, for a few minutes, was very alarming. I did not choose to sound, as that might have heightened the danger, without any possibility of lessening it. I make the north end of the island of Bonavista to lie in the latitude of 16 deg. 17' N., and in the longitude of 22 deg. 59' W.

[Footnote 79: As a proof of Captain Cook's attention, both to the discipline and to the health of his ship's company, it may be worth while to observe here, that it appears from his log-book, he exercised them at great guns and small arms, and cleaned and smoked the ship betwixt decks, twice in the interval between the 4th and the 10th of August.—D.]

As soon as we were clear of the rocks, we steered S.S.W., till day-break next morning, and then hauled to the westward, to go between Bonavista and the isle of Mayo, intending to look into Port Praya for the Discovery, as I had told Captain Clerke that I should touch there, and did not know how soon he might sail after me. At one in the afternoon, we saw the rocks that lie on the S.W. side of Bonavista, bearing S.E., distant three or four leagues.

Next morning, at six o'clock, the isle of Mayo bore S.S.E., distant about five leagues. In this situation we sounded, and found ground at sixty fathoms. At the same time the variation, by the mean of several azimuths taken with three different compasses, was 9 deg. 32 1/2' W. At eleven o'clock, one extreme of Mayo bore E. by N., and the other S.E. by S. In this position, two roundish hills appeared near its N.E. part; farther on, a large and higher hill; and, at about two-thirds of its length, a single one that is peaked. At the distance we now saw this island, which was three or four miles, there was not the least appearance of vegetation, nor any relief to the eye from that lifeless brown which prevails in countries under the Torrid Zone that are unwooded.

Here I cannot help remarking that Mr Nichelson, in his Preface to "Sundry Remarks and Observations made in a Voyage to the East Indies,"[80] tells us, that "with eight degrees west variation, or any thing above that, you may venture to sail by the Cape de Verde Islands night or day, being well assured, with that variation, that you are to the eastward of them." Such an assertion might prove of dangerous consequence, were there any that would implicitly trust to it. We also tried the current, and found one setting S.W. by W., something more than half a mile an hour. We had reason to expect this, from the differences between the longitude given by the watch and dead reckoning, which, since our leaving Teneriffe, amounted to one degree.

[Footnote 80: On board his majesty's ship Elizabeth, from 1758 to 1764; by William Nichelson, master of the said ship.—London, 1773.]

While we were amongst these islands, we had light breezes of wind, varying from the S.E. to E., and some calms. This shews that the Cape de Verde islands are either extensive enough to break the current of the trade wind, or that they are situated just beyond its verge, in that space where the variable winds, found on getting near the Line, begin. The first supposition, however, is the most probable, as Dampier found the wind westerly here in the month of February; at which time the trade wind is supposed to extend farthest toward the equinoctial.[81] The weather was hot and sultry, with some rain; and, for the most part, a dull whiteness prevailed in the sky, that seems a medium between fog and clouds. In general, the tropical regions seldom enjoy that clear atmosphere observable where variable winds blow; nor does the sun shine with such brightness. This circumtance, however, seems an advantage; for otherwise, perhaps, the rays of the sun, being uninterrupted, would render the heat quite unsupportable. The nights are, nevertheless, often clear and serene.

[Footnote 81: Dampier's Voyages, vol. iii. p.10.—Captain Krusenstern appears to be of the same opinion, as to the Cape de Verde islands being of sufficient magnitude to alter the direction of the trade winds, remarking that S.W. winds are frequently met with there, and that if they are not, the wind is always very moderate in their vicinity. He recommends vessels, on their passage to the equator, to take their course to the westward of these islands, so as to cross the parallel of 17 deg., or that of the island of Antonio in 26-1/2 deg., or even that of 27 deg., and then to steer S.E. by S. directly to the equator. He further advises, that, if possible, the passage of the Line be effected in 20 deg. or 21 deg., as then there is the advantage of a directly free wind as soon as the S.E. trade sets in, and of course the ship gets quicker to the southward. But this can rarely be done. He himself crossed the equator in 24 deg. 20' W., after a passage of thirty days from Santa Cruz. Ships, he informs us, when crossing in a more westerly direction than 25 deg. and 26 deg., have been driven by strong currents, and a too southerly trade wind, so near the coast of Brazil, as not to be able to clear Cape St Augustin. The present opportunity is taken of mentioning, that this very cautious and intelligent navigator agrees, in general, with Cook, as to Nichelson's rule. "His instructions for crossing the Line, on the voyage to India, with 6 deg. 30' and 7 deg. 00' west variation, but in returning to Europe, with eight degrees, might have been of use forty years ago, when the method of finding the longitude at sea by distances of the sun and moon was known to very few navigators, and for a time no great error was committed by pursuing them; but at present a variation of seven degrees would hardly be found on the coast of Africa."—The reason is, as the scientific reader must know, that the variation has been on the western increase since the period alluded to. Thus Nichelson found it at St Helena, in 1764, to be 11 deg. 38', and Captain Krusenstern, in 1806, a space of forty-two years, 17 deg. 18' 10".—E.]

At nine o'clock in the morning of the 13th, we arrived before Port Praya, in the island of St Jago, where we saw two Dutch East India ships, and a small brigantine, at anchor. As the Discovery was not there, and we had expended but little water in our passage from Teneriffe, I did not think proper to go in, but stood to the southward. Some altitudes of the sun were now taken, to ascertain the true time. The longitude by the watch, deduced therefrom, was 23 deg. 48' west; the little island in the bay bore W.N.W., distant near three miles, which will make its longitude 23 deg. 51'. The same watch, on my late voyage, made the longitude to be 23 deg. 30' W.; and we observed the latitude to be 14 deg. 53' 30" N.

The day after we left the Cape de Verde islands, we lost the N.E. trade wind; but did not get that which blows from the S.E. till the 30th, when we were in the latitude of 2 deg. north, and in the twenty-fifth degree of west longitude.

During this interval,[82] the wind was mostly in the S.W. quarter. Sometimes it blew fresh, and in squalls; but for the most part a gentle breeze. The calms were few, and of short duration. Between the latitude of 12 deg. and of 7 deg. N., the weather was generally dark and gloomy, with frequent rains, which enabled us to save as much water as filled most of our empty casks.

[Footnote 82: On the 18th, I sunk a bucket with a thermometer seventy fathoms below the surface of the sea, where it remained two minutes; and it took three minutes more to haul it up. The mercury in the thermometer was at 66, which before, in the air, stood at 78, and in the surface of the sea at 79. The water which came up in the bucket, contained, by Mr Cavendish's table, 1/25, 7 part salt; and that at the surface of the sea 1/29, 4. As this last was taken up after a smart shower of rain, it might be lighter on that account.—Captain Cook's log-book.]

These rains, and the close sultry weather accompanying them, too often bring on sickness in this passage. Every bad consequence, at least, is to be apprehended from them; and commanders of ships cannot be too much upon their guard, by purifying the air between decks with fires and smoke, and by obliging the people to dry their clothes at every opportunity. These precautions were constantly observed on board the Resolution[83] and Discovery; and we certainly profited by them, for we had now fewer sick than on either of my former voyages. We had, however, the mortification to find our ship exceedingly leaky in all her upper works. The hot and sultry weather we had just passed through, had opened her seams, which had been badly caulked at first, so wide, that they admitted the rain-water through as it fell. There was hardly a man that could lie dry in his bed; and the officers in the gun-room were all driven out of their cabins, by the water that came through the sides. The sails in the sail-room got wet; and before we had weather to dry them, many of them were much damaged, and a great expence of canvas and of time became necessary to make them in some degree serviceable. Having experienced the same defect in our sail-rooms on my late voyage, it had been represented to the yard-officers, who undertook to remove it. But it did not appear to me that any thing had been done to remedy the complaint. To repair these defects the caulkers were set to work, as soon as we got into fair and settled weather, to caulk the decks and inside weather-works of the ship; for I would not trust them over the sides while we were at sea.

[Footnote 83: The particulars are mentioned in his log-book. On the 14th of August a fire was made in the well, to air the ship below. On the 15th, the spare sails were aired upon deck, and a fire made to air the sail-room. On the 17th, cleaned and smoked betwixt decks, and the bread-room aired with fires. On the 21st, cleaned and smoked betwixt decks; and on the 22d, the men's bedding was spread on deck to air.—D.]

On the first of September[84] we crossed the equator, in the longitude of 27 deg. 38' W., with a fine gale at S.E. by S.; and notwithstanding my apprehensions of falling in with the coast of Brazil in stretching to the S.W., I kept the ship a full point from the wind. However, I found my fears were ill-grounded; for on drawing near that coast, we met with the wind more and more easterly; so that, by the time we were in the latitude of 10 deg. S., we could make a south-easterly course good.

[Footnote 84: The afternoon, as appears from Mr Anderson's Journal, was spent in performing the old and ridiculous ceremony of ducking those who had not crossed the equator before. Though Captain Cook did not suppress the custom, he thought it too trifling to deserve the least mention of it in his Journal, or even in his log-book. Pernetty, the writer of Bougainville's Voyage to the Falkland Islands, in 1763 and 1764, thought differently; for his account of the celebration of this childish festival on board his ship, is extended through seventeen pages, and makes the subject of an entire chapter, under the title of Bapteme de la Ligne.

It may be worth while to transcribe his introduction to the description of it. "C'est un usage qui ne remonte pas plus haut que ce voyage celebre de Gama, qui a fourni au Camoens le sujet de la Lusiade. L'idee qu'on ne scauroit etre un bon marin, sans avoir traverse l'Equateur, l'ennui inseparable d'une longue navigation, un certain esprit republicain qui regne dans toutes les petites societes, peut-etre toutes ces causes reunies, ont pu donner naissance a ces especes de saturnales. Quoiqu'il en soi, elles furent adoptees, en un instant, dans toutes les nations, et les hommes les plus eclaires furent obliges de se soumettre a une coutume dont ils reconnoissoient l'absurdite. Car, partout, des que le peuple parle, il faut que le sage se mette a l'unison."—Histoire d'un Voyage aux Isles Malouines, p. 107, 108.—D.]

On the 8th, we were in the latitude of 8 deg. 57' S.; which is a little to the southward of Cape St Augustine, on the coast of Brazil. Our longitude, deduced from a very great number of lunar observations, was 34 deg. 16' W.; and by the watch, 34 deg. 47'. The former is 1 deg. 43', and the latter 2 deg. 14' more westerly than the island of Fernando de Noronha, the situation of which was pretty well determined during my late voyage. Hence I concluded that we could not now be farther from the continent than twenty or thirty leagues at most; and perhaps not much less, as we neither had soundings nor any other signs of land. Dr Halley, however, in his voyage, published by Mr Dalrymple, tells us,[85] that "he made no more than one hundred and two miles, meridian distance, from the island [Fernando de Noronha] to the coast of Brazil;" and seems to think that "currents could not be the whole cause" of his making so little. But I rather think that he was mistaken, and that the currents had hurried him far to the westward of his intended course. This was, in some measure, confirmed by our own observations; for we had found, during three or four days preceding the 8th, that the currents set to the westward; and, during the last twenty-four hours, it had set strong to the northward, as we experienced a difference of twenty-nine miles between our observed latitude and that by dead reckoning. Upon the whole, till some better astronomical observations are made on shore on the eastern coast of Brazil, I shall conclude that its longitude is thirty-five degrees and a half, or thirty-six degrees W., at most.

[Footnote 85: Page 11.]

We proceeded on our voyage, without meeting with any thing of note, till the 6th of October. Being then in the latitude of 35 deg. 15' S., longitude 7 deg. 45' W., we met with light airs and calms by turns, for three days successively. We had, for some days before, seen albatrosses, pintadoes, and other petrels; and here we saw three penguins, which occasioned us to sound; but we found no ground with a line of one hundred and fifty fathoms. We put a boat in the water, and shot a few birds; one of which was a black petrel, about the size of a crow, and, except as to the bill and feet, very like one. It had a few white feathers under the throat; and the under-side of the quill-feathers were of an ash-colour. All the other feathers were jet black, as also the bill and legs.

On the 8th, in the evening, one of those birds which sailors call noddies, settled on our rigging, and was caught. It was something larger than an English black-bird, and nearly as black, except the upper part of the head, which was white, looking as if it were powdered; the whitest feathers growing out from the base of the upper bill, from which they gradually assumed a darker colour, to about the middle of the upper part of the neck, where the white shade was lost in the black, without being divided by any line. It was web-footed; had black legs and a black bill, which was long, and not unlike that of a curlew. It is said these birds never fly far from land. We knew of none nearer the station we were in, than Gough's or Richmond Island, from which our distance could not be less than one hundred leagues. But it must be observed that the Atlantic Ocean, to the southward of this latitude, has been but little frequented; so that there may be more islands there than we are acquainted with.

We frequently, in the night, saw those luminous marine animals mentioned and described in my first voyage. Some of them seemed to be considerably larger than any I had before met with; and sometimes they were so numerous, that hundreds were visible at the same moment.

This calm weather was succeeded by a fresh gale from the N.W., which lasted two days. Then we had again variable light airs for about twenty-four hours; when the N.W. wind returned, and blew with such strength, that on the 17th we had sight of the Cape of Good Hope; and the next day anchored in Table Bay, in four fathoms water, with the church bearing S.W. 1/4 S., and Green Point N.W. 1/4 W.

As soon as we had received the usual visit from the master attendant and the surgeon, I sent an officer to wait on Baron Plettenberg, the governor; and, on his return, saluted the garrison with thirteen guns, which compliment was returned with the same number.

We found in the bay two French East India ships; the one outward, and the other homeward bound. And two or three days before our arrival, another homeward-bound ship of the same nation had parted from her cable, and been driven on shore at the head of the bay, where she was lost. The crew were saved; but the greatest part of the cargo shared the same fate with the ship, or (which amounted to the same) was plundered and stolen by the inhabitants, either out of the ship, or as it was driven or carried on shore. This is the account the French officers gave to me; and the Dutch themselves could not deny the fact. But, by way of excusing themselves from being guilty of a crime disgraceful to every civilized state, they endeavoured to lay the whole blame on the French captain, for not applying in time for a guard.

As soon as we had saluted, I went on shore, accompanied by some of my officers, and waited on the Governor, the Lieutenant-Governor, the Fiscal, and the Commander of the troops. These gentlemen received me with the greatest civility; and the Governor, in particular, promised me every assistance that the place afforded. At the same time I obtained his leave to set up our observatory on any spot I should think most convenient; to pitch tents for the sail-makers and coopers; and to bring the cattle on shore, to graze near our encampment. Before I returned on board, I ordered soft bread, fresh meat, and greens, to be provided, every day, for the ship's company.

On the 22d, we set up the tents and observatory, and began to send the several articles out of the ship which I wanted on shore. This could not be done sooner, as the militia of the place were exercising on, or near, the ground which we were to occupy.

The next day, we began to observe equal altitudes of the sun, in order to ascertain the rate of the watch, or, which is the same thing, to find whether it had altered its rate. These observations were continued every day, whenever the weather would permit, till the time of our departure drew near. But before this, the caulkers had been set to work to caulk the ship; and I had concerted measures with Messrs Brandt and Chiron, for supplying both ships with such provisions as I should want. Bakers, likewise, had been ordered, immediately after our arrival, to bake such a quantity of bread as I thought would be requisite. As fast as the several articles destined for the Resolution were got ready, they were carried on board.

On the 26th, the French ship sailed for Europe, and by her we sent letters to England. The next day, the Hampshire East India ship, from Bencoolen, anchored in the bay, and saluted us with thirteen guns, which we returned with eleven.

Nothing remarkable happened till the evening of the 31st, when it came on to blow excessively hard at S.E., and continued for three days; during which time there was no communication between the ship and the shore. The Resolution was the only ship in the bay that rode out the gale without dragging her anchors. We felt its effects as sensibly on shore. Our tents and observatory were torn to pieces; and our astronomical quadrant narrowly escaped irreparable damage. On the 3d of November the storm ceased, and the next day we resumed our different employments.

On the 6th, the Hampshire India ship sailed for England. In her I sent home an invalid, whom Captain Trimble was so obliging as to receive on board. I was afterward sorry that I had not availed myself of this opportunity to part with two or three more of my crew, who were troubled with different complaints; but, at this time, there was some hope of their health being re-established.

In the morning of the 10th, the Discovery arrived in the bay. Captain Clerke informed me that he had sailed from Plymouth on the 1st of August, and should have been with us here a week sooner, if the gale of wind had not blown him off the coast. Upon the whole, he was seven days longer in his passage from England than we had been. He had the misfortune to lose one of his marines, by falling overboard; but there had been no other mortality amongst his people, and they now arrived well and healthy.

Captain Clerke having represented to me that his ship was in want of caulking; that no time might be lost in repairing this defect, next day I sent all my workmen on board her, having already completed this service on board the Resolution. I lent every other assistance to the captain to expedite his supply of provisions and water, having given him an order to receive on board as much of both articles as he could conveniently stow. I now found that the bakers had failed in baking the bread I had ordered for the Discovery. They pretended a want of flour; but the truth was, they were doubtful of her coming, and did not care to begin till they saw her at anchor in the bay.

I have before made mention of our getting our cattle on shore. The bull and two cows, with their calves, were sent to graze along with some other cattle; but I was advised to keep our sheep, sixteen in number, close to our tents, where they were penned up every night. During the night preceding the 14th, some dogs having got in amongst them, forced them out of the pen, killing four, and dispersing the rest. Six of them were recovered the next day; but the two rams, and two of the finest ewes in the whole flock, were amongst those missing. Baron Plettenberg being now in the country, I applied to the Lieutenant-Governor, Mr Hemmy, and to the Fiscal. Both these gentlemen promised to use their endeavours for the recovery of the lost sheep. The Dutch, we know, boasted that the police at the Cape was so carefully executed, that it was hardly possible for a slave, with all his cunning and knowledge of the country, to effectuate his escape. Yet my sheep evaded all the vigilance of the Fiscal's officers and people. However, after much trouble and expence, by employing some of the meanest and lowest scoundrels in the place (who, to use the phrase of the person who recommended this method to me, would, for a ducatoon, cut their master's throat, burn the house over his head, and bury him and the whole family in the ashes), I recovered them all but the two ewes. Of these I never could bear the least tidings; and I gave over all enquiry after them, when I was told that, since I had got the two rams, I might think myself very well off. One of these, however, was so much hurt by the dogs, that there was reason to believe he would never recover.

Mr Hemmy very obligingly offered to make up this loss, by giving me a Spanish ram, out of some that he had sent for from Lisbon. But I declined the offer, under a persuasion that it would answer my purpose full as well, to take with me some of the Cape rams: the event proved that I was under a mistake. This gentleman had taken some pains to introduce European sheep at the Cape; but his endeavours, as he told me, had been frustrated by the obstinacy of the country people, who held their own breed in greater estimation, on account of their large tails, of the fat of which, they sometimes made more money than of the whole carcase besides; and who thought that the wool of European sheep would, by no means, make up for their deficiency in this respect.[86] Indeed, I have heard some sensible men here make the same observation. And there seems to be foundation for it. For, admitting that European sheep were to produce wool of the same quality here as in Europe, which experience has shewn not to be the case, the Dutch had not hands, at the Cape of Good Hope, to spare for the manufacturing even their own clothing. It is certain that, were it not for the continual importation of slaves, this settlement would have been thinner of people than any other inhabited part of the world.

[Footnote 86: "The most remarkable thing in the Cape sheep, is the length and thickness of their tails, which weigh from fifteen to twenty pounds. The fat is not so tallowish as that of European mutton, and the poorer sort use it for butter."—Kolben's Cape of Good Hope (English translation), vol. ii. p. 65. De la Caille, who finds every thing wrong in Kolben, says, the weight of the tails of the Cape sheep is not above five or six pounds.—Voyage de la Caille, p. 343. If the information given to Captain Cook may be depended upon, it will prove, that, in this instance at least, Kolben is unjustly accused of exaggeration.—D.

According to Mr Bingley and others, the tail of this sheep sometimes weighs nearly one-third of the whole carcase, and consists of a substance intermediate betwixt fat and marrow, which is often used instead of butter. The fleeces are very fine, long and beautiful; and, in Thibet, where the breed is also found, are worked into shawls. A similar breed is said to be found in other countries, as Barbary, Ethiopia, the vicinity of Aleppo, Persia, and Asiatic Russia. Kolben's account is conceived to be perfectly credible.—E.]



While the ships were getting ready for the prosecution of our voyage, some of our officers made an excursion to take a view of the neighbouring country. Mr Anderson, my surgeon, who was one of the party, gave me the following relation of their proceedings.[87]

[Footnote 87: In the Philosophical Transactions, vol. lxvi. p. 268 to 319, is an Account of Three Journies from the Cape Town into the Southern Parts of Africa, in 1772, 1773, and 1774; by Mr Francis Masson, who had been sent from England for the discovery of new plants, towards the improvement of the Royal Botanical Garden at Kew. Much curious information is contained in Mr Masson's account of these journies. M. de Pages, who was at the Cape in 1773, gives some remarks on the state of that settlement, and also the particulars of his journey from False Bay to the Cape Town.—Voyage vers le Pole du Sud, p. 17 to 32.—D.

It is unnecessary to apprise the reader, that our acquaintance with the Cape has been most materially increased since the date of this publication, and that several travellers have devoted their labours to the illustration of its natural history.—E.]

"On the 16th, in the forenoon, I set out in a waggon, with five more, to take a view of some part of the country. We crossed the large plain that lies to the eastward of the town, which is entirely a white sand, like that commonly found on beaches, and produces only heath, and other small plants of various sorts. At five in the afternoon we passed a large farm-house, with some corn-fields, and pretty considerable vineyards, situated beyond the plain, near the foot of some low hills, where the soil becomes worth cultivating. Between six and seven we arrived at Stellenbosh, the colony next to that of the Cape for its importance.

"The village does not consist of more than thirty houses, and stands at the foot of the range of lofty mountains, above twenty miles to the eastward of the Cape Town. The houses are neat; and, with the advantage of a rivulet which runs near, and the shelter of some large oaks, planted at its first settling, forms what may be called a rural prospect in this desert country. There are some vineyards and orchards about the place, which, from their thriving appearance, seem to indicate an excellent soil; though, perhaps, they owe much to climate, as the air here has an uncommon serenity.

"I employed the next day in searching for plants and insects about Stellenbosh, but had little success. Few plants are in flower here at this season, and insects but scarce. I examined the soil in several places, and found it to consist of yellowish clay, mixed with a good deal of sand. The sides of the low hills, which appear brown, seem to be constituted of a sort of stone marl.

"We left Stellenbosh next morning, and soon arrived at the house we had passed on Saturday; the owner of which, Mr Cloeder, had sent us an invitation the evening before to visit him. This gentleman entertained us with the greatest hospitality, and in a manner very different from what we expected. He received us with music, and a band also played while we were at dinner; which, considering the situation of the place, might be reckoned elegant. He shewed us his wine-cellars, his orchards, and vineyards; all which, I must own, inspired me with a wish to know in what manner these industrious people could create such plenty, in a spot where, I believe, no other European nation would have attempted to settle.

"In the afternoon we crossed the country, and passed a few plantations, one of which seemed very considerable, and was laid out in a taste somewhat different from any other we saw. In the evening we arrived at a farm-house, which is the first in the cultivated tract called the Pearl. We had, at the same time, a view of Drakenstein, the third colony of this country, which lies along by the foot of the lofty hills already mentioned, and contains several farms or plantations, not very extensive.

"I went, on the 19th in the forenoon, in quest of plants and insects, which I found almost as scarce as at Stellenbosh; but I met with more shrubs or small trees, naturally produced, in the valleys, than in any part of the country I had hitherto seen.

"In the afternoon we went to see a stone of a remarkable size, called by the inhabitants the Tower of Babylon, or the Pearl Diamond.[88] It lies, or stands, upon the top of some low hills, at the foot of which our farm-house was situated; and though the road to it is neither very steep nor rugged, we were above an hour and a half in walking to it. It is of an oblong shape, rounded on the top, and lies nearly S. and N. The E. and W. sides are steep, and almost perpendicular. The S. end is likewise steep, and its greatest height is there; from whence it declines gently to the N. part, by which we ascended to its top, and had an extensive view of the whole country.

[Footnote 88: In the Philosophical Transactions, vol. lxviii, part i. p. 102, we have a letter from Mr Anderson to Sir John Pringle, describing this remarkable stone. The account sent home from the Cape, and read before the Royal Society, is much the same with that now published, but rather fuller. In particular, he tells Sir John, that he went to see it at Mr Masson's desire, who probably had not had an opportunity of sufficiently examining it himself. In the account of his journies above referred to, p. 270, he only says, "there are two large solid rocks on the Perel Berg, each of which (he believes) is more than a mile in circumference at the base, and upwards of 200 feet high. Their surfaces are nearly smooth, without chink or fissures; and they are found to be a species of granite, different from that which composes the neighbouring mountains."

Mr Anderson having, with his letter to Sir John Pringle, also sent home a specimen of the rock, it was examined by Sir William Hamilton, whose opinion is, that "this singular, immense fragment of granite, most probably has been raised by a volcanic explosion, or some such cause." See his Letter to Sir John Pringle, annexed to Mr Anderson's, in the Philosophical Transactions.—D.]

"Its circumference, I think, must be at least half a mile, as it took us above half an hour to walk round it, including every allowance for the bad road, and stopping a little. At its highest part, which is the S. end, comparing it with a known object, it seems to equal the dome of St Paul's church. It is one uninterrupted mass of stone, if we except some fissures, or rather impressions, not above three or four feet deep, and a vein which runs across near its N. end. It is of that sort of stone called, by mineralogists, Saxum conglutinatum, and consists chiefly of pieces of coarse quartz and glimmer, held together by a clayey cement. But the vein which crosses it, though of the same materials, is much compacter. This vein is not above a foot broad or thick; and its surface is cut into little squares or oblongs, disposed obliquely, which makes it look like the remains of some artificial work. But I could not observe whether it penetrated far into the large rock, or was only superficial. In descending, we found at its foot a very rich black mould; and on the sides of the hills some trees of a considerable size, natives of the place, which are a species of olea.[89]

[Footnote 89: "It is strange that neither Kolben nor de la Caille should have thought the Tower of Babylon worthy of a particular description. The former [vol. ii. p. 52, 53, English translation] only mentions it as a high mountain. The latter contents himself with telling us, that it is a very low hillock, un tres bas monticule. Voyage de la Caille, p. 341. We are much obliged to Mr Anderson for his very accurate account of this remarkable rock, which agrees with Mr Sonnerat's, who was at the Cape of Good Hope so late as 1781. His words are, "La Montagne de la Perle, merite d'etre observee. C'est un des plus hautes des environs du Cap. Elle n'est composee que d'un seul bloc de granit crevasse dans plusieurs endroits." Voyage aux Indes, tom. ii. p. 91.

Mr Sonnerat tells us, that Mr Gordon, commander of the troops at the Cape, had lately made three journies up the country, from which, when he publishes his journal, we may expect much curious information.—D.]

"In the morning of the 20th we set out from the Pearl; and going a different road from that by which we came, passed through a country wholly uncultivated, till we got to the Tiger hills, when some tolerable corn-fields appeared. At noon we stopped in a hollow for refreshment, but, in walking about here, were plagued with a vast number of musquitoes or sand-flies, which were the first I saw in the country. In the afternoon we set out again, and in the evening arrived at the Cape Town, tired with the jolting waggon."

On the 23d we got on board the observatory, clock, &c. By a mean of the several results of the equal altitudes of the sun, taken with the astronomical quadrant, the astronomical clock was found to lose on sidereal time, 1' 8",368 each day. The pendulum was kept at the same length as at Greenwich, where the daily loss of the clock on sidereal time was 4".

The watch, by the mean of the results of fifteen days observations, was found to be losing 2",261, on mean time, each day, which is 1",052 more than at Greenwich; and on the 21st, at noon, she was too slow for mean time by 1'h 20' 57",66. From this 6' 48",956 is to be subtracted, for what she was too slow on the 11th of June at Greenwich, and her daily rate since; and the remainder, viz. 1 deg. 14' 8",704, or 18 deg. 32' 10", will be the longitude of the Cape Town by the watch. Its true longitude, as found by Messrs Masson and Dixon, is 18 deg. 23' 15". As our observations were made about half a mile to the E. of theirs, the error of the watch in longitude is no more than 8' 25". Hence we have reason to conclude, that she had gone well all the way from England, and that the longitude, thus given, may be nearer the truth than any other.

If this be admitted, it will, in a great measure, enable me to find the direction and strength of the currents we met with on this passage from England. For, by comparing the latitude and longitude by dead reckoning with those by observation and the watch, we shall, from time to time, have, very accurately, the error of the ship's reckoning, be the cause what it will. But as all imaginable care was taken in heaving, and keeping the log, and every necessary allowance made for lee-way, heave of the sea, and other such circumstances, I cannot attribute those errors that did happen to any other cause but currents; but more particularly when the error was constantly the same way for several days successively.

On the contrary, if we find the ship a-head of the reckoning on one day, and a-stern of it on another, we have reason to believe that such errors are owing to accidental causes, and not to currents. This seems to have been the case in our passage between England and Teneriffe. But, from the time of our leaving that island, till the 15th of August, being then in the latitude of 12 deg. N. and longitude 24 deg. W. the ship was carried 1 deg. 20' of longitude to the westward of her reckoning. At this station the currents took a contrary direction, and set to E.S.E. at the rate of twelve or fourteen miles a day, or twenty-four hours, till we arrived into the latitude of 5 deg. N. and longitude of 20 deg. W.; which was our most easterly situation after leaving the Cape de Verde Islands till we got to the southward. For in this situation the wind came southerly, and we tacked and stretched to the westward; and, for two or three days, could not find that our reckoning was affected by any current. So that I judged we were between the current that generally, if not constantly, sets to the east upon the coast of Guinea, and that which sets to the west toward the coast of Brazil. This westerly current was not considerable till we got into 2 deg. N. and 25 deg. W. From this station to 3 deg. S. and 30 deg. W. the ship, in the space of four days, was carried 115 miles in the direction of S.W. by W. beyond her reckoning; an error by far too great to have any other cause but a strong current running in the same direction. Nor did its strength abate here; but its course was afterward more westerly, and to the N. of W., and off Cape Augustine N. as I have already mentioned. But this northerly current did not exist at twenty or thirty leagues to the southward of that Cape, nor any other, that I could perceive, in the remaining part of the passage. The little difference we afterward found between the reckoning and observations, might very well happen without the assistance of currents, as will appear by the table of Day's Works.[90]

[Footnote 90: The curious reader will find some interesting, though not decisive, remarks concerning the currents of the Atlantic Ocean in Clerke's Prog. of Mar. Disc. vol. i. p. 358.—E.]

In the accounts of my last voyage, I remarked, that the currents one meets with in his passage generally balance each other. It happened so then, because we crossed the Line about 20 deg. more to the eastward than we did now; so that we were, of consequence, longer under the influence of the easterly current, which made up for the westerly one. And this, I apprehend, will generally be the case, if you cross the Line 10 deg. or 15 deg. to the E. of the meridian of St Jago.

From these remarks I shall draw the following conclusion, that after passing the Cape de Verde Islands, if you do not make above 4 deg. or 5 deg. easting, and cross the Line in, or to the westward of, the meridian of St Jago, you may expect to find your ship 3 deg. or 4 deg. to the westward of her reckoning by the time you get into the latitude of 10 deg. S. If, on the other hand, you keep well to the E. and cross the Line 15 deg. or 20 deg. to the E. of St Jago, you will be then as much to the E. of your reckoning; and the more you keep to the eastward, the greater will be your error, as has been experienced by some India ships, whose people have found themselves close upon the coast of Angola, when they thought its distance was above 200 leagues.

During the whole of our passage from England, no opportunity was omitted of observing, with all the attention and accuracy that circumstances would permit, the variation of the compass, which I have inserted in a table, with the latitude and longitude of the ship at the time of observation. As the longitude may be depended upon, to a quarter or half a degree at most, this table will be of use to those navigators who correct their reckoning by the variation. It will also enable Mr Dun to correct his new Variation Chart, a thing very much wanted.

It seems strange to me, that the advocates for the variation should not agree amongst themselves. We find one[91] of them telling us, as I have already observed, "that with 8 deg. W. variation, or any thing above that, you may venture to sail by the Cape de Verde Islands by night or day, being well assured, with that variation, that you are to the eastward of them." Another, in his chart,[92] lays down this variation ninety leagues to the westward of them. Such a disagreement as this, is a strong proof of the uncertainty of both. However, I have no doubt the former found here, as well as in other places, the variation he mentions. But he should have considered, that at sea, nay even on land, the results of the most accurate observations will not always be the same. Different compasses will give different variations; and even the same compass will differ from itself two degrees, without our being able to discover, much less to remove, the cause.

[Footnote 91: Nichelson.]

[Footnote 92: Mr Dun.]

Whoever imagines he can find the variation within a degree, will very often see himself much deceived. For, besides the imperfection which may be in the construction of the instrument, or in the power of the needle, it is certain that the motion of the ship, or attraction of the iron-work, or some other cause not yet discovered, will frequently occasion far greater errors than this. That the variation may be found, with a share of accuracy more than sufficient to determine the ship's course, is allowed; but that it can be found so exactly as to fix the longitude within a degree, or sixty miles, I absolutely deny.[93]

[Footnote 93: Few readers, it is presumed, require to be informed, that the mode of endeavouring to ascertain the longitude by the variation of the compass is no longer in use. In a work already referred to, Clerke's Prog. of Mar. Disc., a singular enough communication is inserted respecting the effect of tallow on the compass. It is subscribed by Lieutenant Mason of the marines; but whether the experiments it relates have been repeated by others, or if the inference it maintains has been otherwise confirmed, the writer has yet to learn. He thought it right, however, to notice it, as the more extensively hints are spread which concern the advancement of useful discovery, the greater chance we have of correcting errors, and perfecting science, The same reason justifies his remarking, that the most important observations respecting the variation of the compass made of late years, are those of Captain Flinders, as to the effect of the ship's course upon it. The reader will find them in the appendix to the account of his voyage lately published, 2d volume. Similar observations have still more recently been made by an officer on board his majesty's ship Sibyl, while in the North Sea protecting our Greenland fishery. They form an appendix to the Account of a Voyage to Spitzbergen, by Mr John Laing, Surgeon, published at Edinburgh, 1815. Of their importance and accuracy, notwithstanding the small scale on which they were made, and the meagre manner in which they have been communicated, it is impossible for a moment to doubt. The concluding remark is entitled to considerable regard.—"After a more enlarged series of observations shall have been taken, and after the attention of astronomers is directed to this fact, one may confidently expect a most important improvement in the science of navigation." The value of the discovery alluded to, will at once appear from what is said in the way of enquiry as to similar observations to those made in the North Sea applying to ships coming from the Baltic, viz. that if so, "they most effectually account for ships getting down on the coast of Holland, when they suppose themselves well over in Mid-channel; and therefore prove the loss of so many of our brave tars when coming from that sea."—P. 163. As a paper, containing Captain Flinders's observations on this subject, had been sent to the officer who makes this communication, by the Lords of the Admiralty, it is reasonable to expect that official agency is engaged to benefit the world by maturing he discovery.—E.]



SECTION IV.

The two Ships leave the Cape of Good Hope.—Two Islands, named Prince Edwards, seen, and their Appearance described.—Kerguelen's Land visited.—Arrival in Christmas Harbour.—Occurrences there.—Description of it.

After the disaster which happened to our sheep, it may be well supposed that I did not trust those that remained long on shore, but got them and the other cattle on board as fast as possible. I also added to my original stock by purchasing two young bulls, two heifers, two young stone-horses, two mares, two rams, several ewes and goats, and some rabbits and poultry.

All of them were intended for New Zealand, Otaheite, and the neighbouring islands, or any other places in the course of our voyage, where there might be a prospect that the leaving any of them would be useful to posterity.

Toward the latter end of November the caulkers had finished their work on board the Discovery, and she had received all her provisions and water. Of the former, both ships had a sufficient supply for two years and upward. And every other article we could think of, necessary for such a voyage, that could be had at the Cape, was procured; neither knowing when, nor where, we might come to a place where we could furnish ourselves so well.

Having given Captain Clerke a copy of my instructions, and an order directing him how to proceed in case of separation, in the morning of the 30th we repaired on board. At five in the afternoon a breeze sprung up at S.E. with which we weighed, and stood out of the bay. At nine it fell calm, and we anchored between Penguin Island and the east shore, where we lay till three o'clock next morning. We then weighed and put to sea, with a light breeze at S., but did not get clear of the land till the morning of the 3d, when, with a fresh gale at W.N.W. we stood to the S.E. to get more into the way of these winds.

On the 5th a sudden squall of wind carried away the Resolution's mizen top-mast. Having another to replace it, the loss was not felt, especially as it was a bad stick, and had often complained. On the 6th, in the evening, being then in the latitude of 39 deg. 14' S. and in the longitude of 25 deg. 56' E., we passed through several small spots of water of a reddish colour. Some of this was taken up, and it was found to abound with a small animal, which the microscope discovered to be like a cray-fish, of a reddish hue.

We continued our course to the S.E. with a very strong gale from the westward, followed by a mountainous sea, which made the ship roll and tumble exceedingly, and gave us a great deal of trouble to preserve the cattle we had on board. Notwithstanding all our care, several goats, especially the males, died, and some sheep. This misfortune was, in a great measure, owing to the cold, which we now began most sensibly to feel.

On the 12th, at noon, we saw land extending from S.E. by S. to S.E. by E. Upon a nearer approach we found it to be two islands. That which lies most to the south, and is also the largest, I judged to be about fifteen leagues in circuit, and to be in the latitude of 46 deg. 53' S. and in the longitude of 37 deg. 46' E. The most northerly one is about nine leagues in circuit, and lies in the latitude of 46 deg. 40' S. and in 38 deg. 8' E. longitude. The distance from the one to the other is about five leagues.

We passed through this channel at equal distance from both islands; and could not discover, with the assistance of our best glasses, either tree or shrub on either of them. They seemed to have a rocky and bold shore; and, excepting the S.E. parts, where the land is rather low and flat, a surface composed of barren mountains, which rise to a considerable height, and whose summits and sides were covered with snow, which in many places seemed to be of a considerable depth. The S.E. parts had a much greater quantity on them than the rest, owing, probably, to the sun acting for a less space of time on these than on the N. and N.W. parts. The ground, where it was not hid by the snow, from the various shades it exhibited, may be supposed to be covered with moss, or perhaps such a coarse grass as is found in some parts of Falkland's Islands. On the N. side of each of the islands is a detached rock; that near the S. island is shaped like a tower, and seemed to be at some distance from the shore. As we passed along, a quantity of seaweed was seen, and the colour of the water indicated soundings. But there was no appearance of an inlet, unless near the rock just mentioned; and that, from its smallness, did not promise a good anchoring-place.

These two islands, as also four others which lie from nine to twelve degrees of longitude more to the E. and nearly in the same latitude, were discovered, as I have mentioned in my late voyage,[94] by Captains Marion du Fresne and Crozet, French navigators, in January, 1772, on their passage in two ships from the Cape of Good Hope to the Philippine Islands. As they have no names in the French chart of the southern hemisphere, which Captain Grozet communicated to me in 1775,[95] I shall distinguish the two we now saw by calling them Prince Edward's Islands, after his majesty's fourth son; and the other four, by the name of Marion's and Crozet's Islands, to commemorate their discoverers.

[Footnote 94: Captain Cook's second voyage. These islands are said to be in the latitude of 48 deg. S.; that is, 2 deg. farther S. than what here appears to be their real position.—D.]

[Footnote 95: See Cook's voyage, as above. Dr. Forster, in his Observations made during that Voyage, p. 30, gives us this description of the chart then communicated by Monsieur Crozet; that it was "published under the patronage of the Duke de Croye, by Robert de Vaugondy." Captain Cook tells us, lower in this chapter, that it was published in 1773.—D.]

We had now, for the most part, strong gales between the N. and W., and but very indifferent weather; not better, indeed, than we generally have in England in the very depth of winter, though it was now the middle of summer in this hemisphere. Not discouraged, however, by this, after leaving Prince Edward's Islands, I shaped our course to pass to the southward of the others, that I might get into the latitude of the land discovered by Monsieur de Kerguelen.

I had applied to the Chevalier de Borda whom, as I have mentioned, I found at Teneriffe, requesting, that if he knew any thing of the island discovered by Monsieur de Kerguelen, between the Cape of Good Hope and New Holland, he would be so obliging as to communicate it to me. Accordingly, just before we sailed from Santa Cruz Bay, he sent me the following account of it, viz. "That the pilot of the Boussole, who was in the voyage with Monsieur de Kerguelen, had given him the latitude and longitude of a little island, which Monsieur de Kerguelen called the Isle of Rendezvous, and which lies not far from the great island which he saw. Latitude of the little isle, by seven observations, 48 deg. 26' S.; longitude, by seven observations of the distance of the sun and moon, 64 deg. 57' E. from Paris," I was very sorry I had not sooner known that there was on board the frigate at Teneriffe, an officer who had been with Monsieur de Kerguelen, especially the pilot; because from him I might have obtained more interesting information about this land than the situation alone, of which I was not before entirely ignorant.[96]

[Footnote 96: Captain Cook's proceedings, as related in the remaining part of this chapter, and in the next, being upon a coast newly discovered by the French, it could not but be an object of his attention to trace the footsteps of the original explorers. But no superiority of professional skill, nor diligence in exerting it, could possibly qualify him to do this successfully, without possessing, at the same time, full and authentic intelligence of all that had been performed here by his predecessors in the discovery. But that he was not so fortunate as to be thus sufficiently instructed, will appear from the following facts, which the reader is requested to attend to, before he proceeds to the perusal of this part of the journal.

How very little was known, with any precision, about the operations of Kerguelen, when Captain Cook sailed in 1776, may be inferred from the following paragraph of his instructions:—"You are to proceed in search of some islands said to have been lately seen by the French in the latitude of 48 deg. S., and in the meridian of the Mauritius." This was, barely, the amount of the very indefinite and imperfect information, which Captain Cook himself had received from Baron Plettenberg at the Cape of Good Hope, in November 1772; in the beginning of which year Kerguelen's first voyage had taken place.

The captain, on his return homeward, in March 1775, heard, a second time, something about this French discovery at the Cape, where he met with Monsieur Crozet, who very obligingly communicated to him a chart of the southern hemisphere, wherein were delineated not only his own discoveries, but also that of Captain Kerguelen. But what little information that chart could convey, was still necessarily confined to the operations of the first voyage; the chart here referred to, having been published in France in 1773, that is, before any intelligence could possibly be conveyed from the southern hemisphere of the result of Kerguelen's second visit to this new land, which, we now know, happened towards the close of the same year.

Of these latter operations, the only account (if that can be called an account, which conveys no particular information) received by Captain Cook from Monsieur Crozet, was, that a later voyage had been undertaken by the French, under the command of Captain Kerguelen, which had ended much to the disgrace of that commander.

What Crozet had not communicated to our author, and what we are sure, from a variety of circumstances, he had never heard of from any other quarter, he missed an opportunity of learning at Teneriffe. He expressed his being sorry, as we have just read, that he did not know sooner that there was on board the frigate an officer who had been with Kerguelen, as he might have obtained from him more interesting information about this land, than its situation. And, indeed, if he had conversed with that officer, he might have obtained information more interesting than he was aware of; he might have learnt that Kerguelen had actually visited this southern land a second time, and that the little isle of which he then received the name and position from the Chevalier de Borda, was a discovery of this later voyage. But the account conveyed to him, being, as the reader will observe, unaccompanied with any date, or other distinguishing circumstance, he left Teneriffe, and arrived on the coasts of Kerguelen's Land, under a full persuasion that it had been visited only once before. And, even with regard to the operations of that first voyage, he had nothing to guide him, but the very scanty materials afforded to him by Baron Plettenberg and Monsieur Crozet.

The truth is, the French seem, for some reason or other, not surely founded on the importance of Kerguelen's discovery, to have been very shy of publishing a full and distinct account of it. No such account had been published while Captain Cook lived. Nay, even after the return of his ships in 1780, the gentleman who obligingly lent his assistance to give a view of the prior observations of the French, and to connect them on the same chart with those of our author, though his assiduity in procuring geographical information can be equalled only by his readiness in communicating it, had not, it should seem, been able to procure any materials for that purpose, but such as mark the operations of the first French voyage; and even for these, he was indebted to a MS. drawing.

But this veil of unnecessary secrecy is at length drawn aside. Kerguelen himself has published the journal of his proceedings in two successive voyages, in the years 1772 and 1773; and has annexed to his narrative a chart of the coasts of this land, as far as he had explored them in both voyages. Monsieur de Pages, also, much about the same time, favoured us with another account of the second voyage, in some respects fuller than Kerguelen's own, on board whose ship he was then an officer.

From these sources of authentic information, we are enabled to draw every necessary material to correct what is erroneous, and to illustrate what, otherwise, would have remained obscure, in this part of Captain Cook's journal. We shall take occasion to do this in separate notes on the passages as they occur, and conclude this tedious, but, it is hoped, not unnecessary, detail of facts, with one general remark, fully expressive of the disadvantages our author laboured under. He never saw that part of the coast upon which the French had been in 1772; and he never knew that they had been upon another part of it in 1773, which was the very scene of his own operations. Consequently, what he knew of the former voyage, as delineated upon Crozet's chart, only served to perplex and mislead his judgment; and his total ignorance of the latter, put it out of his power to compare his own observations with those then made by Kerguelen; though we, who are better instructed, can do this, by tracing the plainest marks of coincidence and agreement.—D.]

My instructions directing me to examine it, with a view to discover a good harbour, I proceeded in the search; and on the 16th, being then in the latitude of 48 deg. 45', and in the longitude of 52 deg. E., we saw penguins and divers, and rock-weed floating in the sea. We continued to meet with more or less of these every day, as we proceeded to the eastward; and on the 21st, in the latitude of 48 deg. 27' S., and in the longitude of 65 deg. E., a very large seal was seen. We had now much foggy weather, and as we expected to fall in with the land every hour, our navigation became both tedious and dangerous.

At length, on the 24th, at six o'clock in the morning, as we were steering to the eastward, the fog clearing away a little, we saw land,[97] bearing S.S.E., which, upon a nearer approach, we found to be an island of considerable height, and about three leagues in circuit.[98] Soon after, we saw another of the same magnitude, one league to the eastward;[99] and between these two, in the direction of S.E., some smaller ones.[100] In the direction of S. by E. 1/2 E., from the E. end of the first island, a third[101] high island was seen. At times, as the fog broke away, we had the appearance of land over the small islands; and I had thoughts of steering for it, by running in between them. But, on drawing nearer, I found this would be a dangerous attempt, while the weather continued foggy. For if there should be no passage, or if we should meet with any sudden danger, it would have been impossible for us to get off; the wind being right a-stern, and a prodigious sea running, that broke on all the shores in a frightful surf. At the same time, seeing another island in the N.E. direction, and not knowing but that their might be more, I judged it prudent to haul off, and wait for clearer weather, lest we should get entangled amongst unknown lands in a thick fog.

[Footnote 97: Captain Cook was not the original discoverer of these small islands which he now fell in with. It is certain that they had been seen and named by Kerguelen, on his second voyage, in December 1773. Their position, relatively to each other, and to the adjoining coasts of the greater land, bears a striking resemblance to Kerguelen's delineation of them; whose chart, however, the public may be assured, was unknown in England till after that accompanying the account of this third voyage had been engraved.—D.]

[Footnote 98: This is the isle to which Kerguelen gave the name of Croy, or Crouy. Besides delineating it upon his chart, he has added a particular view of it, exactly corresponding with Captain Cook's account of its being of considerable height.—D.]

[Footnote 99: Kerguelen called this Isle Rolland, after the name of his own ship. There is also a particular view of it on the French chart.—D.]

[Footnote 100: The observations of the French and English navigators agree exactly as to the position of these smaller isles.—D.]

[Footnote 101: The situation of Kerguelen's Isle de Clugny, as marked on this chart, shews it to be the third high island seen by Captain Cook.—D.]

We did but just weather the island last mentioned. It is a high round rock, which was named Bligh's Cap. Perhaps this is the same that Monsieur de Kerguelen called the Isle of Rendezvous;[102] but I know nothing that can rendezvous at it, but fowls of the air; for it is certainly inaccessible to every other animal.

[Footnote 102: This isle, or rock, was the single point about which Captain Cook had received the least information at Teneriffe; and we may observe how sagacious he was in tracing it. What he could only speak of as probable, a comparison of his chart with that lately published by Kerguelen, proves to be certain; and if he had even read and copied what his predecessor in the discovery says of it, he could scarcely have varied his account of its shape. Kerguelen's words are, "Isle de Reunion, qui n'est qu'une Roche, nous servoit de Rendezvous, ou de point de ralliement; et ressemble a un coin de mire."—D.]

At eleven o'clock the weather began to clear up, and we immediately tacked, and steered in for the land. At noon, we had a pretty good observation, which enabled us to determine the latitude of Bligh's Cap, which is the northernmost island, to be 48 deg. 29' S., and its longitude 68 deg. 40' E.'[103] We passed it at three o'clock, standing to the S.S.E., with a fresh gale at W.

[Footnote 103: The French and English agree very nearly (as might be expected) in their accounts of the latitude of this island; but the observations by which they fix its longitude vary considerably. The pilot at Teneriffe made it only 64 deg. 57' E. from Paris, which is about 67 deg. 16' E. from London; or 1 deg. 24' more westerly than Captain Cook's observations fix it. Monsieur de Pages says it is 66 deg. 47' E. from Paris, that is, 69 deg. 6' E. from London, or twenty-six miles more easterly than it is placed by Captain Cook. Kerguelen himself only says that it is about 68 deg. of E. longitude, par 68 deg. de longitude.—D.]

Soon after we saw the land, of which we had a faint view in the morning; and at four o'clock it extended from S.E. 1/2 E., to S.W. by S., distant about four miles. The left extreme, which I judged to be the northern point of this land, called, in the French chart of the southern hemisphere, Cape St Louis,[104] terminated in a perpendicular rock of a considerable height; and the right one (near which is a detached rock) in a high indented point.[105] From this point the coast seemed to turn short round to the southward, for we could see no land to the westward of the direction in which it now bore to us, but the islands we had observed in the morning; the most southerly[106] of them lying nearly W. from the point, about two or three leagues distant.

[Footnote 104: Hitherto, we have only had occasion to supply defects, owing to Captain Cook's entire ignorance of Kerguelen's second voyage in 1773; we must now correct errors, owing to his very limited knowledge of the operations of the first voyage in 1772. The chart of the southern hemisphere, his only guide, having given him, as he tells us, the name of Cape St Louis (or Cape Louis) as the most northerly promontory then seen by the French; and his own observations now satisfying him that no part of the main land stretched farther north than the left extreme now before him; from this supposed similarity of situation, he judged that his own perpendicular rock must be the Cape Louis of the first discoverers. By looking upon the chart originally published with this voyage, we shall find Cape Louis lying upon a different part of the coast; and by comparing this chart with that published by Kerguelen, it will appear, in the clearest manner, that the northern point now described by Captain Cook, is the very same to which the French have given the name of Cape Francois—D.]

[Footnote 105: This right extreme of the coast, as it now shewed itself to Captain Cook, seems to be what is represented on Kerguelen's chart under the name of Cape Aubert. It may be proper to observe here, that all that extent of coast lying between Cape Louis and Cape Francois, of which the French saw very little during their first visit in 1772, and may be called the N.W. side of this land, they had it in their power to trace the position of in 1773, and have assigned names to some of its bays, rivers, and promontories, upon their chart.—D.]

[Footnote 106: Kerguelen's Isle de Clugny.—D.]

About the middle of the land there appeared to be an inlet, for which we steered; but, on approaching, found it was a bending in the coast, and therefore bore up, to go round Cape St Louis.[107] Soon after, land opened off the cape, in the direction of S. 53 deg. E., and appeared to be a point at a considerable distance; for the trending of the coast from the cape was more southerly. We also saw several rocks and islands to the eastward of the above directions, the most distant of which was about seven leagues from the cape, bearing S. 88 deg. E.[108] We had no sooner got off the cape, than we observed the coast, to the southward, to be much indented by projecting points and bays; so that we now made sure of soon finding a good harbour. Accordingly, we had not run a mile farther, before we discovered one behind the cape, into which we began to ply; but after making one board, it fell calm, and we anchored at the entrance in forty-five fathoms water, the bottom black sand; as did the Discovery soon after. I immediately dispatched Mr Bligh, the master, in a boat to sound the harbour; who, on his return, reported it to be safe and commodious, with good anchorage in every part; and great plenty of fresh-water, seals, penguins, and other birds on the shore; but not a stick of wood. While we lay at anchor, we observed that the flood tide came from the S.E., running two knots, at least, in an hour.

[Footnote 107: Cape Francois, as already observed.—D.]

[Footnote 108: The observations of the French, round Cape Francois, remarkably coincide with Captain Cook's in this paragraph; and the rocks and islands here mentioned by him, also appear upon their chart.—D.]

At day-break, in the morning of the 25th, we weighed with a gentle breeze at W,; and having wrought into the harbour, to within a quarter of a mile of the sandy beach at its head, we anchored in eight fathoms water, the bottom a fine dark sand. The Discovery did not get in till two o'clock in the afternoon, when Captain Clerke informed me, that he had narrowly escaped being driven on the S. point of the harbour, his anchor having started before they had time to shorten in the cable. This obliged them to set sail, and drag the anchor after them, till they had room to heave it up, and then they found one of its palms was broken off.

As soon as we had anchored, I ordered all the boats to be hoisted out, the ship to be moored with a kedge-anchor, and the water-casks to be got ready to send on shore. In the mean time I landed, to look for the most convenient spot where they might be filled, and to see what else the place afforded.

I found the shore, in a manner, covered with penguins and other birds, and seals. These latter were not numerous, but so insensible of fear, (which plainly indicated that they were unaccustomed to such visitors,) that we killed as many as we chose, for the sake of their fat, or blubber, to make oil for our lamps, and other uses. Fresh water was in no less plenty than were birds; for every gully afforded a large stream. But not a single tree, or shrub, nor the least sign of any, was to be discovered, and but very little herbage of any sort. The appearances, as we sailed into the harbour, had flattered us with the hope of meeting with something considerable growing here, as we observed the sides of many of the hills to be of a lively green. But I now found that this was occasioned by a single plant, which, with the other natural productions, shall be described in another place. Before I returned to my ship, I ascended the first ridge of rocks, which rise in a kind of amphitheatre above one another. I was in hopes, by this means, of obtaining a view of the country; but before I reached the top, there came on so thick a fog, that I could hardly find my way down again. In the evening, we hauled the seine at the head of the harbour, but caught only half a dozen small fish. We had no better success next day, when we tried with hook and line. So that our only resource here, for fresh provisions, were birds, of which there was an inexhaustible store.

The morning of the 26th proved foggy, with rain. However, we went to work to fill water, and to cut grass for our cattle, which we found in small spots near the head of the harbour. The rain which fell swelled all the rivulets to such a degree, that the sides of the hills, bounding the harbour, seemed to be covered with a sheet of water. For the rain, as it fell, run into the fissures and crags of the rocks that composed the interior parts of the hills, and was precipitated down their sides in prodigious torrents.

The people having wrought hard the two preceding days, and nearly completed our water, which we filled from a brook at the left corner of the beach, I allowed them the 27th as a day of rest, to celebrate Christmas. Upon this indulgence, many of them went on shore, and made excursions, in different directions, into the country, which they found barren and desolate in the highest degree. In the evening, one of them brought to me a quart bottle which he had found, fastened with some wire to a projecting rock on the north side of the harbour. This bottle contained a piece of parchment, on which was written the following inscription:

_Ludovico XV. Galliarum rege, et d.[109] de Boynes regi a Secretis ad res maritimas annis 1772 et 1773.

[Footnote 109: The (d.), no doubt, is a contraction of the word Domino. The French secretary of the marine was then Monsieur de Boynes.—D.]

From this inscription, it is clear, that we were not the first Europeans who had been in this harbour. I supposed it to be left by Monsieur de Boisguehenneu, who went on shore in a boat on the 13th of February, 1772, the same day that Monsieur de Kerguelen discovered this land, as appears by a note in the French chart of the southern hemisphere, published the following year.[110]

[Footnote 110: On perusing this paragraph of the journal, it will be natural to ask, How could Monsieur de Boisguehenneu, in the beginning of 1772, leave an inscription, which, upon the very face of it, commemorates a transaction of the following year? Captain Cook's manner of expressing himself here, strongly marks, that he made this supposition, only for want of information to enable him to make any other. He had no idea that the French had visited this land a second time; and, reduced to the necessity of trying to accommodate what he saw himself, to what little he had heard of their proceedings, he confounds a transaction which we, who have been better instructed, know, for a certainty, belongs to the second voyage, with a similar one, which his chart of the southern hemisphere has recorded, and which happened in a different year, and at a different place.

The bay, indeed, in which Monsieur de Boisguehenneu landed, is upon the west side of this land, considerably to the south of Cape Louis, and not far from another more southerly promontory, called Cape Bourbon; a part of the coast which our ships were not upon. Its situation is marked upon the chart constructed for this voyage; and a particular view of the bay du Lion Marin, (for so Boisguehenneu called it,) with the soundings, is preserved by Kerguelen.

But if the bottle and inscription found by Captain Cook's people were not left here by Boisguehenneu, by whom and when were they left? This we learn most satisfactorily, from the accounts of Kerguelen's second voyage, as published by himself and Monsieur de Pages, which present us with the following particulars:—"That they arrived on the west side of this land on the 14th of December, 1773; that steering to the N.E., they discovered, on the 16th, the Isle de Reunion, and the other small islands as mentioned above; that, on the 17th, they had before them the principal land, (which they were sure was connected with that seen by them on the 14th,) and a high point of that land, named by them Cape Francois; that beyond this cape, the coast took a south-easterly direction, and behind it they found a bay, called by them Baie de l'Oiseau, from the name of their frigate; that they then endeavoured to enter it, but were prevented by contrary winds and blowing weather, which drove them off the coast eastward; but that, at last, on the 6th of January, Monsieur de Rosnevet, captain of the Oiseau, was able to send his boat on shore into this bay, under the command of Monsieur de Rochegude, one of his officers, who took possession of that bay, and of all the country, in the name of the King of France, with all the requisite formalities."

Here then we trace, by the most unexceptionable evidence, the history of the bottle and inscription; the leaving of which was, no doubt, one of the requisite formalities observed by Monsieur de Rochegude on this occasion. And though he did not land till the 6th of January 1774, yet, as Kerguelen's ships arrived upon the coast on the 14th of December 1773, and had discovered and looked into this very bay on the 17th of that month, it was with the strictest propriety and truth that 1773, and not 1774, was mentioned as the date of the discovery.

We need only look at Kerguelen's and Cook's charts, to judge that the Baie de l'Oiseau, and the harbour where the French inscription was found, is one and the same place. But besides this agreement as to the general position, the same conclusion results more decisively still, from another circumstance worth mentioning: The French, as well as the English visitors of this bay and harbour, have given us a particular plan of it; and whoever compares them, must be struck with a resemblance that could only be produced by copying one common original with fidelity. Nay, even the soundings are the same upon the same spots in both plans, being forty-five fathoms between the two capes, before the entrance of the bay; sixteen fathoms farther in, where the shores begin to contract; and eight fathoms up, near the bottom of the harbour.

To these particulars, which throw abundant light on this part of our author's journal, I shall only add, that the distance of our harbour from that where Boisguehenneu landed in 1772, is forty leagues. For this we have the authority of Kerguelen, in the following passage:—"Monsieur de Boisguehenneu descendit le 13 de Fevrier 1772, dans un baie, qu'il nomme Baie du Lion Marin, & prit possession de cette terre au nom de Roi; il n'y vit aucune trace d'habitants. Monsieur de Rochegude, en 1774, a descendu dans un autre baie, que nous avons nomme Baie de l'Oiseau, & cette seconde rade est a quarantes lieues de la premiere. Il en a egalement pris possession, & il n'y trouva egalement aucune trace d'habitants." Kerguelen, p. 92.—D.]

As a memorial of our having been in this harbour, I wrote on the other side of the parchment,

Naves Resolution et Discovery de Rege Magnae Britanniae, Decembris 1776.

I then put it again into a bottle, together with a silver two-penny piece of 1772; and having covered the mouth of the bottle with a leaden cap, I placed it the next morning in a pile of stones erected for the purpose, upon a little eminence on the north shore of the harbour, and near to the place where it was first found, in which position it cannot escape the notice of any European, whom chance or design may bring into this port. Here I displayed the British flag, and named the place Christmas Harbour, from our having arrived in it on that festival.

It is the first or northernmost inlet that we meet with on the S.E. side of the Cape St Louis,[111] which forms the N. side of the harbour, and is also the northern point of this land. The situation alone is sufficient to distinguish it from any of the other inlets; and, to make it more remarkable, its S. point terminates in a high rock, which is perforated quite through, so as to appear like the arch of a bridge. We saw none like this upon the whole coast.[112] The harbour has another distinguishing mark within, from a single stone or rock, of a vast size, which lies on the top of a hill on the S. side, near its bottom; and opposite this, on the N. side, there is another hill, much like it, but smaller. There is a small beach at its bottom, where we commonly landed; and, behind it, some gently rising ground, on the top of which is a large pool of fresh-water. The land on both sides of the inlet is high, and it runs in W., and W.N.W., about two miles. Its breadth is one mile and a quarter, for more than half its length, above which it is only half a mile. The depth of water, which is forty-five fathoms at the entrance, varies, as we proceed farther in, from thirty to five and four fathoms. The shores are steep; and the bottom is every where a fine dark sand, except in some places close to the shore, where there are beds of sea-weed, which always grows on rocky ground. The head of the harbour lies open only to two points of the compass; and even these are covered by islands in the offing, so that no sea can fall in to hurt a ship. The appearances on shore confirmed this; for we found grass growing close to high-water mark, which is a sure sign of a pacific harbour.[113] It is high-water here, at the full and change days, about ten o'clock; and the tide rises and falls about four feet.