After this, I waited in a fruitless expectation till the 15th, when the same three gentlemen came to me the third time, and said, they had been sent to tell me that the council had protested against my behaviour at Macassar, and my having refused to sign the certificate which had been required of me, as an insult upon them, and an act of injustice to their nation. I replied, that I was not conscious of having in any instance acted contrary to the treaties subsisting between the two kingdoms, unworthy of my character as an officer, honoured with a commission of his Britannic majesty, or unsuitable to the trust reposed in me, though I did not think I had been used by the governor of Macassar as the subject of a friend and ally; desiring, that if they had any thing to allege against me, it might be reduced to writing, and laid before the king my master, to whom alone I thought myself amenable. With this answer they again departed; and the next day, having not yet received any answer to my letter, I wrote a second, directed like the first, in which I represented that the ship's leaks were every day increasing, and urged, in more pressing terms, my request that she might be repaired, and that the use of wharfs and store-houses might be afforded me.

On the 18th, the shebander came again to me, and acquainted me, that the council had given orders for the repair of the ship at Onrust; and as there was no store-house empty, had appointed one of the company's vessels to attend me, and take in my stores. I enquired whether there was not an answer to my letter in writing; to which he answered in the negative, adding, that it was not usual, a message by him, or some other officer, having been always thought sufficient.

After this I was supplied, for my money, with every thing I could desire from the company's stores, without any further difficulty.

A pilot was ordered to attend me, and on the 22d we anchored at Onrust, where, having cleared the ship, and put her stores on board the company's vessel, we found the bowsprit and cap, as well as the main-yard, rotten, and altogether unserviceable, the sheathing every where eaten off by the worms, and the main planks of the ship's bottom so much damaged and decayed, that it was absolutely necessary to heave her down, before she could be sufficiently repaired to sail for Europe; but as other ships were already heaved down, and consequently the wharfs at this time preoccupied, the carpenters could not begin their work till the 24th of July.

Under the hands of these people the ship continued till Tuesday the 16th of August. When they came to examine her bottom, they found it so bad, that they were unanimously of opinion it should be shifted: This, however, I strenuously opposed. I knew she was an old ship; and I was afraid that if her bottom was opened, it might be found still worse than it was thought; and possibly so bad, as that, like the Falmouth, she might be condemned; I therefore desired that a good sheathing only might be put over all; but the bawse, or master-carpenter, would not consent, except I would certify, under my hand, that what should be done to the ship was not according to his judgment but my own, which, he said, was necessary for his justification, if, after such repairs only as I thought fit to direct had been made, the ship should come short of her port. As I thought this a reasonable proposition, I readily complied; but as I was now become answerable for the fate of the ship, I had her carefully examined by my own carpenter and his mate, myself and officers always attending. The but-ends of the planks that joined to the stern were so open, that a man's hand might be thrust in between; seven chain-plates were broken and decayed; the iron work, in general, was in a very bad state; several of the knees were loose, and some of them were broken.

While I remained here, two ships belonging to our India Company put into this port; and we found, among other private ships from India, one called the Dudly, from Bengal, which had proved so leaky that it was impossible to carry her back. Application had been made to the governor and council for leave to careen her, which had been granted; but as the wharfs had been kept in continual use, she had been put off above four months. The captain, not without reason, was apprehensive that he might be kept here till the worms had eaten through the bottom of his vessel, and knowing that I had received particular civilities from Admiral Houting, applied to me to intercede for him, which I was very happy to do with such success, that a wharf was immediately allotted her. Mr Houting was an old man, and an admiral in the service of the States, with the rank of commander-in-chief of their marine, and the ships belonging to the company in India. He received his first maritime knowledge on board an English man-of-war, speaks English and French extremely well, and did honour to the service both by his abilities and politeness: He was so obliging as to give me a general invitation to his table, in consequence of which I was often with him; and it is with pleasure that I take this opportunity of making a public acknowledgment of the favours I received from him, and bearing this testimony to his public and private merit. He was indeed the only officer belonging to the company from whom I received any civility, or with whom I had the least communication; for I found them, in general, a reserved and supercilious set of people. The governor, although the servant of a republic, takes upon himself more state, in some particulars, than any sovereign prince in Europe. Whenever he goes abroad, he is attended by a party of horse-guards, and two black men go before his coach in the manner of running-footmen; each having a large cane in his hand, with which they not only clear the way, but severely chastise all who do not pay the homage that is expected from people of all ranks, as well those belonging to the country as strangers. Almost every body in this place keeps a carriage, which is drawn by two horses, and driven by a man upon a box, like our chariots, but is open in front: Whoever, in such a carriage, meets the governor, either in the town or upon the road, is expected not only to draw it on one side, but to get out of it, and make a most respectful obeisance while his excellency's coach goes by; nor must any carriage that follows him drive past on any account, but keep behind him, however pressing be the necessity for haste. A very mortifying homage of the same kind is also exacted by the members of the council, called Edele Heeren; for whoever meets them is obliged to stop his coach, and, though not to get out, to stand up in it, and make his reverence. These Edele Heeren are preceded by one black man with a stick; nor must any person presume to pass their carriage any more than that of the governor. These ceremonies are generally complied with by the captains of Indiamen and other trading ships; but, having the honour to bear his majesty's commission, I did not think myself at liberty to pay to a Dutch governor any homage which is not paid to my own sovereign: It is, however, constantly required of the King's officers; and two or three days after I came hither, the landlord of the hotel where I lodged told me, he had been ordered by the shebander to let me know, that my carriage, as well as others, must stop, if I should meet the governor or any of the council; but I desired him to acquaint the shebander, that I could not consent to perform any such ceremony; and upon his intimating somewhat about the black men with sticks, I told him, that if any insult should be offered me, I knew how to defend myself, and would take care to be upon my guard; at the same time pointing to my pistols, which then happened to lie upon the table. Upon this he went away, and about three hours afterwards he returned, and told me he had orders from the governor to acquaint me that I might do as I pleased. The hotel at which I resided is licensed by the governor and council, and all strangers are obliged to take up their abode there, except officers in his majesty's service, who are allowed private lodgings, which, however, I did not chose.

At this place I continued between three and four months, and during all that time I had the honour to see the governor but twice. The first time was at my arrival, when I waited upon him at one of his houses, a little way in the country; the next was in town, as he was walking before his house there, when I addressed him upon a particular occasion. Soon after the news of the Prince of Orange's marriage arrived here, he gave a public entertainment, to which I had the honour of being invited; but having heard that Commodore Tinker, upon a like occasion, finding that he was to be placed below the gentlemen of the Dutch council, had abruptly left the room, and was followed by all the captains of his squadron; and being willing to avoid the disagreeable dilemma of either sitting below the council, or following the commodore's example, I applied to the governor to know the station that would be allotted me before I accepted his invitation; and finding that I could not be permitted to take place of the council, I declined it. On both these occasions I spoke to his excellency by an English merchant, who acted as an interpreter. The first time he had not the civility to offer me the least refreshment, nor did he the last time so much as ask me to go into the house.

The defects of the ship were at length repaired, much to my satisfaction, and I thought she might then safely proceed to Europe, though the Dutch carpenters were of a different opinion. The proper season for sailing was not yet arrived, and my worthy friend, Admiral Houting, represented, that if I went to sea before the proper time, I should meet with such weather off the Cape of Good Hope as would make me repent it; but being very ill myself, and the people being sickly, I thought it better to run the risk of a few hard gales off the Cape, than remain longer in this unhealthy place, especially as the west monsoon was setting in, during which the mortality here is yet greater than at other times.

On Wednesday the 15th of September, therefore, we set sail from Onrust, where the ship had been refitted, without returning, as is usual, into Batavia Road; and as I was not well, I sent my lieutenant to take leave of the governor on my behalf, and offer my service, if he had any dispatches for Europe. It was happy for me that I was able to procure a supply of English seamen here, otherwise I should not at last have been able to bring the ship home; for I had now lost no less than four-and-twenty of the hands I had brought out of Europe, and had four-and-twenty more so ill, that seven of them died in our passage to the Cape.

On the 20th, we anchored on the south-east side of Prince's Island, in the Streight of Sunda, and the next morning, I sent out the boats for wood and water: Of water, however, we could not get a sufficient quantity to complete our stock, for there had not yet been rain enough to supply the springs, the wet monsoon having but just set in. At this time we had the wind so fresh from the south-east, which made this part of the island a lee-shore, that I could not get under sail till the 25th, when, it being more moderate, we weighed and worked over to the Java shore. In the evening, we anchored in a bay called by some New Bay, and by others Canty Bay, which is formed by an island of the same name. We had fourteen fathoms water, with a fine sandy bottom. The peak of Prince's Island bore N. 13 W. the westermost point of New Island S. 82 W. and the eastermost point of Java that was in sight, N.E. Our distance from the Java shore was about a mile and a quarter, and from the watering-place a mile and a half. New Bay is the best place for wooding and watering of any in these parts: The water is extremely clear, and so good that I made my people stave all that we had taken in at Batavia and Prince's Island, and supply it from this place. It is procured from a fine strong run on the Java shore, which falls down from the land into the sea, and by means of a hoase it may be laded into the boats, and the casks filled without putting them on shore, which renders the work very easy and expeditious. There is a little reef of rocks within which the boats go, and lie in as smooth water, and as effectually sheltered from any swell, as if they were in a mill-pond; nor does the reef run out so far as to be dangerous to shipping, though the contrary is asserted in Herbert's Directory; and if a ship, when lying there, should be driven from her anchors by a wind that blows upon the shore, she may, with the greatest ease, run up the passage between New Island and Java, where there is a sufficient depth of water for the largest vessel, and a harbour, in which, being landlocked, she will find perfect security. Wood may be had any where either upon Java or New Island, neither of which, in this part, are inhabited.

Having in a few days completed our wood and water, we weighed and stood out of the Streight of Sunda, with a fine fresh gale at south-east, which did not leave us till the island of Java was seven hundred leagues behind us.

On Monday the 23d of November, we discovered the coast of Africa; at day-break on the 28th we made the Table Land of the Cape of Good Hope, and the same evening anchored in the bay. We found here only a Dutch ship from Europe, and a snow belonging to the place, which however was in the Company's service, for the inhabitants are not permitted to have any shipping.

Table Bay is a good harbour in summer, but not in winter; so that the Dutch will not permit any of their vessels to lie here longer than the 15th of May, which answers to our November. After that time, all ships go to False Bay, which is well sheltered from the north-west winds, which blow here with great violence.

At this place we breathed a pure air, had wholesome food, and went freely about the country, which is extremely pleasant, so that I began to think myself already in Europe. We found the inhabitants open, hospitable, and polite, there being scarcely a gentleman in the place, either in a public or private station, from whom I did not receive some civility; and I should very ill deserve the favours they bestowed, if I did not particularly mention the first and second governor, and the fiscal.

The recovery of my people made it necessary to continue here till the 6th of January, 1769; in the evening of this day I set sail, and before it was dark cleared the land.

On the 20th, after a fine and pleasant passage, we made the island of St Helena; and set sail again on the morning of the 24th. At midnight on the 30th, we made the northeast part of the Island of Ascension, and brought-to till daylight, when we ran in close to it. I sent a boat out to discover the anchoring-place, which is called Cross-hill bay, while we kept running along the north-east and north side of the island, till we came to the north-west extremity of it, and in the afternoon anchored in the bay we sought. The way to find this place at once, is to bring the largest and most conspicuous hill upon the island to bear S.E.; when the ship is in this position, the bay will be open, right in the middle, between two other hills, the westermost of which is called Cross-hill, and gives name to the bay. Upon this hill there is a flag-staff, which if a ship brings to bear S.S.E. 1/2 E. or S.E. by E. and runs in, keeping it so till she is in ten fathom water, she will be in the best part of the bay. In our run along the north-east side of the island, I observed several other small sandy bays, in some of which my boat found good anchorage, and saw plenty of turtle, though they are not so convenient as this, where we had plenty of turtle too. The beach here is a fine white sand; the landing-place is at some rocks, which lie about the middle of the bay, and may be known by a ladder of ropes which hangs from the top to mount them by. In the evening I landed a few men to turn the turtle that should come on shore during the night, and in the morning I found that they had thus secured no less than eighteen, from four hundred to six hundred weight each, and these were as many as we could well stow on the deck. As there are no inhabitants upon this island, it is a custom for the ships that touch at it to leave a letter in a bottle, with their names and destination, the date, and a few other particulars. We complied with this custom, and in the evening of Monday the 1st of February, we weighed anchor and set sail.

On Friday the 19th, we discovered a ship at a considerable distance to leeward in the south-west quarter, which hoisted French colours; she continued in sight all day, and the next morning we perceived that she had greatly outsailed us during the night; she made a tack, however, in order to get farther to windward, and as it is not usual for ships to turn to windward in these parts, it was evident that she had tacked in order to speak with us. By noon she was near enough to hail us, and, to my great surprise, made use both of my name and that of the ship, enquiring after my health, and telling me, that after the return of the Dolphin to Europe, it was believed we had suffered shipwreck in the Streight of Magellan, and that two ships had been sent out in quest of us. I asked, in my turn, who it was that was so well acquainted with me and my ship, and with the opinions that had been formed of us in Europe after the return of our companion, and how this knowledge had been acquired. I was answered, that the ship which hailed us was in the service of the French East India Company, commanded by M. Bougainville; that she was returning to England from the Isle of France; that what was thought of the Swallow in England, had been learnt from the French Gazette at the Cape of Good Hope; and that we were known to be that vessel by the letter which had been found in the bottle at the Island of Ascension, a few days after we had left that place. An offer was then made of supplying me with refreshments, if I wanted any, and I was asked if I had any letters to send to France. I returned thanks for the offer of refreshments, which however was a mere verbal civility, as it was known that I had lately sailed from the places where M. Bougainville himself had been supplied; but I said that I had received letters for France from some gentlemen of that country at the Cape, and if he would send his boat on board, they should be delivered to his messenger. Thus was an occasion furnished for what I have reason to believe was the principal object of M. Bougainville in speaking with us: A boat was immediately sent on board, and in her a young officer, dressed in a waistcoat and trowsers; whether he was thus dressed by design I shall not determine, but I soon perceived that his rank was much superior to his appearance. He came down to me in my cabin, and after the usual compliments had passed, I asked him how he came to go home so soon in the season; to which he replied, that there had been some disagreement between the governor and inhabitants of the Isle of France, and that he had been sent home in haste with dispatches: This story was the more plausible, as I had heard of the dispute between the governor and inhabitants of the Isle of France, from a French gentleman who came from thence, at the Cape of Good Hope; yet I was not perfectly satisfied: For, supposing M. Bougainville to have been sent in haste to Europe with dispatches, I could not account for his losing the time which it cost him to speak with me; I therefore observed to this gentleman, that although he had accounted for his coming before the usual time from the Isle of France, he had not accounted for his coming at an unusual time from India, which must have been the case. To this, however, he readily replied, that they had made only a short trading voyage on the western coast of Sumatra. I then enquired, what commodities he had brought from thence; and he answered, cocoa-nut oil, and rattans: But, said I, these are commodities which it is not usual to bring into Europe: It is true, said he, but these commodities we left at the Isle of France, the oil for the use of the island, and the rattans for ships which were to touch there in their way to China, and in exchange we took in another freight for Europe; this freight I think he said was pepper, and his whole tale being at least possible, I asked him no more questions. He then told me, he had heard at the Cape, that I had been with Commodore Byron at Falkland's Islands; and, said he, I was on board the French ship that met you in the Streight of Magellan, which must have been true, for he mentioned several incidents that it was otherwise highly improbable he should know, particularly the store-ship's running a-ground, and many of the difficulties that occurred in that part of the Streight which we passed together: By this conversation he contrived to introduce several enquiries, concerning the western part of the Streight, the time it cost me to get through, and the difficulties of the navigation; but perceiving that I declined giving any account of these particulars, he changed his subject. He said, he had heard that we lost an officer and some men in an engagement with the Indians; and taking notice that my ship was small, and a bad sailer, he insinuated that we must have suffered great hardship in so long a voyage; but, said he, it is thought to be safer and pleasanter sailing in the South Sea than any where else. As I perceived that he waited for a reply, I said, that the great ocean, called the South Sea, extended almost from one pole to the other; and therefore, although that part of it which lay between the tropics might justly be called the Pacific, on account of the trade-winds that blow there all the year, yet without the tropics, on either side, the winds were variable, and the seas turbulent. In all this he readily acquiesced, and finding that he could not draw from me any thing to satisfy his curiosity, by starting leading subjects of conversation, he began to propose his questions in direct terms, and desired to know on which side the equator I had crossed the South Seas. As I did not think proper to answer this question, and wished to prevent others of the same kind, I rose up somewhat abruptly, and I believe with some marks of displeasure: At this he seemed to be a little disconcerted, and I believe was about to make an apology for his curiosity, but I prevented him, by desiring that he would make my compliments to his captain, and in return for his obliging civilities presented him with one of the arrows that had wounded my men, which I immediately went into my bed-room to fetch: He followed me, looking about him with great curiosity, as indeed he had done from the time of his first coming on board, and having received the arrow, he took his leave.

After he was gone, and we had made sail, I went upon the deck, where my lieutenant asked me, if my visitor had entertained me with an account of his voyage. This led me to tell him the general purport of our conversation, upon which he assured me that the tale I had heard was a fiction, for, says he, the boat's crew could not keep their secret so well as their officer, but after a little conversation told one of our people who was born at Quebec, and spoke French, that they had been round the globe as well as we. This naturally excited a general curiosity, and with a very little difficulty we learnt that they had sailed from Europe in company with another ship, which, wanting some repair, had been left at the Isle of France; that they had attempted to pass the Streight of Magellan the first summer, but not being able, had gone back, and wintered in the river de la Plata; that the summer afterwards they had been more successful, and having passed the Streight, spent two months at the island of Juan Fernandes. My lieutenant told me also, that a boy in the French boat said he had been upon that island two years, and that while he was there, an English frigate put into the road, but did not anchor, mentioning the time as well as he could recollect, by which it appeared that the frigate he had seen was the Swallow. On the boy's being asked how he came to be so long upon the island of Juan Fernandes, he said that he had been taken upon the Spanish coast in the West Indies in a smuggling party, and sent thither by the Spaniards; but that by the French ship, in whose boat he came on board us, having touched there, he had regained his liberty. After having received this information from my lieutenant, I could easily account for M. Bougainville's having made a tack to speak to me, and for the conversation and behaviour of my visitor; but I was now more displeased at the questions he had asked me than before, for if it was improper for him to communicate an account of his voyage to me, it was equally improper for me to communicate an account of my voyage to him: And I thought an attempt to draw me into a breach of my obligation to secrecy, while he imposed upon me by a fiction that he might not violate his own, was neither liberal nor just. As what the boat's crew told my people, differs in several particulars from the account printed by M. Bougainville, I shall not pretend to determine how much of it is true; but I was then very sorry that the lieutenant had not communicated to me the intelligence he received, such as it was, before my guest left me, and I was now very desirous to speak with him again, but this was impossible; for though the French ship was foul from a long voyage, and we had just been cleaned, she shot by us as if we had been at anchor, notwithstanding we had a fine fresh gale, and all our sails set.[61]

[Footnote 61: Bougainville passes over the circumstance of meeting with the Swallow in a very cursory manner: "The 28th we perceived a ship to windward, and a-head of us; we kept sight of her during the night, and joined her the next morning; it was the Swallow. I offered Capt. C. all the services that one may render to another at sea. He wanted nothing; but upon his telling me that they had given him letters for France at the Cape, I sent on board for them. He presented me with an arrow which he had got in one of the isles he had found in his voyage round the world, a voyage that he was far from suspecting we had likewise made. His ship was very small, went very ill, and when we took leave of him, he remained as it were at anchor. How much he must have suffered in so bad a vessel, may well be conceived. There were eight leagues difference between his estimated longitude and ours; he reckoned himself so much more to the westward." A little before, he had spoken of his wishing to join Carteret, over whom he knew he had great advantage in sailing. This was in leaving the Cape of Good Hope, at which time Carteret was eleven days gone before him.—E.]

On the 7th of March we made the Western Islands, and went between St Michael and Tercera; in this situation we found the variation 13 deg.36'W., and the winds began to blow from the S.W. The gale, as we got farther to the westward, increased, and on the 11th, having got to W.N.W. it blew very hard, with a great sea; we scudded before it with the foresail only, the foot-rope of which suddenly breaking, the sail blew all to pieces, before we could get the yard down, though it was done instantly. This obliged us to bring the ship to, but having, with all possible expedition, bent a new foresail, and got the yard up, we bore away again; this was the last accident that happened to us during the voyage. On the 16th, being in latitude 49 deg. 15' N. we got soundings. On the 18th, I knew by the depth of water that we were in the Channel, but the wind being to the northward, we could not make land till the next day, when we saw the Star Point; and on the 20th, to our great joy, we anchored at Spithead, after a very fine passage, and a fair wind all the way from the Cape of Good Hope.

A Table of the Variation of the Compass, as observed on board the Swallow, in her Voyage round the Globe, in the Years 1766, 1767, 1768, and 1769.

N.B. The days of the month in this Table are not by the nautical account, as is the custom, but, for the convenience of those that are not used to that way of reckoning, are reduced to the civil account. A.M. denotes that the observation was made in the forenoon, and P.M. in the afternoon of that day on the noon of which the latitude and longitude of the ship were taken.



TIME. Lat. in Long. in Variation. REMARKS. at Noon at Noon from

North. West. West. 1766,August. English Channel 22 deg.30' } 30, P.M. 45 deg.22 18 deg.17' 20 25 }From the Downs to Sept. 3,P.M. 38 36 13 40 19 04 } of Madeira. 4,A.M. 37 27 14 12 20 17 }

Island Madeira. 32 34 16 35 16 00 17,A.M. 24 33 19 22 13 00 21,A.M. 17 19 22 19 11 14 }The island of Sall }in sight, S. }by W. ten leagues 22,P.M, 16 34 22 29 8 20 }Was then between the }island of Sall }and the island of May. Porto Praya 15 00 23 00 8 00 }Island of St. Jago.

Oct. 10,P.M. 6 34 21 41 5 36 } 11,P.M. 6 40 21 35 6 00 } South. } 22,A.M. 0 06 25 03 6 23 }On the passage from }the island 25,A.M. 4 14 27 23 4 30 }of St Jago to the 27,A.M 7 03 28 49 3 52 }Streights 28,A.M. 8 46 29 14 1 50 }of Magellan. 30,P.M. 10 57 30 09 0 30 } 31,A.M. 12 30 30 30 Novar } East. Oct.31,P.M. 12 56 30 46 1 24 } Nov. 2,P.M. 17 22 32 09 1 40 } 7,A.M. 23 54 38 10 4 56 } P.M. - - - - 5 56 } 8,P.M. 25 49 39 21 6 45 } Coast of Patagonia. 11,A.M. 29 57 42 27 8 50 } 15,A.M. 34 12 46 41 12 00 } 16,A.M. 34 38 47 58 12 36 } 17,A.M. 34 46 48 28 13 03 } P.M. - - - - 14 20 }

Nov.18, AM 35 deg. 37' 49 deg. 49' 30' }Soundings 54 fathoms of }water,with a bottom of fine }black sand, rather muddy. PM. 15 45 }Ditto depth and bottom. 20, PM. 36 57 51 48 15 33 }Ditto depth, find sand, but }not so black, with small }shells. 21, AM. 37 40 51 05 15 52 }Had no bottom with 80 fathoms }of line. 38 53 53 12 }Had soundings a 70 fathoms }water. 40 34 53 47 }No bottom with 90 fathoms of }line. 41 34 55 39 }45 fathoms, dark brown sandy }bottom. 41 57 56 06 }42 fathoms, fine grey sand.

41 06 57 18 }46 fathoms, fine dark brown }sand. 28, AM. 41 14 56 48 19 00 }39 fathoms ditto bottom. Here }we caught very good fish }with hooks and lines. 29, AM. 42 08 58 41 19 02 }32 fathoms of water, with }ditto bottom. PM. 19 45 }33 fathoms depth. 43 18 58 56 }Depth 45 fathoms, the same }bottom; we had here a calm, }and we caught good fish. 44 04 58 53 }52 fathoms water, the same }bottom. 45 00 59 34 }58 fathoms, fine light brown }sand. Dec, 4, PM. 47 00 60 51 20 20 47 15 61 10 }60 fathoms, fine dark sand. 5, AM. 48 01 61 28 }56 fathoms, with ditto }bottom,and grains of }sparkling sand mixed with it. 6, AM. 47 35 62 50 20 34 47 30 63 08 }45 fathoms of water, dark }sand,with small stones, and 47 30 63 08 }in going west about 10 miles }we had 52 fathoms, a bottom }of soft mud 7, AM. 47 14 63 37 }54 fathoms, soft mud, with }small stones; at this time }the land was seen from the }mastheads, somewhere about }Cape Blanco. 8, PM. 48 54 64 14 20 30 9, AM. 49 12 65 31 20 35 1766. Dec. 9, A.M. 50 deg. 15' 66 deg.02' - - }53 fathoms. dark grey sand, }with small stones. 17, Cape Virgin Mary, eastermost entrance of the Streight Magellan - 52 23 68 02 22 50 Elizabeth Island 22 36 Port Famine 22 22 Off C. Forward 22 10 York Road Ditto }In the Streights Swallow Har. }of Magellan. Off C. Notch. 22 00 1767, Off C. Upr. Off C. Pillar 52 45 75 10 21 50 }Westernmost entrance of }the Streights. April 18, P.M. 49 18 79 06 17 36 20, A.M. 48 04 80 56 17 20 }Coast of Chili, in the }South Sea. 26, P.M. 45 57 81 22 16 17 28, P.M. 44 27 81 24 15 10

33 40 78 52 11 00 }end of the island May }Juan Fernandes. 33 45 80 46 10 24 }Island of Massafuero. 28, P.M. 29 45 79 50 9 40 } 31, P.M. 26 26 82 15 8 10 } June 1, P.M. 25 51 84 23 8 8 } 7, P.M. 27 23 97 16 5 45 } 8. A.M. 27 20 97 51 5 45 } 10. A.M. 26 30 98 25 5 40 } 12, P.M. 26 53 100 21 4 13 }In Crossing the South Sea 16, P.M. 28 11 111 15 2 00 } 17, A.M. 28 04 112 37 1 51 } 18. P.M. 28 07 113 55 2 00 } 20. A.M. 28 04 116 29 2 09 } 30. P.M. 26 00 130 55 2 32 }

July 2. P.M. 25 02 133 38 2 46 }Off Pitcairn's Island.

3, 25 00 136 16 2 30 } 4, A.M. 25 24 137 18 3 43 } 5, A.M. 24 56 137 23 5 24 } 6. A.M. 24 32 138 31 4 16 } 7, A.M. 24 10 139 55 5 12 } P.M. 4 02 } 8. A.M. 23 46 139 55 5 56 } 10, P.M. 21 38 141 36 4 20 } 12, A.M. 20 36 145 39 4 40 }Crossing the South Sea. 20,38 146 00 5 00 } 13, P.M. 21 07 147 44 5 46 } 15, A.M. 21 46 150 50 6 23 } 16, P.M. 22 02 151 09 6 34 } 19, P.M. 19 50 153 59 6 08 } 20, P.M. 19 08 156 15 7 09 } 21, P.M. 18 43 158 27 7 38 } 1767. South. West. East. July 23, P.M. 16 deg.22' 162 32' 6 05' } 24, P.M. 14 19 163 34 6 29 } 25, A.M. 12 13 164 50 9 30 } P.M. - - - 9 40 } 26, A.M. 10 01 166 52 9 00 } 28, A.M. 9 50 171 26 9 04 } 30, A.M. 9 50 175 38 9 32 } P.M. - - - 9 00 } Crossing the South Sea. Aug. 1, A.M. 9 53 179 33 10 04 } East. } 2, A.M. 10 09 178 58 10 30 } 4, A.M. 10 22 177 10 10 54 } 5, A.M. 10 35 175 50 11 14 } P.M. - - - - 10 52 } 7, P.M. 10 52 172 23 11 17 }

8, P.M. 11 02 171 15 10 27 9, A.M. 10 56 171 00 10 02 11, P.M. 10 49 167 00 10 38 Cape Byron - 10 40 164 49 11 00 }N.E. end of Egmont, one of }the Charlotte Islands. 18, P.M. 9 58 162 57 8 30 19, P.M. 8 52 160 41 8 30 20, A.M. 7 53 158 56 8 31 7 56 158 56 8 20 }Off Carterets's and }Gowers's Isl. 22, P.M. 6 24 157 32 7 42 24, P.M. 5 07 155 08 6 25 26, P.M. 4 46 153 17 7 14 In sight and on the west side of } 6 30 Nova Britannia. }

C.Saint George. 5 00 152 19 5 20 }Nova Hibernia.

In St George's Channel 4 40 }Nova Britannia }here the land }seemed to have an }effect on the needle. Sept. 16, A.M. 2 19 145 31 6 30 }Off the Admiralty Islands.

19, A.M. 1 57 143 28 5 26 } 1 45 143 02 4 40 } 20, P.M. 1 33 142 22 4 40 } 21, A.M. 1 20 141 29 4 54 } 22, P.M. 0 52 139 56 4 30 } 23, P.M. 0 05 138 56 4 17 } North. - - }From the Admiralty Islands 24, P.M. 0 05 138 41 3 09 }to the island of Mindanao. 27, A.M. 2 13 136 41 2 30 } P.M. - - - - 2 09 } 2 50 136 17 2 00 } 30, A.M. 4 25 134 37 1 41 } Oct. 3, A.M. 4 41 132 51 3 09 } P.M. - - 3 14 } 5, P.M. 4 31 132 39 3 10 } 1767. North. West. West. Oct. 6, A.M. 4 deg.21' 132 deg.45' 3 deg.33 } 8, A.M. 3 53 134 13 3 38 } 9, A.M. 4 03 134 04 3 11 } 12, P.M. 4 49 133 42 2 19 }From the Admiralty Islands 13, P.M. 5 12 133 27 2 20 }to the island of Mindanao. 16, A.M. 5 54 133 10 2 34 } 27, P.M. 6 35 127 56 2 10 }

Caps St Aug. 6 15 127 20 1 45 }Island of Mindanao. South End 5 34 126 25 1 20 }Off the island Mindanao.

Nov. 6, A.M. 5 34 125 40 0 48 } P.M. - - - - 0 49 } 7, P.M. 5 37 125 23 0 39 } 8, P.M. 5 30 124 41 0 50 } 14, A.M. 1 57 122 04 0 06 }From the island of Mindanao 26, P.M. 0 04 118 15 0 19 }to the Streights of South. }Macassar. 27, A.M. 0 14 117 45 0 12 } Dec. 7. 3 26 116 45 0 27 }

Bonthain 5 30 117 53 1 16 }At the Island of Celebes.

Island Tonikaky 5 31 117 17 1 00 }Off the S.E. end of the 1768. }Island Celebes.

May 29, P.M. 5 29 110 23 0 56 Off Madura - 0 30 }On the N.E. part of the Batavia - - 0 25 }island of Java. Sept.30,P.M. 7 41 101 36 0 51 } Oct. 2, P.M. 10 37 97 19 2 06 } 4, P.M. 12 13 93 56 3 12 } 12, P.M. 19 50 76 40 3 30 } 14, P.M. 21 47 72 47 6 26 } 15, P.M. 22 53 70 47 8 09 } 17, A.M. 24 23 68 02 9 36 } P.M. - - 11 20 } 18, P.M. 25 08 67 21 11 50 } 19, P.M. 25 08 67 08 12 49 } 20, A.M. 24 59 66 35 12 54 } P.M. - - - - 11 48 } 24, A.M. 23 21 64 31 12 54 }From the Streights of Sunda 25, P.M. 23 23 63 35 12 39 }to the Cape of Good Hope. 26, A.M. 23 32 62 43 13 42 } 28, P.M. 24 52 60 14 16 10 } 30, P.M. 25 40 56 50 18 18 } 31, P.M. 26 31 54 49 18 24 } Nov. 1, A.M. 27 05 52 57 20 12 } P.M. - - - - 20 20 } 3, A.M. 27 40 50 55 20 58 } P.M. - - - - 21 23 } 4, P.M. 27 42 50 10 21 15 } 5, P.M. 27 44 49 01 21 09 } 6, P.M. 28 58 46 23 22 38 } 1768. South. East. West. Nov. 7, A.M. 29 deg.59' 43'55 24 deg.40 } P.M. - - - - 24 55 } 8, P.M. 30 12 42 51 25 39 } 9, A.M. 30 19 41 97 25 50 } 10, P.M. 30 37 40 48 25 32 } 11, A.M. 32 02 38 47 25 08 } 12, P.M. 32 39 37 17 25 02 }From the Streights of Sunda 13, P.M. 33 21 35 27 25 05 }toThe Cape of Good Hope. 19, P.M. 35 17 28 38 22 32 } 20, P.M. 35 42 27 22 22 46 } 21, P.M. 35 46 27 00 22 18 } 22, P.M. 35 04 26 29 22 50 } 23, P.M. 34 57 25 46 21 39 } 24, P.M. 34 52 25 28 21 44 } C. Good Hope. 34 24 18 30 19 40 } 1769. Jan. 9, P.M. 30 37 13 08 19 20 } 14, P.M. 22 16 4 52 16 19 } 15, P.M. 21 04 3 54 16 81 }From the Cape to the island 18, P.M. 17 05 0 10 14 38 }of Saint Helena. West. } 19, P.M. 16 06 1 38 13 46 }

25, P.M. 14 22 7 04 12 30 }From the island of Saint 26, P.M. 12 54 8 05 11 47 }Helena to the island of 27, P.M. 11 36 9 25 11 40 }Ascension. 28, P.M. 10 26 10 36 10 46 }

Feb. 2, P.M. 6 45 14 42 9 34 } 3, P.M. 5 04 15 45 9 04 } 4, A.M. 3 26 16 49 9 10 } 5, P.M. 2 01 17 34 8 58 } 6, P.M. 0 20 18 27 8 32 } North. } 7, P.M. 0 58 19 24 8 37 } 8, A.M. 1 56 20 16 8 25 } 10, P.M. 2 39 28 58 7 21 } 15, P.M. 6 38 32 40 4 35 }From the island of 16, P M. 8 03 24 18 6 09 }Ascension to England. 19, P.M. 12 06 24 34 6 48 } 21, P.M. 14 39 27 15 6 12 } 26, A.M. 23 54 28 15 6 00 } March 3,P.M. 32 33 23 35 13 26 } 4,A.M. 34 02 22 32 13 43 } 5,P.M. 35.30 21 56 14 53 } 6,A.M. 36 46 21 23 15 15 } P.M. - - - - 14 58 } etween the islands of Tercera } 13 36 } and Saint Michael. 1769. North. West. West.

Mar. 28. P.M. 39 deg.09' 19 deg. 02' 16 deg. 46' From this day till my arrival in England, the weather was so bad that we had no opportunity of making any observation of the variation.

N.B. The ill sailing of the Swallow prevented me from getting a sufficient number of soundings to make a separate Table.



CHAPTER IV.

AN ACCOUNT OF A VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD, IN THE YEARS 1768, 1769, 1770, AND 1771, BY LIEUTENANT JAMES COOK, COMMANDER OF HIS MAJESTY'S BARK THE ENDEAVOUR.

[In addition to Cook's papers, Dr Hawkesworth had the use of a journal kept by Sir Joseph Banks, in drawing up the account of this voyage; a favour which he has not neglected to specify in his introduction. That introduction, however, and several references to plates, with some other matters deemed of little or no import, or elsewhere given, are now omitted.]

SECTION I.

The Passage from Plymouth to Madeira, with tome Account of that Island.

Having received my commission, which was dated the 25th of May 1768, I went on board on the 27th, hoisted the pennant, and took charge, of the ship, which then lay in the bason in Deptford yard. She was fitted for sea with all expedition; and stores and provisions being taken on board, sailed down the river on the 30th of July, and on the 13th of August anchored in Plymouth Sound.

While we lay here waiting for a wind, the articles of war and the act of parliament were read to the ship's company, who were paid two months' wages in advance, and told that they were to expect no additional pay for the performance of the voyage.

On Friday the 26th of August, the wind becoming fair, we got under sail, and put to sea. On the 31st, we saw several of the birds which the sailors call Mother Carey's Chickens, and which they suppose to be the forerunners of a storm; and on the next day we had a very hard gale, which brought us under our courses, washed overboard a small boat belonging to the boatswain, and drowned three or four dozen of our poultry, which we regretted still more.

On Friday the 2d of September we saw land between Cape Finisterre and Cape Ortegal, on the coast of Gallicia, in Spain; and on the 5th, by an observation of the sun and moon, we found the latitude of Cape Finisterre to be 42 deg. 53' north, and its longitude 8 deg. 46' west, our first meridian being always supposed to pass through Greenwich; variation of the needle 21 deg. 4' west.

During this course, Mr Banks and Dr Solander had an opportunity of observing many marine animals, of which no naturalist has hitherto taken notice; particularly a new species of the oniscus, which was found adhering to the medusa pelagica; and an animal of an angular figure, about three inches long, and one thick, with a hollow passing quite through it, and a brown spot on one end, which they conjectured might be its stomach; four of these adhered together by their sides when they were taken, so that at first they were thought to be one animal; but upon being put into a glass of water they soon separated, and swam about very briskly. These animals are of a new genus, to, which Mr Banks and Dr Solander gave the name of Dagysa, from the likeness of one species of them to a gem. Several specimens of them were taken adhering together sometimes to the length of a yard or more, and shining in the water with very beautiful colours. Another animal of a new genus they also discovered, which shone in the water with colours still more beautiful and vivid, and which indeed exceeded in variety and brightness any thing that we had ever seen: The colouring and splendour of these animals were equal to those of an opal, and from their resemblance to that gem, the genus was called Carcnium Opalinum. One of them lived several hours in a glass of salt water, swimming about with great agility, and at every motion displaying a change of colours almost infinitely various. We caught also among the rigging of the ship, when we were at the distance of about ten leagues from Cape Finisterre; several birds which have not been described by Linnaeus; they were supposed to have come from Spain, and our gentlemen called the species Motacilla velificans, as they said none but sailors would venture themselves on board a ship that was going round the world. One of them was so exhausted that it died in Mr Banks's hand, almost as soon as it was brought to him.

It was thought extraordinary that no naturalist had hitherto taken notice of the Dagysa, as the sea abounds with them not twenty leagues from the coast of Spain; but, unfortunately for the cause of science, there are but very few of those who traverse the sea, that are either disposed or qualified to remark the curiosities of which nature has made it the repository.

On the 12th we discovered the islands of Porto Santo and Madeira, and on the next day anchored in Funchiale road, and moored with the stream-anchor: But, in the night, the bend of the hawser of the stream-anchor slipped, owing to the negligence of the person who had been employed to make it fast. In the morning the anchor was heaved up into the boat, and carried out to the southward; but in heaving it again, Mr Weir, the master's mate, was carried overboard by the buoy-rope, and went to the bottom with the anchor; the people in the ship saw the accident, and got the anchor up with all possible expedition; it was however too late, the body came up entangled in the buoy-rope, but it was dead.

When the island of Madeira is first approached from the sea, it has a very beautiful appearance; the sides of the hills being entirely covered with vines almost as high as the eye can distinguish; and the vines are green when every kind of herbage, except where they shade the ground, and here and there by the sides of a rill, is entirely burnt up, which was the case at this time.

On the 13th, about eleven o'clock in the forenoon, a boat, which our sailors call the product boat, came on board from the officers of health, without whose permission no person is suffered to land from on board a ship. As soon as this permission was obtained, we went on shore at Funchiale, the capital of the island, and proceeded directly to the house of Mr Cheap, the English consul there, and one of the most considerable merchants of the place. This gentleman received us with the kindness of a brother, and the liberality of a prince; he insisted upon our taking possession of his house, in which he famished us with every possible accommodation during our stay upon the island: He procured leave for Mr Banks and Dr Solander to search the island for such natural curiosities as they should think worth their notice; employed persons to take fish and gather shells, which time would not have permitted them to collect for themselves; and be provided horses and guides to take them to any part of the country which they should chuse to visit. With all these advantages, however, their excursions were seldom pushed farther than three miles from the town, as they were only five days on shore; one of which they spent at home, in receiving the honour of a visit from the governor. The season was the worst in the year for their purpose, as it was neither that of plants nor insects; a few of the plants, however, were procured in flower, by the kind attention of Dr Heberden, the chief physician of the island, and brother to Dr Heberden of London, who also gave them such specimens as he had in his possession, and a copy of his Botanical Observations; containing, among other things, a particular description of the trees of the island. Mr Banks enquired after the wood which has been imported into England for cabinet-work, and is here called Madeira mahogany: He learnt that no wood was exported from the island under that name, but he found a tree called by the natives Vigniatico, the Laurus indicus of Linnaeus, the wood of which cannot easily be distinguished from mahogany. Dr Heberden had a book-case in which the vigniatico and mahogany were mixed, and they were no otherwise to be known from each other than by the colour, which, upon a nice examination, appears to be somewhat less brown in the vigniatico than the mahogany; it is therefore in the highest degree probable, that the wood known in England by the name of Madeira mahogany, is the vigniatico.

There is great reason to suppose that this whole island was, at some remote period, thrown up by the explosion of subterraneous fire, as every stone, whether whole or in fragments, that we saw upon it, appeared to have been burnt, and even the sand itself to be nothing more than ashes: We did not, indeed, see much of the country, but the people informed us that what we did see was a very exact specimen of the rest.[62]

[Footnote 62: This opinion about the volcanic origin of the island of Madeira, has found several advocates since the publication of this work. The following quotation from a paper by the Hon. H.G. Bennet, contained in the first volume of the Geological Society Transactions, may famish the inquisitive reader with a short summary of the principal appearances on which this opinion rests. "To my mind, the most interesting geological facts, are, 1. The intersection of the lava, by dikes at right angles with the strata.—2. The rapid dips which the strata make, particularly the overlaying of that of the Brazen Head to the eastward of Funchial, where the blue, grey, and red lavas are rolled up in one mass, as if they had slipped together from an upper stratum.—3. The columnar form of the lava itself, reposing on, and covered by beds of scoria, ashes, and pumice, which affords a strong argument for the volcanic origin of the columns themselves. And, 4. The veins of carbonate of lime and zeolite, which are not found here in solitary pieces, as in the vicinity of AEtna and Vesuvius, but are amid the lavas and in the strata of pumice and tufa, and are diffused on the lava itself, and occasionally crystallized in its cavities."—E.]

The only article of trade in this island is wine, and the manner in which it is made is so simple, that it might have been used by Noah, who is said to have planted the first vineyard after the flood: The grapes are put into a square wooden vessel, the dimensions of which are proportioned to the size of the vineyard to which it belongs; the servants then, having taken off their stockings and jackets, get into it, and with their feet and elbows, press out as much of the juice as they can: The stalks are afterwards collected, and being tied together with a rope, are put under a square piece of wood, which is pressed down upon them by a lever with a stone tied to the end of it.

It was with great difficulty that the people of Madeira were persuaded to engraft their vines, and some of them still obstinately refused to adopt the practice, though a whole vintage is very often spoiled by the number of bad grapes which are mixed in the vat, and which they will not throw out, because they increase the quantity of the wine: An instance of the force of habit, which is the more extraordinary, as they have adopted the practice of engrafting with respect to their chestnut-trees, an object of much less importance, which, however, are thus brought to bear sooner than they would otherwise have done.[63]

[Footnote 63: The censure passed on the carelessness of the people of Madeira as to the manufacture of their wine, does not now apply; for, according to Mr Barrow, who touched here in his voyage to Cochin China, (an account of which appeared in 1806) the care and pains used in choosing the freshest and ripest grapes only for the wine-press, are almost incredible. Madeira exports about 15,000 pipes of wine yearly, of which not one-third part comes to England—about 5500 pipes are taken out to India.—E.]

We saw no wheel-carriages of any sort in the place, which perhaps was not more owing to the want of ingenuity to invent them, than to the want of industry to mend the roads, which, at that time, it was impossible that any wheel-carriage should pass: The inhabitants had horses and mules indeed, excellently adapted to such ways; but their wine, notwithstanding, was brought to town from the vineyards where it was made, in vessels of goat-skins, which were carried by men upon their heads. The only imitation of a carriage among these people was a board, made somewhat hollow in the middle, to one end of which a pole was tied, by a strap of whit-leather: This wretched sledge approached about as treat to an English cart, as an Indian canoe to a ship's long-boat; and even this would probably never have been thought of, if the English had not introduced wine vessels, which are too big to be carried by hand, and which, therefore, were dragged about the town upon these machines.

One reason, perhaps, why art and industry have done so little for Madeira is, nature's having done so much. The soil is very rich, and there is such a difference of climate between the plains and the hills, that there is scarcely a single object of luxury that grows either in Europe or the Indies, that might not be produced here. When we went to visit Dr Heberden, who lived upon a considerable ascent, about two miles from town, we left the thermometer at 74; and when we arrived at his house, we found it at 66. The hills produce, almost spontaneously, walnuts, chesnuts, and apples in great abundance; and in the town there are many plants which are the natives both of the East and West Indies, particularly the banana, the guava, the pineapple or anana, and the mango, which flourish almost without culture. The corn of this country is of a most excellent quality, large-grained and very fine, and the island would produce it in great plenty, yet most of what is consumed by the inhabitants is imported. The mutton, pork, and beef are also very good; the beef in particular, which we took on board here, was universally allowed to be scarcely inferior to our own; the lean part was very like it, both in colour and grain, though the beasts are much smaller, but the fat is as white as the fat of mutton. The town of Frunchiale derives its name from Funcho, the Portuguese name for fennel, which grows in great plenty upon the neighbouring rocks; by the observation of Dr Heberden, it lies in the latitude of 32 deg. 35' 33" N. and longitude 16 deg. 49' W. It is situated in the bottom of a bay, and though larger than the extent of the island seems to deserve, is very ill built; the houses of the principal inhabitants are large, those of the common people are small, the streets are narrow, and worse paved than any I ever saw. The churches are loaded with ornaments, among which are many pictures, and images of favourite saints, but the pictures are in general wretchedly painted, and the saints are dressed in laced clothes. Some of the convents are in a better taste, especially that of the Franciscans, which is plain, simple and neat in the highest degree. The infirmary in particular drew our attention as a model which might be adopted in other countries with great advantage. It consists of a long room, on one side of which are the windows, and an altar for the convenience of administering the sacrament to the sick: The other side is divided into wards, each of which is just big enough to contain a bed, and neatly lined with gally-tiles; behind these wards, and parallel to the room in which they stand, there runs a long gallery, with which each ward communicates by a door, so that the sick may be separately supplied with whatever they want without disturbing their neighbours. In this convent there is also a singular curiosity of another kind; a small chapel, the whole lining of which, both sides and ceiling, is composed of human sculls and thigh-bones; the thigh-bones are laid across each other, and a scull is placed in each of the four angles. Among the sculls one is very remarkable; the upper and the lower jaw, on one side, perfectly and firmly cohere; how the ossification which unites them was formed, it is not perhaps very easy to conceive, but it is certain that the patient must have lived some time without opening his mouth: What nourishment he received was conveyed through a hole which we discovered to have been made on the other side, by forcing out some of the teeth, in doing which the jaw also seems to have been injured.

We visited the good fathers of this convent on a Thursday day evening, just before supper-time, and they received us with great politeness: "We will not ask you, said they, to sup with us, because we are not prepared, but if you will come to-morrow, though it is a fast with us, we will have a turkey roasted for you." This invitation, which shewed a liberality of sentiment not to have been expected in a convent of Portuguese friars at this place, gratified us much, though it was not in our power to accept it.[64]

[Footnote 64: Mr Barrow is no admirer of the monks that swarm in Madeira—he represents them as a very worthless, and a very ignorant race of beings.—E.]

We visited also a convent of nuns, dedicated to Santa Clara, and the ladies did us the honour to express a particular pleasure in seeing us there: They had heard that there were great philosphers among us, and not at all knowing what were the objects of philosophical knowledge, they asked us several questions that were absurd and extravagant in the highest degree; one was, when it would thunder; and another, whether a spring of fresh water was to be found any where within the walls of their convent, of which it seems they were in great want. It will naturally be supposed that our answers to such questions were neither satisfactory to the ladies, nor, in their situation, honourable to us; yet their disappointment did not in the least lessen their civility, and they talked, without ceasing, during the whole of our visit, which lasted about half an hoar.[65]

[Footnote 65: According to Mr Barrow's account, it should seem, that though there are several nunneries in this island, "not a single instance of the veil being taken has occurred for many years past."—E.]

The hills of this country are very high; the highest, Pico Ruivo, rises 5,068 feet, near an English mile, perpendicularly from its base, which is much higher than any land that has been measured in Great Britain.[66] The sides of these hills are covered with vines to a certain height, above which there are woods of chesnut and pine of immense extent, and above them forests of wild timber of various kinds not known in Europe; particularly two, called by the Portuguese Mirmulano and Paobranco, the leaves of both which, particularly the Paobranco, are so beautiful, that these trees would be a great ornament to the gardens of Europe.

[Footnote 66: In Mr Leslie's table of the heights of mountains appended to the second edition of his Elements of Geometry, the altitude of this remarkable peak is stated to be 5162 English feet, but on what authority is not mentioned. That of Ben Nevis, in Inverness-shire, as ascertained by the barometer, is 4380.—E.]

The number of inhabitants in this island is supposed to be about 80,000, and the custom-house duties produce a revenue to the king of Portugal of 20,000 a-year, clear of all essences, which might easily by doubled by the product of the island, exclusive of the vines, if advantage were taken of the excellence of the climate, and the amazing fertility of the soil; but-this object is utterly neglected by the Portugueze. In the trade of the inhabitants of Madeira with Lisbon the balance is against them, so that all the Portugueze money naturally going thither, the currency of the island is Spanish: there are indeed a few Portuguese pieces of copper, but they are so scarce that we did not see one of them: The Spanish coin, is of three denominations; Pistereens, worth about a shilling; Bitts, worth about sixpence; and Half bitts, threepence.[67]

[Footnote 67: The reader need scarcely be apprized of the necessity of verifying on modifying the account of some of the particulars now given respecting Madeira, by an appeal to more recent authorities. A hint to this effect is sufficient, without further occupying his attention on the subject.—E.]

The tides at this place flow at the fall and change of the moon, north and south; the spring-tides rise seven feet perpendicular, and the neap-tides four. By Dr Heberden's observation, the variation of the compass here is now 15 deg. 30' west, and decreasing; but I have some doubt whether he is not mistaken with respect to its decrease: We found that the north point of the dipping needle belonging to the Royal Society dipped 77 deg. 18'.

The refreshments to be had here, are water, wine, fruit of several sorts, onions in plenty; and some sweetmeats; fresh-meat and poultry are not to be had without leave from the governor, and the payment of a very high price. We took in 270 lib. of fresh, beer, and a live bullock, charged at 613 lib. 3,032 gallons of water, and ten tons of wine; and in the night, between Sunday the 18th and Monday the 19th of September, we set sail in prosecution of our voyage.

When Funchiale bore north, 13 east, at the distance of seventy-six miles, the variation appeared by several azimuths to be 16 deg. 30'West.

SECTION II.

The Passage from Madeira to Rio de Janeiro, with some Account of the Country, and the Incidents that happened there.

On the 21st of September we saw the islands called the Salvages, to the north of the Canaries; when, the principal of these bore S. 1/2 W. at the distance of about five leagues, we found the variation of the compass by an azimuth to be 17 deg. 50. I make these islands to lie to latitude 80 deg. 11' north, and distant fifty-eight leagues from Funchiale in Madeira, in the direction of S. 16 deg. E.

On Friday the 23d we saw the Peak of Teneriffe bearing W. by. S. 1/2 S. and found the variation of the compass to be from 17 deg. 22' to 16 deg. 30'. The height of this mountain, from which I took a new departure, was determined by Dr. Heberden, who has been upon it, to be 15,396 feet, which is but 148 yards less than, three miles, reckoning, the mile at 1760 yards.[68] Its appearance at sunset was very striking; when the sun was below the horizon, and the rest of the island appeared of a deep black, the mountain still reflected his rays, and glowed with a warmth of colour which no painting can express. There is no eruption of visible fire from it, but a heat issues from the chinks near the top, too strong to be borne by the hand when it is held near them. We had received from Dr Heberden, among other favours, some salt which he collected on the top of the mountain, where it is found in large quantities, and which he supposed to be the true natrum or nitrum of the ancients: He gave us also some native sulphur exceedingly pure, which he had likewise found upon the surface in great plenty.

[Footnote 68: It is not said by what means Dr H. ascertained the height of this peak, and one may safely call in question his accuracy. In the table referred to in a former note, its height, as measured by the barometer, is stated to be 12,358 English feet, being nearly 10,000 feet lower than that of Chimborazo, the highest summit of the Andes, which is estimated at 21,440. But there is a good deal of contrariety in the statements of the heights of mountains. The following quotations from Krusenstern's account of his voyage will both prove this, and at the same time give the reader some lively conception of the magnificent effect of the Peak. "At half past six in the morning we distinctly saw the island of Tenerifle, and at seven the pic cleared itself of the clouds in which it had been enveloped until then and appeared to us in all its majestic grandeur. As its summit was covered with snow, and was extremely brilliant from the reflection of the sun, this contributed very much to the beauty of the scene. On either side, to the east and west, the mountains, which nature seems to have destined to sustain this enormous mass, appeared gradually to decline. Every one of the mountains which surround the pic, would be considerable in itself: but their height scarcely attracts the attention of the beholder, although they contribute to diminish the apparent size of the pic, which, if it stood alone, would be much more striking," "At six the next morning, (this was the second morning after leaving Tenerifie) we still saw the pic from the deck; it bore by compass, N.E. 15 deg. 30', that is, allowing for the variation, which is here 16 deg. W.; N.W. 0 deg. 30'. At noon, we had an observation in 26 deg. 13' 51" latitude, and 16 deg. 58' 25" longitude. Between six in the morning and noon we had lessened our latitude 21' 53", and increased our longitude 19' 15". The ship was consequently, at the time we saw the pic, in 26 deg. 35' 45" lat. and 16 deg. 39' 10" long. and as, according to Borda and Pingre, the pic lies in 28 deg. 17' N. lat. and 19 deg. 00' W. long. of Paris, or 16 deg. 40' of Greenwich, we must have seen it at six o'clock at the distance of 101 miles, and due north of us, in which direction it in fact bore. In very dear weather the pic may be seen 25 miles farther off from the mast-head; but this is the greatest distance which it is visible even from that height, and under the most favourable circumstances. The elevation of the pic has been determined by several observations. Borda's calculation, which is founded on a geometrical admeasurement, and is conceived to be the most correct, makes it 1905 toises, or 11,430 feet." The relations which some authors have given of the height of this famous pic or peak, are extravagant beyond all credibility. The reader will meet with some of them in Crutwell's Gazeteer.—E.]

On the next day, Saturday the 24th, we came into the north-east trade-wind, and on Friday the 30th saw Bona Vista, one of the Cape de Verd Islands; we ranged the east side of it, at the distance of three or four miles from the shore, till we were obliged to haul off to avoid a ledge of rocks which stretch out S.W. by W. from the body, or S.E. point of the island, to the extent of a league and a half. Bona Vista by our observation lies in latitude 16 deg. N. and longitude 21 deg. 51' west.

On the 1st of October, in latitude 14 deg. 6' N. and longitude 32 deg. 10' W. we found the variation by a very good azimuth to be 10 deg. 37' W. and the next morning it appeared to be 10 deg.. This day we found the ship five miles a-head of the log, and the next day seven. On the 3d, hoisted out the boat to discover whether there was a current, and found one to the eastward, at the rate of three quarters of a mile an hour.

During our course from Teneriffe to Bona Vista we saw great numbers of flying fish, which from the cabin-windows appear beautiful beyond imagination, their sides having the colour and brightness of burnished silver; when they are seen from the deck they do not appear to so much advantage, because their backs are of a dark colour. We also took a shark, which proved to be the Squalus Carcharias of Linnaeus.

Having lost the trade-wind on the 3d, in latitude 12 deg.14', and longitude 22 deg.10', the wind became somewhat variable, and we had light airs and calms by turns.

On the 7th, Mr Banks went out in the boat, and took what the seamen call a Portuguese man of war; it is the Holuthuria Physalis of Linnaeus, and a species of the Mollusca. It consisted of a small bladder about seven inches long, very much resembling the air-bladder of fishes, from the bottom of which descended a number of strings of a bright blue and red, some of them three or four feet in length, which upon being touched sting like a nettle, but with much more force. On the top of the bladder is a membrane which is used as a sail, and turned so as to receive the wind which way soever it blows: This membrane is marked in fine pink-coloured veins, and the animal is in every respect an object exquisitely curious and beautiful.

We also took several of the shell-fishes, or testaceous animals, which are always found floating upon the water, particularly the Helix Janthina and Violacea; they are about the size of a snail, and are supported upon the surface of the water by a small cluster of bubbles, which are filled with air, and consist of a tenacious slimy substance that will not easily part with its contents; the animal is oviparous, and these bubbles serve also as a nidus for its eggs. It is probable that it never goes down to the bottom, nor willingly approaches any shore; for the shell is exceedingly brittle, and that of few fresh-water snails is so thin: Every shell contains about a tea-spoonful of liquor, which it easily discharges upon being touched, and which is of the most beautiful red-purple that can be conceived. It dies linen cloth, and it may perhaps be worth enquiry, as the shell is certainly found in the Mediterranean, whether it be not the Purpura of the ancients.[69]

[Footnote 69: It is quite impossible to discuss this subject here. But it may be worth while to refer the learned reader for some curious information about it, to the illustrious Bochart's work entitled Hierozoicon, Part II. Book V. Ch. II. There are several sorts of sea-shells, that yield the purple-dye so much esteemed among the ancients. Pliny, who has written on the subject, divides them into two classes, the buccinum and purpura, of which the latter was most in request. According to him, the best kinds were found in the vicinity of Tyre. That city was famous for the manufacture of purple. To be Tyrio conspectus in ostro, seemed, in the estimation of the Mantuan poet, essential to his due appearance in honour of Augustus, Geor. 3—17. But several other places in the Mediterranean afforded this precious article. Thus Horace speaks of Spartan purple,

Nec Laconicas mihi Trahunt honestae purpuras clientae.

Od. Lib. 2. 18.

The English reader will be much pleased with several interesting remarks as to the purple and other colours known to the ancients, given in President Goguet's valuable work on the origin of laws, arts. &c. &c. of which a translation by Dr Henry was published at Edinburgh 1761.—E.]

On the 8th, in latitude 8 deg. 25' north, longitude 22 deg. 4' west, we found a current setting to the southward, which, the next day in latitude 7 deg. 58', longitude 22 deg. 13', shifted to the N.N.W. 1/4 W. at the rate of one mile and a furlong an hour. The variation here, by the mean of several azimuths, appeared to be 8 deg. 39' W.

On the 10th, Mr Banks shot the black-toed gull, not yet described according to Linnaeus's system; he gave it the name of Larus crepidatus: It is remarkable that the dung of this bird is of a lively red, somewhat like that of the liquor procured from the shells, only not so full; its principal food therefore is probably the Helix just mentioned. A current to the N.W. prevailed more or less till Monday the 24th, when we were in latitude 1 deg. 7' N. and longitude 28 deg. 50'.

On the 25th we crossed the Line with the usual ceremonies, in longitude 29 deg. 30', when, by the result of several very good azimuths, the variation was 2 deg. 24'.

On the 28th, at noon, being in the latitude of Ferdinand Noronha, and, by the mean of several observations by Mr Green and myself, in longitude 32 deg. 5' 16" W. which is to the westward of it by some charts, and to the eastward by others, we expected to see the island, or some of the shoals that are laid down in the charts between it and the main, but we saw neither one nor the other.

In the evening of the 29th, we observed that luminous appearance of the sea which has been so often mentioned by navigators, and of which such various causes have been assigned; some supposing it to be occasioned by fish, which agitated the water by darting at their prey, some by the putrefaction of fish and other marine animals, some by electricity, and others referring it to a great variety of different causes. It appeared to emit flashes of light exactly resembling those of lightning, only not so considerable, but they were so frequent that sometimes eight or ten were visible almost at the same moment. We were of opinion that they proceeded from some luminous animal, and upon throwing out the casting-net our opinion was confirmed: It brought up a species of the Medusa, which when it came on board had the appearance of metal violently heated, and emitted a white light: With these animals were taken some very small crabs, of three different species, each of which gave as much light as a glow-worm, though the creature was not so large by nine-tenths: Upon examination of these animals, Mr Banks had the satisfaction to find that they were all entirely new.[70]

[Footnote 70: The reader is referred to the account of Captain Krusenstern's circumnavigation, for a very satisfactory relation or an experiment on this subject, which clearly proves the truth of the opinion above stated, as to the cause of the shining appearance so often noticed at sea. It is too long for quotation in this place.—E.]

On Wednesday the 2d of November, about noon, being in the latitude of 10 deg. 38' S. and longitude 32 deg. 18' 43" W. we passed the Line, in which the needle at this time would have pointed due north and south, without any variation: For in the morning, having decreased gradually in its deviation for some days, it was no more than 18' W. and in the afternoon it was 34' east.

On the 6th, being in latitude 19 deg. 8' south, longitude 35 deg. 50' west, the colour of the water was observed to change, upon which we sounded, and found ground at the depth of thirty-two fathoms; the lead was cast three times within about four hours, without a foot difference in the depth or quality of the bottom, which was coral rock, fine sand, and shells; we therefore supposed that we had passed over the tail of the great shoal which is laid down in all our charts by the name of Abrothos, on which Lord Anson struck soundings in his passage outwards: At four the next morning we had no ground with 100 fathom.

As several articles of our stock and provisions now began to fall short, I determined to put into Rio de Janeiro, rather than at any port in Brazil or Falkland's Islands, knowing that it could better supply as with what we wanted, and making no doubt but that we should be well received.

On the 8th, at day-break, we saw the coast of Brazil, and about ten o'clock we brought-to, and spoke with a fishing-boat; the people on board told us that the land which we saw, lay to the southward of Santo Espirito, but belonged to the captainship of that place.

Mr Banks and Dr Solander went on board this vessel; in which they found eleven men, nine of whom were blacks; they all fished with lines, and their fresh cargo, the chief part of which Mr Banks bought, consisted of dolphins, large pelagic scombers of two kinds, sea-bream, and some of the fish which in the West Indies are called Welshmen. Mr Banks had taken Spanish silver with him, which he imagined to be the currency of the continent, but to his great surprise the people asked him for English shillings; he gave them two, which he happened to have about him, and it was not without some dispute that they took the rest of the money in pistereens. Their business seemed to be to catch large fish at a good distance from the shore, which they salted in bulk, in a place made for that purpose; in the middle of their boat: Of this merchandise they had about two quintals on board, which they offered for about fifteen shillings, and would probably have sold for half the money. The fresh fish, which was bought for about nineteen shillings and sixpence, served the whole ship's company; the salt was not wanted.

The sea-provision of these fishermen consisted of nothing more than a cask of water, and a bag of Cassada flour, which they called Farinha de Pao, or wooden flour, which indeed is a name which very well suits its taste and appearance. Their water-cask was large, as wide as their boat, and exactly fitted a place that was made for it in the ballast; it was impossible therefore to draw out any of its contents by a tap, the sides being, from the bottom to the top, wholly inaccessible; neither could any be taken out by dipping a vessel in at the head, for an opening sufficiently wide for that purpose would have endangered the loss of great part of it by the rolling of the vessel: Their expedient to get at their water, so situated, was curious; when one of them wanted to drink, he applied to his neighbour, who accompanied him to the water-cask with a hollow cane about three feet long, which was open at both ends; this he thrust into the cask through a small hole in the top, and then, stopping the upper end with the palm of his hand, drew it out; the pressure of the air against the other end keeping in the water which it contained; to this end the person who wanted to drink applied his mouth, and the assistant then taking his hand from the other, and admitting the air above, the cane immediately parted with its contents, which the drinker drew off till he was satisfied.[71]

[Footnote 71: It seems pretty obvious that the form and position of the water-cask, were accommodated to this known practicability of getting conveniently at its contents. But how such a method should have become familiar to these fishermen, it is difficult to conjecture. Some accidental observation of a reed or similar body containing water when one of its ends was pressed close, had, in all probability, furnished them or their ancestors with the hint. Man, when necessitated to exertion, is essentially a philosopher; but when his natural wants are by any means supplied, he dwindles into a fool. Hence his discoveries are often invaluable in their consequences, whilst his reasonings in explanation of them are absurd and childish. A contrasted collection of both would be a most amusing, and at the same time a humiliating picture of the inconsistency of human nature.—E.]

We stood off and on along the shore till the 12th, and successively saw a remarkable hill near Santo Espirito, then Cape St Thomas, and then an island just without Cape Frio, which in some maps is called the island of Frio, and which being high, with a hollow in the middle, has the appearance of two islands when seen at a distance. On this day we stood along the shore for Rio de Janeiro, and at nine the next morning made sail for the harbour. I then sent Mr Hicks, my first lieutenant, before us in the pinnace, up to the city, to acquaint the governor, that we put in there to procure water and refreshments; and to desire the assistance of a pilot to bring us into proper anchoring-ground. I continued to stand up the river, trusting to Mr Bellisle's draught, published in the Petit Atlas Maritime, vol. ii. N0. 54, which we found very good, till five o'clock in the evening, expecting the return of my lieutenant; and just as I was about to anchor, above the island of Cobras, which lies before the city, the pinnace came back without him, having on board a Portuguese officer, but no pilot. The people in the boat told me, that my lieutenant was detained by the viceroy till I should go on shore.[72] We came immediately to an anchor; and, almost at the same time, a ten-oared boat, full of soldiers, came up, and kept rowing round the ship, without exchanging a word: In less than a quarter of an hour, another boat came on board with several of the viceroy's officers, who asked, whence we came; what was our cargo; the number of men and guns on board; the object of our voyage, and several other questions, which we directly and truly answered: They then told me, as a kind of apology for detaining my lieutenant, and putting an officer on board my pinnace, that it was the invariable custom of the place, to detain the first officer who came on shore from any ship on her arrival, till a boat from the viceroy had visited her, and to suffer no boat to go either from or to a ship, while she lay there, without having a soldier on board. They said that I might go on shore when I pleased; but wished that every other person might remain on board till the paper which they should draw up had been delivered to the viceroy, promising that, immediately upon their return, the lieutenant should be sent on board.

[Footnote 72: There is no reason for supposing that this viceroy had any greater dislike to our countrymen than to any other, or that he acted otherwise towards them than he was accustomed to do in similar cases. Bougainville complains of him much, and represents him as a turbulent ill-mannered fellow. "Having," says he, "on one occasion, upon the repeated leave of the viceroy, concluded a bargain for buying a snow, his excellency forbad the seller to deliver it to me. He likewise gave orders, that we should not be allowed the necessary timber out of the royal dock-yards, for which we had already agreed; he then refused me the permission of lodging with my officers (during the time that the frigate underwent some essential repairs) in a house near the town, offered me by its proprietor, and which Commodore Byron had occupied in 1765, when he touched at this port. On this account, and likewise on his refusing me the snow and the timber, I wanted to make some remonstrances to him. He did not give me time to do it: And at the first words I uttered, he rose in a furious passion, and ordered me to go out; and being certainly piqued, that in spite of his anger, I remained sitting with two officers who accompanied me, he called his guards; but they, wiser than himself, did not come, and we retired, so that nobody seemed to have been disturbed. We were hardly gone, when the guards of his palace were doubled, and orders given to arrest all the French that should be found in the streets after sunsetting." According to this writer, it appears that neither the laws of nations, nor the rules of good breeding, were respected by this very important being, "vain of his authority."—E.]

This promise was performed, and on the next morning, the 14th, I went on shore, and obtained leave of the viceroy to purchase provisions and refreshments for the ship, provided I would employ one of their own people as a factor, but not otherwise. I made some objections to this, but he insisted upon it as the custom of the place. I objected also against the pulling a soldier into the boat every time she went between the ship and the shore; but he told me, that this was done by the express orders of his court, with which he could in no case dispense. I then requested, that the gentlemen whom I had on board might reside on shore during our stay, and that Mr Banks might go up the country to gather plants; but this he absolutely refused. I judged from his extreme caution, and the severity of these restrictions, that he suspected we were come to trade; I therefore took some pains to convince him of the contrary. I told him, that we were bound to the southward, by the order of his Britannic majesty, to observe a transit of the planet Venus over the sun, an astronomical phenomenon of great importance to navigation. Of the transit of Venus, however, he could form no other conception, than that it was the passing of the north star through the south pole; for these are the very words of his interpreter, who was a Swede, and spoke English very well. I did not think it necessary to ask permission for the gentlemen to come on shore during the day, or that, when I was on shore myself, I might be at liberty, taking for granted that nothing was intended to the contrary; but in this I was unfortunately mistaken. As soon as I took leave of his excellency, I found an officer who had orders to attend me wherever I went: Of this I desired an explanation, and was told that it was meant as a compliment; I earnestly desired to be excused from accepting such an honour, but the good viceroy would by no means suffer it to be dispensed with.[73]

[Footnote 73: Mr Barrow notices the extreme jealousy and circumspection of the government, as to strangers. None, he says, is permitted to walk the streets in the day time, unless a soldier attend him. Bad governments are usually fearful, and often expose their weakness by the very means they employ to conceal it. On this principle, admitting its truth, the policy of the Portuguese in general forfeits all claim to admiration. What changes have been wrought in it, since the transatlantic emigration of the royal family, remain to be elucidated.—E.]

With this officer, therefore, I returned on board, about twelve o'clock, where I was impatiently expected by Mr Banks and Dr Solander, who made no doubt but that a fair account of us having been given by the officers who had been on board the evening before in their paper called a Practica, and every scruple of the viceroy removed in my conference with his excellency, they should immediately be at liberty to go on shore, and dispose of themselves as they pleased. Their disappointment at receiving my report may easily be conceived; and it was still increased by an account, that it had been resolved, not only to prevent their residing on shore, and going up the country, but even their leaving the ship; orders having been given, that no person except the captain, and such common sailors as were required to be upon duty, should be permitted to land; and that probably there was a particular view to the passengers in this prohibition, as they were reported to be gentlemen sent abroad to make observations and discoveries, and were uncommonly qualified for that purpose. In the evening, however, Mr Banks and Dr Solander dressed themselves, and attempted to go on shore, in order to make a visit to the viceroy; but they were stopped by the guard-boat which had come off with our pinnace, and which kept hovering round the ship all the while she lay here, for that purpose; the officer on board saying, that he had particular orders, which he could not disobey, to suffer no passenger, nor any officer, except the captain, to pass the boat. After much expostulation to no purpose, they were obliged, with whatever reluctance and mortification, to return on board. I then went on shore myself, but found the viceroy inflexible; he had one answer ready for every thing I could say, That the restrictions under which he had laid us, were in obedience to the king of Portugal's commands, and therefore indispensable.

In this situation I determined, rather than be made a prisoner in my own boat, to go on shore no more; for the officer who, under pretence or a compliment, attended me when I was ashore, insisted also upon going with me to and from the ship: But still imagining, that the scrupulous vigilance of the viceroy must proceed from some, mistaken notion about us, which might more easily be removed by writing than in conversation, I drew up a memorial, and Mr Banks drew up another, which we sent on shore. These memorials were both answered, but by no means to our satisfaction; we therefore replied: In consequence of which, several other papers were interchanged between us and the viceroy, but still without effect. However, as I thought some degree of force, on the part of the viceroy, to enforce these restrictions, necessary to justify my acquiescence in them to the Admiralty, I gave orders to my lieutenant, Mr Hicks, when I sent him with our last reply on Sunday the 20th, in the evening, not to suffer a guard to be put into his boat. When the officer on board the guard-boat found that Mr Hicks was determined to obey my orders, he did not proceed to force, but attended him to the landing-place, and reported the matter to the viceroy. Upon this his excellency refused to receive the memorial, and ordered Mr Hicks to return to the ship; when he came back to the boat, he found that a guard had been put on board in his absence, but he absolutely refused to return till the soldier was removed: The officer then proceeded to enforce the viceroy's orders; he seized all the boat's crew, and sent them under an armed force to prison, putting Mr Hicks at the same time into one of their own boats, and sending him under a guard back to the ship. As soon as he had reported these particulars, I wrote again to the viceroy, demanding my boat and crew, and in my letter inclosed the memorial which he had refused to receive from Mr Hicks: These papers I sent by a petty officer, that I might wave the dispute about a guard, against which I had never objected except when there was a commissioned officer on board the boat. The petty officer was permitted to go on shore with his guard, and, having delivered his letter, was told that an answer would be sent the next day.

About eight o'clock this evening it began to blow very hard in sudden gusts from the south, and our long-boat coming on board just at this time with four pipes of rum, the rope which was thrown to her from the ship, and which, was taken hold of by the people on board, unfortunately broke, and the boat, which had come to the ship before the wind, went adrift to windward of her, with a small skiff of Mr Banks's that was fastened to her stern. This was a great misfortune, as, the pinnace being detained on shore, we had no boat on board but a four-oared yawl: The yawl, however, was immediately manned and sent to her assistance; but, notwithstanding the utmost effort of the people in both boats, they were very soon out of sight: Far indeed we could not see at that time in the evening, but the distance was enough to convince us that they were not under command, which gave us great uneasiness, as we knew they must drive directly upon a reef of rocks which ran out just to leeward of where we lay: After waiting some hours in the utmost anxiety, we gave them over for lost, but about three o'clock the next morning had the satisfaction to see all the people come on board in the yawl. From them we learnt, that the long-boat having filled with water, they had brought her to a grappling and left her; and that, having fallen in with the reef of rocks in their return to the ship, they had been obliged to cut Mr Banks's little boat adrift. As the loss of our long-boat, which we had now too much reason to apprehend, would have been an unspeakable disadvantage to us, considering the nature of our expedition, I sent another letter to the viceroy, as soon as I thought he could be seen, acquainting him with our misfortune, and, requesting the assistance of a boat from the shore for the recovery of our own; I also renewed my demand that the pinnace and her crew should be no longer detained: After some delay, his excellency thought fit to comply both with my request and demand; and the same day we happily recovered both the long-boat and the skiff, with the rum, but every thing else that was on board was lost. On the 23d, the viceroy, in his answer to my remonstrance against seizing my men and detaining the boat, acknowledged that I had been treated with some incivility, but said that the resistance of my officers, to what he had declared to be the king's orders, made it absolutely necessary; he also expressed some doubts whether the Endeavour, considering her structure and other circumstances, was in the service of his majesty, though I had before shewed him my commission: To this I answered in writing, That to remove all scruples, I was ready to produce my commission again. His excellency's scruples however still remained, and in his reply to my letter he not only expressed them in still plainer terms, but accused my people of smuggling. This charge, I am confident, was without the least foundation in truth. Mr Banks's servants had indeed found means to go on shore on the 22d at day-break, and stay till it was dark in the evening, but they brought on board only plants and insects, having been sent for no other purpose. And I had the greatest reason to believe that not a single article was smuggled by any of our people who were admitted on shore, though many artful means were used to tempt them, even by the very officers that were under his excellency's roof, which made the charge still more injurious and provoking. I have indeed some reason to suspect that one poor fellow bought a single bottle of rum with some of the clothes upon his back; and in my answer I requested of his excellency, that, if such an attempt at illicit trade should be repeated, he would without scruple order the offender to be taken into custody. And thus ended our altercation, both by conference and writing, with the viceroy of Rio de Janeiro.

A friar in the town having requested the assistance of our surgeon, Dr Solander easily got admittance in that character on the 25th, and received many marks of civility from the people. On the 26th, before day-break, Mr Banks also found means to elude the vigilance of the people in the guard-boat, and got on shore; he did not however go into the town, for the principal objects of his curiosity were to be found in the fields: to him also the people behaved with great civility, many of them invited him to their houses, and he bought a porker and some other things of them for the ship's company; the porker, which was by no means lean, cost him eleven shillings, and he paid something less than two for a Muscovy duck.

On the 27th, when the boats returned from watering, the people told us there was a report in town, that search was making after some persons who had been on shore from the ship without the viceroy's permission; these persons we conjectured to be Dr Solander and Mr Banks, and therefore they determined to go on shore no more.

On the first of December, having got our water and other necessaries on board, I sent to the viceroy for a pilot to carry us to sea, who came off to us; but the wind preventing us from getting out, we took on board a plentiful supply of fresh beef, yams, and greens for the ship's company. On the 2d, a Spanish packet arrived, with letters from Buenos Ayres for Spain, commanded by Don Antonio de Monte Negro y Velasco, who with great politeness offered to take our letters to Europe: I accepted the favour, and gave him a packet for the secretary of the Admiralty, containing copies of all the papers that had passed between me and the viceroy; leaving also duplicates with the viceroy, to be by him forwarded to Lisbon.

On Monday the 5th, it being a dead calm, we weighed anchor and towed down the bay; but, to our great astonishment, when we got abreast of Santa Cruz, the principal fortification, two shot were fired at us. We immediately cast anchor, and sent to the fort to enquire the reason of what had happened: Our people brought us word, That the commandant had received no order from the viceroy to let us pass; and that, without such an order, no vessel was ever suffered to go below the fort. It was now, therefore, become necessary, that we should send to the viceroy, to enquire why the necessary order had not been given, as he had notice of our departure, and had thought fit to write me a polite letter, wishing, me a good voyage. Our messenger soon returned with an account, that the order had been written some days, but by an unaccountable negligence not sent.

We did not get under sail till the 7th; and when we had passed the fort, the pilot desired to be discharged. As soon as he was dismissed, we were left by our guard-boat, which had hovered about us from the first hour of our being in this place to the last: And Mr Banks, having been prevented from going ashore at Rio de Janeiro, availed himself of her departure to examine the neighbouring islands, where, particularly on one in the mouth of the harbour called Raza, he gathered many species of plants, and caught a variety of insects.

It is remarkable, that, during the last three or four days of our staying in this harbour, the air was loaded with butterflies: They were chiefly of one sort, but in such numbers that thousands were in view in every direction, and the greatest part of them above our mast-head.