SECTION XIII.

How some Alanians visited them on the Eve of Pentecost.

On the eve of Pentecost or Whitsunday, there came to us certain Alanians, called there Acias or Akas, who are Christians after the Greek form, using Greek books, and having Grecian priests, but they are not schismatics like the Greeks as they honour all Christians without exception. These men brought us some sodden flesh, which they offered us to eat, and requested us to pray for one of their company who had died. But I explained to them the solemnity of the festival, and that we could eat no flesh at this time. They were much pleased with our exposition, as they were ignorant of every thing relative to the Christian rites, the name of Christ alone excepted. They and many other Christians, both Russians and Hungarians, demanded of us if they might be saved, having been constrained to drink cosmos, and to eat the flesh of animals that had been slain by the Saracens and other infidels; which the Greek and Russian priests consider as things strangled or offered to idols. They were likewise ignorant of the times of fasting, neither could they have observed these in this region, even if they had known their times and seasons. I then instructed them as well as I could, and strengthened them in the faith. We reserved the flesh which they had brought us until the feast day, for there was nothing to be bought among the Tartars for gold and silver, but only for cloth and garments, which we had not to dispose of. When our servants offered any of the coin which they call yperpera [1], they rubbed it with their fingers, and smelt it, to see whether it were copper. All the food they supplied us with was sour, and filthy cows milk; and the water was so foul and muddy, by reason of their numerous horses, that we could not drink it. If it had not been for the grace of God, and the biscuit we brought with us, we had surely perished.

[1] Or hyperpyron, a coin said to be of the value of two German dollars, or six and eightpence Sterling.—E.



SECTION XIV.

Of a Saracen who desired to be Baptized, and of men who seemed Lepers.

Upon the day of Pentecost, a Saracen came to visit us, to whom we explained the articles of the Christian faith; particularly the salvation of sinners, through the incarnation of Jesus, the resurrection of the dead, and judgment to come, and how through baptism all sin was washed out. He seemed much affected with these doctrines, and even expressed a desire to be baptized; but when we were preparing for that ceremony, he suddenly mounted on horseback, saying that he must first consult his wife; and he returned next day, declining to receive baptism, because he would not then be allowed to drink cosmos, without which, he could not live in that country. From this opinion, I could not move him by any arguments; so that these people are much estranged from becoming Christians, by the assertion of that opinion by the Russians, and other Christians, who come among them in great numbers.

On the same day, which was the morrow of the feast of Pentecost, Zagathai gave us one man to conduct us to Sartach, and two others to guide us to the next station, which was at the distance of five days journey for our oxen. We were presented also with a goat to serve us as food, and a great many skin bags of cows milk, but they gave us very little cosmos, as that liquor is in great estimation among themselves.

From the station of Zagathai we travelled directly north, and our attendants began to pilfer largely from us, because we took too little heed of our property, but experience at length taught us wisdom. At length we reached the bounds of this province, which is fortified by a deep ditch, from sea to sea[1]. Immediately beyond this ditch, we came to the station to which our conductors belonged, where all the inhabitants seemed to be infected with leprosy; and certain base people are placed here to receive the tribute from all who come for salt from the salt pits formerly mentioned. We were told that we should have to travel fifteen days farther before meeting with any other inhabitants. With these people we drank cosmos, and we presented them in return with a basket of fruits and biscuit; and they gave us eight oxen and a goat, and a vast number of bladders full of milk, to serve as provision during our long journey. But by changing our oxen, we were enabled in ten days to attain the next station, and through the whole way we only found water in some ditches, dug on purpose, in the vallies, and in two small rivers. From leaving the province of Casaria, we traveled directly eastwards, having the sea of Azoph on our right hand, and a vast desert on the north, which, in some places, is twenty days journey in breadth, without mountain, tree, or even stone; but it is all excellent pasture. In this waste the Comani, called Capchat[2], used to feed their cattle. The Germans called these people Valani, and the province Valania; but Isidore terms the whole country, from the Tanais, along the Paulus Maeotis, Alania. This great extent would require a journey of two months, from one end to the other, even if a man were to travel post as fast as the Tartars usually ride, and was entirely inhabited by the Capchat Comanians; who likewise possessed the country between the Tanais, which divides Europe from Asia, and the river Edil or Volga, which is a long ten days journey. To the north of this province of Comania Russia is situate, which is all over full of wood, and reaches from the north of Poland and Hungary, all the way to the Tanais or Don. This country has been all wasted by the Tartars, and is even yet often plundered by them.

The Tartars prefer the Saracens to the Russians, because the latter are Christians: and when the Russians are unable to satisfy their demands for gold and silver, they drive them and their children in multitudes into the desert, where they constrain them to tend their flocks and herds. Beyond Russia is the country of Prussia, which the Teutonic knights have lately subdued, and they might easily win Russia likewise, if they so inclined; for if the Tartars were to learn that the sovereign Pontiff had proclaimed a crusade against them, they would all flee into their solitudes.

[1] From this circumstance it is obvious, that the journey had been hitherto confined to Casaria, or the Crimea, and that he had now reached the lines or isthmus of Precop.—E.

[2] In the English translation of Hakluyt, this word is changed to Capthak, and in the collection of Harris to Capthai; it is probably the Kiptschak of the Russians.—E.



SECTION XV.

Of our Distresses, and of the Comanian funerals.

In our journey eastwards we saw nothing but the earth and sky, having sometimes the sea of Tanais within sight on our right hand, and sometimes we saw the sepulchres in which the Comanians used to bury their dead, at the distance of a league or two from the line of our journey. So long as we travelled in the desert, matters were tolerably well with us, but I cannot sufficiently express the irksome and tedious plagues and troubles we had to encounter in the dwellings of the Tartars; for our guide insisted upon us making presents to every one of the Tartar captains, which we were utterly unable to afford, and we were eight persons in all, continually using our provisions, as the three Tartars who accompanied us insisted that we should feed them; and the flesh which had been given us was by no means sufficient, and we could not get any to buy. While we sat under the shadow of our carts to shelter us from the extreme heat of the sun, they would intrude into our company, and even tread upon us, that they might see what we had; and when they had to ease nature, would hardly withdraw a few yards distance, shamelessly talking to us the whole lime. What distressed me most of all, was when I wished to address them upon religious subjects, my foolish interpreter used to say, "You shall not make me a preacher, and I neither will nor can rehearse these words." Nay, after I began to acquire some little knowledge of their language, I found, when I spoke one thing, he would say quite differently, whatever chanced to come uppermost in his senseless mind. Thus, seeing the danger I might incur in speaking by so faithless an interpreter, I resolved rather to be silent.

We thus journeyed on from station to station, till at length a few days before the festival of Mary Magdalen, 22d July, we arrived on the banks of the mighty river Tanais or Don, which divides Europe from Asia. At this place Baatu and Sartach had established a station of Russians on the eastern bank of the river, on purpose to transport merchants and messengers across. They ferried us over in the first place, and then our carts; and their boats were so small that they were obliged to use two boats tied together for one cart, putting a wheel into each. In this place our guides acted most foolishly; for believing that the Russians would provide us with horses and oxen, they sent back those we had from the western side of the river, to their masters. But when relays were demanded from the Russians, they alleged that they had a privilege from Baatu, exempting them from all services except those belonging to the ferry, and for which they were even accustomed to receive considerable rewards from such merchants as passed that way. We were, therefore, constrained to remain three days in this place. The first day they gave us a large fresh fish[1]. The second day the magistrate of the village gathered from every house for us, and presented us with rye-bread and some flesh. And the third day they gave us dried fish, of which they have great abundance.

The river Tanais, at this place, is as broad as the Seine at Paris; and before arriving on its banks, we had passed many goodly waters full of fish: but the rude Tartars know not now to catch them, neither do they hold fish in any estimation, unless large enough to feed a company. This river is the eastern limit of Russia, and arises from certain marshes which extend to the northern ocean; and it discharges itself in the south, into a large sea of 700 miles extent, before falling into the Euxine; and all the rivers we had passed ran with a full stream in the same direction. Beyond this place the Tartars advance no farther to the north, and they were now, about the first of August, beginning to return into the south; and they have another village somewhat lower down the river, where passengers are ferried over in winter. At this time the people were reaping their rye. Wheat does not succeed in their soil, but they have abundance of millet. The Russian women attire their heads like those in our country; and they ornament their gowns with furs of different kinds, from about the knees downwards. The men wear a dress like the Germans, having high crowned conical hats made of felt, like sugar loaves, with sharp points.

At length, after representing that our journey was intended for the common benefit of all Christians, they provided us with oxen and men to proceed upon our journey; but as we got no horses, we were ourselves under the necessity of travelling on foot. In this manner we journied for three days, without meeting any people; and when both our oxen and ourselves were weary and faint with fatigue, two horses came running towards us, to our great joy: Our guide and interpreter mounted upon these, and set out to see if they could fall in with any inhabitants. At length, on the fourth day, having found some people, we rejoiced like seafaring men, who had escaped from a tempest into a safe harbour. Then getting fresh horses and oxen, we passed on from station to station, till we at length reached the habitation of duke Sartach on the second of the kalends of August[2].

[1] In the Latin this fish is named Barbatus, which both Hakluyt and Harris have translated Turbot, a fish never found in rivers. It was more probably a Barbel, in Latin called Barbus; or it might be of the Sturgeon tribe, which likewise has beard-like appendages, and is found in the Don.—E.

[2] This, according to the Roman method of reckoning, ought to be the last day of July. Yet Rubruquis had previously mentioned the 1st of August a considerable time before.—E.



SECTION XVI.

Of the Dominions and Subjects of Sartach.

The region beyond the Tanais is very beautiful, especially towards the north, where there are fine rivers and extensive forests. In these dwell two different nations. One of these, named the Moxel, are ignorant pagans, without any laws, who dwell in cottages among the woods, and have no cities. Their lord, and the greater part of the nation were carried to the confines of Germany by the Tartars, and were there slain by the Germans, who are held in great estimation by the nations who are subject to the Tartars, as they hope, through their means, to be freed from the Tartar yoke. When a merchant comes among these people, the first person with whom he stops is obliged to provide him with all necessaries during his stay in the district; and they are so little jealous of their wives, that husbands pay little regard to their infidelity, unless directly under their eyes. These people have abundance of swine, honey, and wax, precious furs, and falcons. Beyond these dwell the Merdas[1] or Merdui, who are Saracens or Mahometans. Beyond them is the Etilia or Volga, the largest river I ever beheld, which comes out of the north, from the country of the Greater Bulgaria and runs southwards, into a vast lake of four months journey in circuit, of which I shall speak afterwards. In the northern region, by which we travelled, the Tanais and Volga are not above ten days journey asunder, but towards the south they are at a much farther distance; the Tanais falling into the Euxine, and the Volga into the before mentioned sea or lake, which likewise receives many rivers from Persia. In the course of our journey, we left to the south certain great mountains, on whose sides, towards the desert, dwell the Cergis and the Alani or Acas, who are Christians, and still carry on war with the Tartars. Beyond these, near the sea or lake of Etilia, or the Caspian, are certain Mahometans named Lesgis, who are subjected to the Tartars. Beyond these again are the Irongates, which were constructed by Alexander, to exclude the barbarians from Persia, of which I shall speak hereafter, as I passed that way in my return. In the country through which we travelled between these great rivers, the Comanians dwelt before it was occupied by the Tarters.

[1] In the English of Hakluyt and Harris, these people are called Merdas and Mardui.—E.



SECTION XVII.

Of the Magnificence of the Court of Sartach.

WE found Sartach encamped within three days journey of the river Volga or Etilia, and his court or horda appeared to us very large and magnificent; as he had six wives, and his eldest son three, and each of these ladies had a great house, like those already described, besides that each had several smaller houses, and 200 of the chest-carts already mentioned. Our guide went immediately to a certain Nestorian named Coiat, who has great influence at the court of Sartach; and this man carried us in the evening a considerable distance, to an officer called, in the Tartar language, the Lords Gate, to whom belongs the duty of receiving messengers or ambassadors. Our guide inquired what we had ready to present to this person, and seemed much offended when he found we had nothing to offer. When we came into his presence, he sat majestically, having music and dancing performed before him. I then spoke to him the words formerly mentioned, giving an account of the cause of our mission, and requesting that he would bring us and our letters into the presence of his lord. I excused myself also, that as I was a monk, neither giving, receiving, or using any gold, silver, or other costly things, except our books, and the vestments in which we served God, that I could bring no present to him or his lord; and having abandoned my own goods, I could not transport such things for other men. He courteously answered, that being a monk, I acted well in observing my vow: and that he stood in no need of any of our things, but on the contrary, was ready to give us what we might need. He then caused us to sit down and drink of his milk, and afterwards desired that we should recite a benediction for him, which we did. He inquired who was the greatest sovereign among the Francs? To which I answered the emperor, if he could enjoy his dominions in peace. "Not so, said he, but the king of France." For he had heard of your majesty from the Lord Baldwin of Hainault. I found also at this court, one of the Knight Templars, who had been at Cyprus, and had made a report of all that he had seen there concerning your majesty. We then returned to our lodgings, whence we sent a flaggon of our Muscadel wine, which had kept well during the journey, and a box of our biscuit to this officer, who received the present very graciously, and retained our servants all night in his dwelling.

In the morning he ordered us to come to court, and to bring the kings letters, and our books and vestments along with us, as his lord desired to see these things. This we did accordingly, lading one cart with our books and vestments, and another with wine, biscuit, and fruits. Then he caused all our books and vestments to be spread out, and asked if we meant to bestow all these things upon his lord. A multitude of Tartars, Christians, and Mahometans were around us, on horseback, at this time, and I was sore grieved and afraid at this question; but dissembling as well as I could, I said, "That we humbly requested his lord and master to accept our bread, wine, and fruits, not as a present, for it was too mean, but as a benevolence, lest we should appear to come empty handed. That his lord would see the letters of the king my master, which would explain the reason of our journey; after which we, and all we had, would remain at his command: But that our vestments were holy, and were unlawful to be touched or used by any except priests." We were then commanded to array ourselves in our sacred vestments, that we might appear in them before his lord. Then putting on our most precious ornaments, I took a rich cushion in my arms, together with the bible I had from your majesty, and the beautiful psalter, ornamented with fine paintings, which the queen bestowed upon me. My companion carried the missal and a crucifix; and the clerk, clothed in his surplice, carried a censer in his hand. In this order we presented ourselves, and the felt hanging before the lords door being withdrawn, we appeared, in his presence. Then the clerk and interpreter were ordered to make three genuflexions, from which humiliation we were exempted; and they admonished us to be exceedingly careful, in going in and out of the lords dwelling, not to touch the threshold of his door, and we were desired to sing a benediction or prayer for their lord; and we accordingly entered in singing the salve regina.

Immediately within the door there stood a bench planted with cosmos and drinking cups. All Sartachs wives were assembled in the house; and the Moals, or rich Tartars, pressing in along with us, incommoded us exceedingly. Then Coiat carried the censer with incense to Sartach, who took it in his hand, examining it narrowly. He next carried him the psalter, which he and the wife who sat next him minutely inspected. After which the bible was carried to him, on which he asked if it contained our Gospel? To which I answered, that it contained that, and all our other Holy Scriptures. I next delivered to him your majestys letter, with its translation into the Arabian and Syriac languages, which I had procured to be done at Acon[1]; and there happened to be present certain Armenian priests, who were skilful in the Turkish and Arabian languages, and likewise the before mentioned templar had knowledge of both these and the Syriac. We then went out of the house and put off our vestments, and we were followed by Coiat, accompanied by certain scribes, by whom our letters were interpreted; and when Sartach had heard these read, he graciously accepted our bread, wine, and fruits, and permitted us to carry our books and vestments to our own lodgings. All this happened on the festival of St Peter ad Vincula.

[1] Now called St Jean d'Acre.—E.



SECTION XVIII.

They are ordered to proceed to Baatu, the Father of Sartach.

Next morning early a certain priest, who was the brother of Coiat, came to our lodging, and desired to have our box of chrism to carry, as he said, to Sartach. About evening Coat sent for us, and said that the king our master had written acceptably to his lord and master Sartach; but there were certain difficult matters, respecting which he did not dare to determine without the orders and advice of his father, and that it was, therefore, necessary that we should go to his father, leaving the two carts behind us in which we brought the books and vestments, because his lord was desirous to examine these things more carefully. Suspecting the evil that might arise from this man's covetousness, I immediately said that we would not only leave these carts, but the other two also under his custody. You shall not, said he, leave these two carts behind, but as for the other two, we will satisfy your desire. But I insisted upon leaving them all. He then desired to know whether we intended to remain in the country? To which I answered, that if he had thoroughly understood the letters of my lord and master, he would have seen that we were so inclined. And he then exhorted us to demean ourselves with patience, and humility; after which we parted for that evening.

Next day Coiat sent a Nestorian priest for the carts, to whom we caused all the four to be delivered. After whom the brother of Coiat came to our lodging, and took possession of all the books and vestments which we had shewn the day before at the court; although we remonstrated against this procedure, saying that Coiat had ordered us to carry those things along with us, that we might appear in them before Baatu; but he took them from us by violence, saying, "you brought all these things to Sartach, and would you carry them to Baatu?" And when I would have reasoned with him against this conduct, he desired me not to be too talkative, but to go my way. There was no remedy but patience, as we could not have access to Sartach, and we could not expect to procure justice from any other person. I was even afraid to employ our interpreter on this occasion, lest he might have represented matters in a quite different sense from what I should direct, as he seemed much inclined for us to give away all we had. My only comfort was, that I had secretly removed the bible and some other books, on which I set a great store, when I first discovered their covetous intentions; but I did not venture to abstract the psalter, because it was so particularly distinguished by its beautifully gilded illuminations. When the person came who was appointed to be our guide to the court of Baatu, I represented to him the necessity of leaving our other carts behind, as we were to travel post; and on this being reported to Coiat, he consented to take charge of these, and of our servant. Before leaving the residence of Sartach, Coiat and other scribes desired that we should by no means represent their lord to Baatu as a Christian, but as a Moal: for though they believe some things concerning Christ, they are very unwilling to be called Christians, which they consider as a national appellation; and they look upon their own name of Moal as worthy to be exalted above all others. Neither do they allow themselves to be called Tartars: as that is the name of another nation, according to the information I received at this place. Leaving the station of Sartach, we travelled directly eastwards for three days, on the last of which we came to the Etilia or Volga, and I wondered much from what regions of the north such mighty streams should descend.



SECTION XIX.

Of the Reverence shewn by Sartach, Mangu-khan, and Ken-chan, to the Christians.

At the time when the Francs took Antioch from the Saracens[1], a prince named Con-can, or Khen-khan, held dominion over all the northern regions of Tartary. Con is a proper name, and can or khan is a title of dignity, signifying a diviner or soothsayer, and is applied to all princes in these countries, because the government of the people belongs to them through divination. To this prince the Turks of Antioch sent for assistance against the Francs, as the whole nation of the Turks came originally from the regions of Tartary. Con-khan was of the nation called Kara-Catay, or the black Catay; which is used to distinguish them from the other nation of Catayans, who inhabit to the eastwards upon the ocean, of whom I shall speak afterwards. These Kara-Catayans dwelt upon certain high mountains through which I travelled; and in a certain plain country within these mountains, there dwelt a Nestorian shepherd, who was supreme governor over the people called Yayman or Nayman, who were Christians of the Nestorian sect. After the death of Con-khan, this Nestorian prince exalted himself to the kingdom, and was called King John, or Prester John; of whom ten times more is reported than is true, according to the usual custom of the Nestorians, for they are apt to raise great stories on no foundations. Thus they gave out, that Sartach was a Christian, and they propagated similar stories of Mangu-khan, and even of Con-khan, merely because these princes shewed great respect to the Christians. The story of King John had no better foundation; for when I travelled through his territories, no one there knew any thing at all about him, except only a few Nestorians. In these regions likewise dwelt Con-khan, formerly mentioned, at whose court Friar Andrew once was; and I passed through that region in my return. This John had a brother, a powerful prince and a shepherd like himself, who was named Vut-khan, or Unc-khan, who dwelt beyond the mountains of Kara-Kitay, at the distance of three weeks journey from the residence of John. This Vut-khan was lord of a small village named Caracarum, and his subjects were called Crit or Merkit, being Christians of the Nestorian sect. But Vut-khan abandoned the Christian worship and followed idolatry, retaining priests to his idols, who are all sorcerers and worshippers of the devils.

Ten or fifteen days journey beyond the territory of Vut-khan, lay the pastures of the Moal, a poor nation without laws or government, except that they were much given to sorcery and divinations; and near them was another poor nation called Tartars. On the death of John, the khan of the Cara- Kitayans, without male issue, his brother Vut succeeded to all his great riches, and got himself to be proclaimed khan. The flocks and herds of this Vut-khan pastured to the borders of the Moal, among whom was one Zingis, a blacksmith, who used to steal as many cattle as he possibly could from the flock of Vut-Khan. At length the herds complained to their lord of the reiterated robberies which were committed by Zingis, and Vut-khan went with an army to seize him. But Zingis fled and hid himself among the Tartars, and the troops of Vut-khan returned to their own country, after having made considerable spoil both from the Moal and the Tartars. Then Zingis remonstrated with the Moal and Tartars, upon their want of a supreme ruler to defend them from the oppressions of their neighbours, and they were induced by his suggestions to appoint him to be their khan or ruler. Immediately after his elevation, Zingis gathered an army secretly together, and made a sudden invasion of the territories belonging to Vut, whom he defeated in battle, and forced to fly for refuge into Katay. During this invasion, one of the daughters of Vut was made prisoner, whom Zingis gave in marriage to one of his sons, and to whom she bore Mangu-khan, the presently reigning great khan of the Moal and Tartars. In all his subsequent wars, Zingis used continually to send the Tartars before him in the van of his army: by which means their name came to be spread abroad in the world, as, wherever they made their appearance, the astonished people were in use to run away, crying out, the Tartars! the Tartars! In consequence of almost continual war, this nation of the Tartars is now almost utterly extirpated, yet the name remains; although the Moals use every effort to abolish that name and to exalt their own. The country where these Tartars formerly inhabited, and where the court of Zingis still remains, is now called Mancherule; and as this was the centre of all their conquests, they still esteem it as their royal residence, and there the great khan is for the most part elected.

[1] About the year 1097.



SECTION XX.

Of the Russians, Hungarians, Alanians, and of the Caspian.

I know not whether Sartach really believes in Christ, but am certain that he refuses to be called a Christian, and I rather think that he scoffs at Christianity. His residence lies in the way through which the Russians, Walachians, Bulgarians of the lesser Bulgaria, the Soldaians, or Christians of Casaria, the Kerkis, Alanians, and other Christians have to pass in their way with gifts or tribute to the court of his father Baatu-khan; and by this means Sartach is more connected with the Christians than any of the rest, yet when the Saracens or Mahometans bring their gifts, they are sooner dispatched. Sartach has always about him some Nestorian priests, who count their beads and sing their devotions.

There is another commander under Baatu-khan, called Berta or Berca, who pastures his flocks towards the Iron-gate, or Derbent, through which lies the passage of all the Saracens or Mahometans who come from Persia and Turkey, to pay their gifts and tributes to Baatu, and who make presents to Berta in their way. This person professes himself to be of the Mahometan faith, and will not permit swines flesh to be eaten in his dominions. But it appearing to Baatu, that his affairs suffered detriment by this intercourse with the Mahometans, we learnt on our return, that he had commanded Berta to remove from the Iron-gate to the east side of the Volga.

For the space of four days which we spent in the court of Sartach, we had no victuals allowed us, except once a little cosmos; and during our journey to the residence of his father Baatu, we travelled in great fear, on account of certain Russian, Hungarian, and Alanian servants of the Tartars, who often assemble secretly in the night, in troops of twenty or thirty together, and being armed with bows and arrows, murder and rob whoever they meet with, hiding themselves during the day. These men are always on horseback, and when their horses tire, they steal others from the ordinary pastures of the Tartars, and each man has generally one or two spare horses to serve as food in case of need. Our guide therefore was in great fear lest we might fall in with some of these stragglers. Besides this danger, we must have perished during this journey, if we had not fortunately carried some of our biscuit along with us. We at length reached the great river Etilia or Volga, which is four times the size of the Seine, and of great depth. This river rises in the north of Greater Bulgaria, and discharges itself into the Hircanian Sea, called the Caspian by Isidore, having the Caspian mountains and the land of Persia on the south, the mountains of Musihet, or of the Assassins on the east, which join the Caspian mountains, and on the north is the great desert now occupied by the Tartars, where formerly there dwelt certain people called Canglae, or Cangitae, and on that side it receives the Etilia, or Volga, which overflows in summer like the Nile in Egypt. On the west side of this sea are the mountains of the Alani and Lesgis, the Iron-gate or Derbent, and the mountains of Georgia. This sea, therefore, is environed on three sides by mountains, but by plain ground on the north. Friar Andrew, in his journey, travelled along its south and east sides; and I passed its north side both in going and returning between Baatu and Mangu-khan, and along its western side in my way from Baatu into Syria. One may travel entirely round it in four months; and it is by no means true, as reported by Isidore, that it is a bay of the ocean, with which it nowhere joins, but is environed on all sides by the land.

At the region from the west shore of the Caspian, where the Iron-gate of Alexander is situated, now called Derbent, and from the mountains of the Alani, and along the Palus Moeotis, or sea of Azoph, into which the Tanais falls, to the northern ocean, was anciently called Albania; in which Isidore says, that there were dogs of such strength and fierceness, as to fight with bulls, and even to overcome lions, which I have been assured by several persons to be true; and even, that towards the northern ocean, they have dogs of such size and strength, that the inhabitants make them draw carts like oxen[1].

[1] It is astonishing how easily a small exaggeration converts truth to fable. Here the ill-told story of the light sledges of the Tshutki, drawn by dogs of a very ordinary size, is innocently magnified into carts dragged by gigantic mastiffs.—E.



SECTION XXI.

Of the Court of Baatu, and our Entertainment there.

On that part of the Volga where we arrived, they have lately built a new village, in which there is a mixed population of Russians and Tartars, established for the service of the ferry, that they may transport messengers going to and from the court of Baatu, as he always remains on the east side of the Volga. Neither does he ever travel any farther north, in summer, than to the place where we arrived on that river, and was even then descending towards the south. From January till August, he and all the other Tartars ascend by the banks of rivers towards the cold regions of the north, and in August they begin again to return. From the place where we came to the Volga, is a journey of five days northward to the first villages of the Greater Bulgaria, and I am astonished to think how the Mahometan religion should have travelled thither; as from Derbent, on the extreme borders of Persia, it is thirty days journey to pass the desert and ascend along the Volga into Bulgaria, and in the whole track there are no towns, and only a few villages where the Volga falls into the Caspian; yet these Bulgarians[1] are the most bigotedly attached to the religion of Mahomet, of any of the nations that have been perverted to that diabolical superstition.

The court of Baatu having already gone towards the south, we passed down the stream of the Volga in a bark from the before mentioned village, to where his court then was; and we were astonished at the magnificent appearance of his encampment, as his houses and tents were so numerous, as to appear like some large city, stretching out to a vast length; and there were great numbers of people ranging about the country, to three or four leagues all around. Even as the children of Israel knew every one on which side of the Tabernacle to pitch his tent, so every Tartar knows on to what side of the court of his prince he ought to place his house, when he unlades it from his cart. The princes court is called in their language Horda, which signifies the middle, because the chieftain or ruler always dwells in the midst of his people; only that no subject or inferior person must place his dwelling towards the south, as the court gates are always open to that quarter. But they extend themselves to the right and left, according as they find it convenient. On our arrival we were conducted to a Mahometan, who did not provide us with any provisions; and we were brought next day to the court, where Baatu had caused a large tent to be erected, as his house was two small to contain the multitude of men and women who were assembled at this place. We were admonished by our guide, not to speak until we should receive orders from Baatu to that purpose, and that then we should be brief in our discourse. Baatu asked if your majesty had sent us as ambassadors to him? I answered, that your majesty had formerly sent ambassadors to Ken-khan; and would not have sent any on the present occasion, or any letters to Sartach, had it not been that you had been advised they were become Christians; on which account only I had been sent in congratulation and not through any fear. We were then led into the pavilion, being strictly charged not to touch any of the tent ropes, which they consider as equivalent to the threshold of a house, which must not be touched. We entered the tent barefooted and with our heads uncovered, forming a strange spectacle in their eyes; for though Friar John de Plano Carpini had been there before me, yet being a messenger from the Pope, he had changed his habit that he might not be despised. We were brought forward into the middle of the tent, without being required to bow the knee, as is the case with other messengers. Baatu was seated upon a long broad couch like a bed, all over gilt, and raised three steps from the ground, having one of his ladies beside him. The men of note were all assembled in the tent, and were seated about in a scattered manner, some on the right and some on the left hand; and those places which were not filled up by Baatus wives, were occupied by some of the men. At the entrance of the tent there stood a bench well furnished with cosmos, and with many superb cups of gold and silver, richly set with precious stones. Baatu surveyed us earnestly for some time, and we him; he was of a fresh ruddy colour, and in my opinion had a strong resemblance to the late Lord John de Beaumont.

After standing in the midst of the tent for so long as one might have rehearsed the Miserere, during which an universal silence prevailed, we were commanded to speak, and our guide directed us to bow our knees before we spoke. On this I bowed one knee as to a man; but he desired me to kneel on both knees, and being unwilling to contend about such ceremonies, I complied; and being again commanded to speak, I bethought me of prayer to God on account of my posture, and began in the following manner: "Sir, we beseech God, the giver of all good, who hath bestowed upon you these earthly benefits, that he would grant you hereafter the blessings of Heaven, seeing that the former are vain without the latter. Be it known to you therefore, of a certainty, that you cannot attain to the joys of heaven unless you become a Christian; for God hath said, whosoever believeth and is baptized shall be saved, but he that believeth not shall be condemned." At this he modestly smiled, but the other Moals clapped their hands in derision; and my interpreter, who ought to have comforted me, was quite abashed. After silence was restored, I proceeded thus: "Having heard that your son was become a Christian, I came to him with letters from my master the king of the Francs, and your son sent me hither; for what reason it behoves you to know." He then desired me to rise, and inquired the name of your majesty, and my name, and the names of my companion and interpreter, all of which he caused to be set down in writing. After which, he asked who it was that your majesty made war against, as he had heard that you had departed from your own country with an army. To which I answered, that you warred against the Saracens, because they had violated the house of God at Jerusalem. He then asked if your majesty had ever before sent ambassadors to him. And I said never to him. He then desired us to be seated, and gave us to drink; and it is accounted a great favour when any one is admitted to drink cosmos in his house. While I sat looking down upon the ground, he desired me to look up; either wishing to observe me more distinctly, or out of some superstitious fancy: for these people look upon it as a sign of ill-fortune, when any one sits in their presence holding down his head in a melancholy posture, and more especially when he leans his cheek or chin upon his hand.

We then departed from the tent of audience, and immediately afterwards our guide came and told us, that, as our king had desired that we might remain in this country, Baatu could not consent to this without the knowledge and authority of Mangu-khan; and it was necessary, therefore, that I should go with the interpreter to Mangu, while my companion and the clerk should return to the court of Sartach, and remain there till my return. On this the interpreter began to lament himself as a dead man; and my companion declared, that rather as separate from me, he would allow them to take off his head. I added, that I could not possibly go without my interpreter, and that we should need two servants, that we might be sure of one in case of the other being sick. Upon this the guide returned into the presence and reported to Baatu what we had said, who now gave orders that the two priests and the interpreter should go forwards to Mangu, but that the clerk must immediately return to Sartach; and with this answer the guide came to us. When I now endeavoured to plead for the company of our clerk, he desired me to be silent; for as Baatu had already given the orders, they must be obeyed, and he dared not go again into the court. Goset, our clerk, still had twenty-six yperperas remaining of the alms we had formerly received, ten of which he retained for himself and the servant, and gave us the remaining sixteen. We then sorrowfully parted, the clerk returning to the court of Sartach, while we remained following the court of Baatu. On Assumption eve, 14th August, our clerk arrived at the court of Sartach, and the next day the Nestorian priests were seen adorned in the vestments of which they had deprived us.

[1] The Greater Bulgaria of our author seems to comprehend the provinces of Astracan and Casan in Russia.—E.



SECTION XXII.

The Journey to the Court of Mangu-khan.

From the audience we were conducted to the dwelling of a person who was ordered to provide us in lodging, food, and horses; but as we had no presents to give, he treated us with great neglect. We travelled along with Baatu, down the banks of the Volga for five weeks, and were often so much in want of provisions, that my companion was sometimes so extremely hungry as even to weep. For though there is always a fair or market following the court, it was so far from us, that we, who were forced to travel on foot, were unable to reach it. At length, some Hungarians, who had for some time been looked upon as priests, found out, and relieved our distresses. One of these was able to sing with a loud voice, and being considered by his countrymen as a kind of priest, was employed at their funerals; the other had been decently instructed in the Latin grammar, so that he understood whatever we spoke to him deliberately, but was unable to make answer. These men were a great consolation to us, as they supplied us with flesh and cosmos. They requested some books from us, and it grieved me much that we could not comply, having only one bible and a breviary. But I made them bring some ink and paper, and I copied out for them the Hours of the blessed Virgin, and the Office for the Dead. It happened one day that a Comanian passing by saluted us in Latin, saying Salvete domini. Surprized at this unusual salutation, I questioned him how he had learnt it, and he told me he had been baptized in Hungary by our priests, who had taught him. He said, likewise, that Baatu had inquired many things at him respecting us, and that he had given him an account of the nature and rules of our order. I afterwards saw Baatu riding with his company, who were the whole of his subjects that were householders or masters of families, and in my estimation they did not exceed 500 men.[1]

At length, about the Holyrood, 14th September, or festival of the exaltation of the Holy Cross, there came to us a certain rich Moal, whose father was a millenary or captain of a thousand horse, who informed us that he had been appointed to conduct us. He informed us that the journey would take us four months, and that the cold was so extreme in winter, as even to tear asunder trees and stones with its force. "Advise well with yourselves, therefore," said he, "whether you be able to endure it, for otherwise I shall forsake you by the way." To this I answered, that I hoped we should be able, with the help of God, to endure hardships like other men; but as we were sent by his lord under his charge, and did not go on any business of our own, he ought not to forsake us. He then said that all should be well, and having examined our garments, he directed us what we should leave behind in the custody of our host, as not useful for the journey; and next day he sent each of us a furred gown, made of sheep skins, with the wool on, and breeches of the same, likewise shoes or footsocks made of felt, and boots of their fashion, and hoods of skins. The second day after the holy cross day, 16th September, we began our journey, attended by three guides, and we rode continually eastwards during forty-six days, till the feast of All-Saints, 1st November. The whole of that region, and even beyond it, is inhabited by the people named Changle or Kangittae, who are descended from the Romans. Upon the north side we had the country of the Greater Bulgaria, and to the south the Caspian sea.

[1] This, however, is only to be understood of what may be termed the pretorian or royal horde, in a time of profound peace, travelling in their usual and perpetual round in quest of forage; the almost boundless space of the desert must have been interspersed with numerous subordinate hordes, and though the usual guard of Baatu might not have exceeded 500 heads of families, the military force of his dominions, though subordinate to Mangu-khan, certainly exceeded 200,000 fighting men.—E.



SECTION XXIII.

Of the River Jaic or Ural, and of sundry Regions and Nations.

At the end of twelve days journey from the Etilia or Volga, we came to a great river named the Jagag (Jaic or Ural); which, issuing from the land of Pascatir (of Zibier or of the Baschirs, now Siberia), falls into the Caspian. The language of the Baschirs and of the Hungarians is the same, and they are all shepherds, having no cities; and their land is bounded on the west by the Greater Bulgaria; from which country eastwards, in these northern parts, there are no cities whatsoever, so that the Greater Bulgaria is the last country which possesses towns and cities. From this country of Pascatir the Huns went, who were afterwards called Hungarians. Isidore writes, that with swift horses they passed the walls of Alexander, and the rocks of Caucasus, which opposed the barbarians, and even exacted tribute from Egypt, and laid waste the whole of Europe as far as France, being even more warlike in their day than the Tartars are now. With them the Blacians or Walachians, the Bulgarians, and the Vandals united. These Bulgarians came from the Greater Bulgaria, The people named Ilac or Vlac, who inhabit beyond the Danube from Constantinople, not far from Pascatir, are the same people, being properly named Blac or Blacians, but as the Tartars cannot pronounce the letter B, they are called Ilac, Vlac, or Wallachians. From them, likewise, the inhabitants of the land of the Assani are descended, both having the same name in the Russian, Polish, and Bohemian languages. The Sclavonians and the Vandals speak the same language; and all of these joined themselves formerly with the Huns, as they now do with the Tartars. All this that I have written concerning the land of Pascatir, I was informed by certain friars predicants, who had travelled there before the irruption of the Tartars; and as they had been subdued by their neighbours the Bulgarians, who were Mahometans, many of them adopted that faith. Other matters respecting these people may be known from various chronicles. But it is obvious, that those provinces beyond Constantinople, which are now called Bulgaria, Wallachia, and Sclavonia [1], formerly belonged to the Greek empire; and Hungary was formerly named Pannonia.

We continued riding through the land of the Changles or Kangittae, as before mentioned, from Holy Cross-day till All-Saints, travelling every day, as well as I could guess, about as far as from Paris to Orleans, and sometimes farther [2], according as we happened to be provided with relays; for sometimes we would change horses two or three times a-day, and then we travelled quicker; while sometimes we had to travel two or three days without finding any inhabitants to supply us, and then we were forced to travel more deliberately. Out of thirty or forty horses, we were always sure to have the worst, being strangers, as every one took their choice before it came to our turn. They always, however, provided me with a strong horse, because I was corpulent and heavy; but whether his pace happened to be hard or gentle, was all one to them, and I dared not to make any complaints. Our horses often tired before we could fall in with any of the inhabitants, and we were then obliged to beat and whip them up, being obliged to lay our garments upon spare horses, and sometimes two of us obliged to ride on one horse.

[1] Probably intended for what is now called Servia—E.

[2] This may be taken at a medium of thirty miles a day which, in forty-six days, would amount to 1380 miles; no doubt a very fatiguing journey for a corpulent heavy man as he describes himself—E.



SECTION XXIV.

Of the Hunger, Thirst, and other Miseries we endured.

There was no end of hunger and thirst, and cold and weariness. In the morning they gave us something to drink, or some boiled millet; but afterwards we had nothing to eat until the evening, when they bestowed some flesh upon us, being generally the shoulder and breast of a ram, and every one was allowed a proportion of the broth to drink; and we considered ourselves fortunate when we had enough of broth, as it was exceedingly refreshing, pleasant, and nutritive. Sometimes we were constrained to eat our meat half boiled, or even almost raw, for want of fuel, especially when we were benighted and obliged to pass the night in the fields, because we could not conveniently gather horse or cow-dung to make a fire, and we seldom found any other fuel, except a few thorns here and there, and a few rare woods on the banks of some rivers. Every Saturday I remained fasting until night, and was then constrained, to my great grief, to eat flesh, as I could not procure any other food in the desert. In the beginning of our journey our guide disdained us exceedingly, and seemed quite indignant at being obliged to take charge of such base fellows as he seemed to esteem us; but he afterwards behaved better, and often took us purposely to the courts of rich Moals, who requested us to pray for them; and if I had been so fortunate as to have a good interpreter, I might have been able to do some good among these ignorant people.

Zingis, the first great khan or emperor of the Tartars, left four sons, from whom descended many grandsons, who are daily multiplying and dispersing over that immense waste desert, which is boundless like the ocean. These Moals whom we visited and prayed for, were astonished when we refused their proffered gifts of gold and silver and fine garments. They often enquired whether the great Pope was actually 500 years old, as they had heard from report. They likewise enquired into the nature and productions of our country, especially whether we had abundance of cattle, sheep, and horses. When we spoke to them about the ocean, they could form no adequate conception of its immense expanse, without banks or limits.

On the feast of All-Saints, 1st November, as the people had now descended very much to the southwards, we now discontinued our eastern route, and journied directly south for eight days, along certain high mountains. In the desert we saw many wild asses resembling mules, called colan or coulan by the Tartars, which our guide and his companions often chased with great eagerness, but without success, owing to the great swiftness of these animals. Upon the seventh day of our southern route, we saw directly before us some exceedingly high mountains, and we entered upon a fine cultivated plain, which was irrigated like a garden. Next day, 7th November, we arrived at a town belonging to the Mahometans named Kenchat, the governor of which came out to meet our guide with ale and other refreshments; for it is the custom of all the subjected cities, to welcome the messengers of Baatu and Mangu with meat and drink on their arrival. At this season, the ice was fully bearing, and we found frost in the desert before the feast of St Michael, 29th September. I inquired the name of the province, but being in a strange land they could not inform me, and could only tell me the name of this city, which is very small. Into this district a large river descends from the mountains, which the inhabitants lead off to water or irrigate the whole region; so that this river does not discharge itself into any sea, but after forming many pools or marshes, is absorbed into the earth. In this region we saw vines growing, and drank twice of their wines.



SECTION XXV

Of the Execution of Ban, and concerning the residence of certain Germans.

The next day we came to another village nearer to the mountains, which, I understood, were called Caucasus, and that they reached from the eastern to the western sea, even passing the Caspian to the west. I likewise inquired concerning the town of Talas, in which, according to Friar Andrew [1], there were certain Germans in the service of one Buri and I had formerly made inquiries concerning them at the courts of Sartach and Baatu[2]. But I could only learn, that their master, Ban, had been put to death on the following occasion. This Ban happened to have his appointed residence in inferior pastures, and one day when drunk, he said to his people, that being of the race of Zingis as well as Baatu, whose brother or nephew he was, he thought himself entitled to feed his flocks on the fine plains of the Volga as freely as Baatu himself. These speeches were reported to Baatu, who immediately wrote to the servants of Ban to bring their lord bound before him. Then Baatu demanded whether he had spoken the words, which were reported, and Ban acknowledged them, but pled that he was drunk at the time, and it is usual among the Tartars to forgive the words and actions of drunk men. But Baatu reproached him for daring to use his name in his cups, and ordered his head to be immediately struck off.

On my arrival at the court of Mangu-khan, I learnt, that the before mentioned Germans had been removed from the jurisdiction of Baatu to a place named Bolac, a months journey to the east of Talus, where they were employed to dig for gold, and to fabricate arms. In the before mentioned town we learnt that Talas was near the mountains behind us, at the distance of six days journey. From the before mentioned village near the mountains[3], we went directly eastwards, coasting these mountains; and from that time we travelled among the immediate subjects of Mangu-khan, who in all places sang and danced in honour of our guide, because he was the messenger of Baatu; it being the custom for the subjects of Mangu-khan to receive the messengers of Baatu in this manner, and reciprocally, the subjects of Baatu shew like honour to the messengers of Mnngu; yet the subjects of Baatu are more independently spirited, and do not evince so much courtesy. A few days afterwards, we entered upon the mountains where the Cara-Catayans used to dwell, where we found a large river which we had to pass in boats. We afterwards came to a cultivated valley, in which were the ruins of a castle, which had been surrounded by walls of mud or earth. After this we came to a large village called Equius, inhabited by Mahometans, who spoke Persian, although so far removed from Persia. On the day following, having passed those Alps which descend from the high mountains towards the south, we entered a most beautiful plain, having high mountains upon our right hand, and a sea or lake on our left, which is fifteen days journey in circumference[4]. This plain is watered or irrigated at will, by means of streams descending from these mountains, all of which fall into the before mentioned lake. In the subsequent summer we returned by the north side of this lake, where likewise there are great mountains[5]. In this plain there used to be many towns; but most of these have been destroyed by the Tartars, that the excellent lands around them might be converted into pastures for their cattle. We still found one large town named Cailac, in which was a market frequented by many merchants; and we remained fifteen days at this place, waiting for one of Baatu's scribes, who was to assist our guide in the management of certain affairs at the court of Mangu. This country used to be called Organum[6], and the people Organa, as I was told, because the people were excellent performers on the organ[7] or lute; and they had a distinct language and peculiar manner of writing. It was now entirely inhabited by the Contomanni, whose language and writing are used by the Nestorians of these parts. I here first saw idolaters, of whom there are many sects in the east.

[1] The person here alluded to was a monk named Andrew Luciumel, who had been sent ambassador, by the pope, to the emperor of the Mongals, in 1247 or 1248, with the same views as in the missions of Carpini and Asceline at the same period; but of his journey we have no account remaining.—E

[2] It is exceedingly difficult, or rather impossible, to trace the steps of the travels of Rubruquis, for want of latitudes, longitudes, and distances, and names of places. After passing the Volga and Ural or Jaik, he seems to have travelled east in the country of the Kirguses, somewhere about the latitude of 50 deg.. N. to between the longitudes of 65 deg.. and 70 deg.. E. then to have struck to the south across the Kisik-tag into Western Turkestan, in which the cultivated vale may have been on the Tshui or the Talas rivers.—E

[3] Probably near the north side of the Arguin or Alak mountains.—E.

[4] This position of Rubruquis is sufficiently distinct: Having ferried over the river Tshui, and crossed the Jimbai mountains, the route now lay between the Alak mountain on his right, or to the south, and the lake of Balkash or Palkati Nor, to the left or north.—E.

[5] The Kisik-tag, which he had before passed in descending into Western Turkestan.—E.

[6] This absurd derivation of the name of the country and people, is unworthy of credit. Organum was probably the country called Irgonekan or Irganakon by Abulgari; and the word signifies a valley surrounded by steep mountains, exactly correspondent with the description in the text.—Forst.

[7] The Contomanni or Kontomanians, were probably a Mongal tribe, originally inhabiting the banks of the Konta or Khonda, who had afterwards settled on the banks of the river Ili and lake of Balkash. —Forst.



SECTION XXVI.

How the Nestorians and Mahometans are mixed with Idolaters.

In the first place arc the Jugurs, whose country borders upon the land of Organum among the mountains towards the east, and in all their towns Nestorians and Mahometans are mixed among the natives. And they are diffused likewise in all the towns of the Mahometans towards Persia. In the city of Cailac, or Cealac, there are three idol temples, two of which I went into to observe their folly. In one of these I found a person having a cross marked with ink upon his hand, whence I supposed him a Christian, and to all my questions he answered like a Christian. I asked him wherefore he had not the cross and image of Christ, and he answered, that it was not their custom; wherefore I concluded the people were actually Christians, but omitted these things for want of instruction. Behind a certain chest, which served for an altar, and on which they placed candles and oblations, I saw an image with wings like that of St Michael; and other images holding out their fingers, as if blessing the spectators. That evening I could make no farther discovery; for though the Saracens invite one into their temples, they will not speak of their religion[1]; insomuch, that when I inquired at them about their ceremonies, they were much offended.

Next day being the Kalends, 1st December, was the passover of the Saracens, and I changed my lodging to the neighbourhood of another temple of idols; for the people of this place shew hospitality to all messengers, every one according to his abilities. In this other temple I found the priests of the idols, who open and adorn the temples at the Kalends, and the people make offerings of bread and fruits. I shall first describe the general rites of idolatry, and then those of the Jugurs, who are a kind of sect different from the others. They all worship towards the north, with joined hands, prostrating themselves upon their knees to the earth, and resting their foreheads on their hands. For which reason the Nestorians never join their hands in prayer, but spread their hands on their breasts. Their temples are built from east to west, having a chamber or vestry for the priests on the north; or if the building is square, they have a similar chamber on the middle of the north side in place of a choir, and before it is placed a long broad chest like a table, behind which, facing the south, stands the principal idol. That which I saw at Caracarum was as large as the picture of St Christopher. A Nestorian priest, who came from Catay, told me there was an idol in that country so large, that it could be seen at the distance of two days journey[2]. Other idols are placed around the principal one, and all are beautifully gilt; All the gates of their temples open to the south, contrary to the customs of the Mahometans; and they have large bells, as is the case with us, wherefore the oriental Christians will not use them, though they are customary among the Russians and the Greeks in Casaria.

[1] The Saracens are here much abused by the mistake of our traveller; as, however erroneous their religious opinions, they worship the true God only, and abhor even the least semblance of idolatry.—E.

[2] The Nestorian probably said an idol-house; meaning one of the high towers usually erected near Chinese temples: and even this must have stood upon a very elevated situation, in an extensive plain, to be seen from so great a distance, perhaps of sixty miles.—E.



SECTION XXVII.

Of their Temples and Idols, and the Worship of their Gods.

All their priests shave their heads and beards, and are clothed in yellow; and they live in companies of one or two hundred together, observing strict celibacy. On holy days, they sit in the temple on long benches, placed directly opposite each other, holding books in their hands, which they sometimes lay on the benches; and all the time they remain in the temples, they have their heads bare, and they read to themselves, keeping profound silence: Insomuch, that when I went into the temple, and endeavoured all I could to provoke them to speak, I could not succeed. Wherever they go, they carry a string with an hundred or two hundred nut-shells, like our rosaries, and they are continually uttering the words, Ou mam Hactani, which was explained to me as signifying, O God! thou knowest. And as often as they pronounce these words in remembrance of God, they expect a proportional reward[1]. Round the temple, there is always a handsome court, environed by a high wall, on the south side of which is a large portal, in which they sit to confer together; and over this portal they erect a long pole, rising if possible above the whole city, that every one may know where to find the temple. These things are common to all the idolaters.

On going to visit this temple, I found the priests sitting under the outer portal; and those whom I saw, appeared, by their shaven beards, like French friars. They wore conical caps of paper on their heads; and all the priests of the Jugurs wear this cap continually, and yellow strait tunics fastened down the middle like those in France; besides which, they wear a cloak on their left shoulder, flowing loosely before and behind, but leaving the right arm free, somewhat like a deacon carrying the pix in Lent. Their mode of writing is adopted by the Tartars. They begin to write at the top of the page, and extend their lines downwards, reading and writing from left to right. They make great use of written papers in their magical incantations, and their temples are hung round with short written sentences. The letters sent by Mangu-khan to your majesty, are written in these characters, and in the language of the Moal. These people burn their dead in the manner of the ancients, and deposit the ashes on the top of certain pyramids. After sitting for some time beside these priests, and having entered their temple to look at their many images, some large and others small, I asked what was their belief concerning God? To which they answered, that they believed in one God only. On asking them whether he was a spirit or of a corporeal nature, they said he was a spirit. Being asked if God had ever assumed the human mature, they answered never. Since, then, said I, you believe God to be a spirit, wherefore do yow make so many images of him; and as you believe that he never took upon him the human form, wherefore do you represent him under the image of a man, rather than of any other creature? To this they answered, we do not make images of God; but when any of our rich men die, or their wives or children, or dear friends, they cause images to be made of the deceased, which are placed in the temple, which we venerate in respect to their memory. Then, said I, you do these things in flattery of men: but they insisted it was only in remembrance. They then asked me, as if in derision, where is God? To this I answered by another question, where is your soul? and they said, in our bodies. Then, said I, is it not in every part of your body, ruling over the whole, yet cannot be seen. Even in the same manner God is everywhere, ruling all things, yet is invisible, being intelligence and wisdom. I would willingly have proceeded in this conference, but my interpreter became weary and unable to express my meaning, so that I was obliged to desist.

The Moals and Tartars follow the same religion, in so far that they believe in one only God; but they make images in felt of their departed friends, which they cover with fine costly garments. These they carry about with them in one or two appropriate carts, which no person must touch, except their priests or soothsayers who have the care of them. This is to be understood only of the great men who are of the race of Zingis, for the poor or meaner people have none such. These soothsayers constantly attend upon the court of Mangu and other great personages; and when the court moves, these men precede the march, like the pillar of cloud before the children of Israel. They determine on the site of the new encampment, and unload their houses first, after which they are imitated by the whole court. On days of festival, such as the kalends or commencements of their months, these images are placed in order around their idol houses, and the Moals enter in and bow themselves before these images, to do them reverence. Strangers are never permitted to enter, so that once endeavouring to go into one of these tabernacles, I was sore chidden for my presumption.

[1] The following more complete account of this superstition, has been deemed worthy of insertion.

"These supposed Nestorian Christians were undoubtedly professors of the religion of the Dalai-Lama, who had several usages and ceremonies resembling corrupt Christianity. Like the Roman catholics, they had rosaries, containing 108 beads, and their prayer is, Hom-Mani-Pema- Hum. This does not signify, as asserted by Rubruquis, God! thou knowest it; nor, as supposed by Messerschmid, God have mercy on us. But its true import is, that Mani, who holds the flowers of the Lotus, and is the beginning and end of the higher Magic, may hear their prayers, be propitious to them, and render them happy.

"They have rolls or cylinders inscribed with their prayers, which they twirl round on an axis, continually pronouncing these mystic words, and they believe that all the prayers on these rolls are virtually pronounced at each turn of the roll; The religion of the Dalai-Lama, is a branch of the Shamanian and Braminical superstitions, and has for its foundation the Manichaean doctrine of the two principles, which Manes attempted to incorporate into the Christian religion, so that it is no wonder the practices of the followers of the Dalai-Lama should resemble those of the Manichaean and Nestorian Christians."—Forst. Voy. and Disc. 105.



SECTION XXVIII.

Of sundry Nations, and of certain People who used to eat their Parents.

I am convinced that these Jugurs, who are mixed with Christians and Mahometans, have arrived at the knowledge and belief of one God, by frequent disputations with them. This nation dwells in cities, which were brought under subjection to Zingis, who gave his daughter in marriage to their king. Even Caracarum is in a manner in their territories. The whole country of Prester John and of Vut or Unc, his brother, lay round the territories of the Jugurs, only that the subjects of the former inhabited the pasture lands on the north, while the Jugurs dwelt among the mountains to the south. As the Moals have adopted the writing of the Jugurs, these latter are the chief Scribes among the Tartars, and almost all the Nestorians are acquainted with their letters.

Next to the Jugurs, among the mountains to the east, are the Tanguts, a powerful people who once made Zingis prisoner in battle; but having concluded peace, he was set at liberty, and afterwards subdued them. Among the Tanguts, there are oxen of great strength, having flowing tails like horses, and their backs and bellies covered with long hair. These are shorter legged than other oxen, but much fiercer, having long, slender, straight, and very sharp pointed horns, and they are much used for drawing the great houses of the Moals; but the cows will not allow themselves to be yoked unless they are sung to at the same time. These animals are of the nature of the buffalo, for when they see a person clothed in red, they run furiously upon him to put him to death.

Beyond these are the people of Tebet, who were wont to eat the dead bodies of their parents, from a motive of piety, considering that to be the most honourable sepulchre; but they have discontinued this custom, which was looked upon as abominable by all other nations. They still, however, continue to make handsome drinking cups of the skulls of their parents, that they may call them to remembrance even in their mirth. I received this information from an eye-witness. In their country there is much gold, so that any one who is in want, digs till he finds enough for his necessities, and leaves the rest behind for another occasion; for they have an opinion, that God would conceal all other gold from them in the earth, if they were to hoard any in their houses. I saw some of these people, who are much deformed. The people of Tangut are tall lusty men of a brown complexion. The Jugurs are of middle stature like ourselves, and their language is the root or origin of the Turkish and Comanian languages.

Beyond Tebet, are the people of Langa and Solanga[1], whose messengers I saw in the court of Mangu-khan, who had along with them more than ten great carts, each drawn by six oxen. These are little brown men like the Spaniards, and are dressed in tunics or jackets, like our deacons, with straiter sleeves. They wear a kind of caps like the mitres of our bishops; but the fore part is less than the hinder part, and ends square, instead of being pointed. These are made of straw, stiffened by great heat, and so well polished, that they glister in the sun like a mirror or well polished helmet. Round their temples, they have long bands of the same material, fixed to their caps, which stream to the wind like two long horns from their temples. When too much tossed by the wind, they fold these over the top of their caps. When the principal messenger entered the court, he held in his hand a smooth ivory tablet about a foot long and a palm broad; and when spoken to by the khan, or any other great man, he always looked on his tablet as if he had seen there what was spoken, never looking to the right or the left, or to the person who spoke to him. Even in coming into the presence and in retiring, he looked perpetually at his tablet.

Beyond these people, as I have been told for truth, there is a nation called Muc, inhabiting towns, in whose country there are numerous flocks and herds which are never tended, as no person appropriates any of these exclusively; but when any one is in need of a beast, he ascends a hill and gives a loud cry, on which all the cattle within hearing flock around him and suffer themselves to be taken, as if they were domesticated. When a messenger or any stranger goes into that country, he is immediately shut up in a house, where all necessaries are provided for him, till his business is concluded; for they affirm, that if any stranger were to travel about their country, the animals would flee away from his scent, and become wild.

Beyond the country of these people, lies Great Cathaya, whose inhabitants I believe to have been the Seres[2] of the ancients, as from thence came the most excellent silken stuffs; and these people were called Seres after the name of one of their towns. I have been told, that in that country there is a town having walls of silver and towers of gold. In that land there are many provinces, the greater part of which are not yet subjected to the Moals, and the sea is interposed between them and India. These Kathayans are men of small stature, with small eyes, and speak much through the nose. They are excellent workmen in all kinds of handicraft; their physicians judge exactly of diseases by the pulse, and are very skilful in the use of herbs, but have no knowledge in regard to the urine of sick persons. Some of these people I saw at Caracarum, where there are always considerable numbers; and the children are always brought up to the same employments with their fathers. They pay to the Moals or Mongals, a tribute of 1500 cassinos or jascots every day[3], besides large quantities of silks and provisions, and they perform many other services. All the nations between mount Caucasus, and from the north of these mountains to the east sea, and in all the south of Scythia, which is inhabited by the Moal shepherds, are tributary, and are all addicted to idolatry. The Nestorians and Saracens are intermixed with them as strangers, as far as Kathay, in which country the Nestorians inhabit fifteen cities, and have a bishop in a city called Segan[4]. These Nestorians are very ignorant, for they say their service in the Syrian tongue, in which all their holy books are written, and of which language they are entirely ignorant, and sing their service as our monks do who have not learnt Latin. They are great usurers and drunkards, and some of them who live among the Tartars, have adopted their customs, and even have many wives. When they enter the churches, they wash their lower parts like the Saracens, eat no flesh on Fridays, and hold their festivals on the same days with them. Their bishops come seldom into the country, perhaps only once in fifty years, and then cause all the little children to be made priests, some even in the cradle; so that almost every Nestorian man is a priest, yet all have wives, which is contrary to the decrees of the fathers. They are even bigamists, for their priests, when their wives die, marry again. They are all Simonists, as they give no holy thing without pay. They are careful of their wives and children, applying themselves to gain, and not to propagating the faith. Hence, though some of them are employed to educate the children of the Mongal nobility, and even teach them the articles of the Christian faith, yet by their evil lives they drive them from Christianity, as the moral conduct of the Mongals and Tuinians[5], who are downright idolaters, is far more upright than theirs.

[1] Forster conjectures that the original words of Rubruquis are here corrupted, and that this passage ought to have been "beyond Tangut," instead of beyond Tebet or Thibet; in which case, the countries of Langa and Solanga, may refer to that of the Lamuts and Solonians, the ancestors of the Mantschus or Mundschurians.—Voy. and Disc. 108.

[2] In this supposition Rubruquis was certainly mistaken, as the Seres of the ancients appear to have lived in Turkestan, Gete, and Uigur, and to have then ruled over a great track of eastern central Asia, and may have extended their commerce to northern China. Hence the original name of silk was certainly either adopted from or applied to the intermediate nation, through whom that precious commodity was transmitted to the western nations.—Forst.

[3] A jascot is described as a piece of silver weighing ten marks, so that the tribute is 15,000 marks daily, or about 5 1/2 millions of marks yearly, and is equal in weight of silver, to L. 8,650,000 Sterling; perhaps equal, in real efficacious value, to ten times that sum, and probably superior to the yearly revenue of all the sovereigns then in Europe.—E

[4] Singan, or Singan-fu in the province of Shensee. In the year 1625, a stone was found here, inscribed with Chinese characters and a Syrian inscription round the borders, implying, that in the year 636, the Nestorians had sent Olopuen into China to propagate the gospel; and that the emperor Tai-sum-ven had approved this step, and allowed the Christian religion to be propagated through all China, with many other particulars relative to the history of Christianity in China. This stone bore to have been erected in 782 by Mar Isdabuzzid, priest, and Chorepiscopus of Cumdan, the royal city of the east, now Nankin. See a dissertation on this monument, following Renaudet's translation of the two Mahometan travellers, London, 1788, p. 76.—E.

[5] Mani or Manes is named Thenaoui by the oriental Christians, and the sect of Manicheans they call Al-Thenaouib, or those who hold the doctrines of the two principles. These Tuinians, therefore, of Rubruquis, are probably the Manicheans.—Forst.



SECTION XXIX.

Of Cailac, and the Country of the Naymans.

We departed from the city of Cailac on St Andrew's day, 30th of November, and in three leagues we found a village of Nestorians, where we went into their church, and sang salve regina, and other hymns, with great joy. In three days after we came to the entrance of that province, not far from the before mentioned sea, which seemed as tempestuous as the ocean, and in which we saw a large island. The water was slightly salt, yet might be drank. Opposite to it was a valley with another salt sea, from which a river ran into this one. There was so strong a wind that the passage was dangerous, as we much feared to be blown into the lake; wherefore we went north into the hilly country, covered with deep snow, and on St Nicholas day, 6th December, we hastened our journey, as we found no inhabitants except the Jani, or men appointed to conduct the messengers from one day's journey to another. On the 7th of December we passed between two terrible rocks, when the guide sent entreating me to pray to God: we sang accordingly with a loud voice, the credo and other hymns, and by the grace of God we got through in safety.

After this the Tartars entreated me to write papers for them; but I offered to teach them words to carry in their hearts, whereby their souls should be saved. Yet wanting an interpreter for this, I wrote them the creed and the Lord's prayer, desiring them to believe what was written in the one, and that the other contained a prayer to God for all that is necessary to man, and that though they could not understand these, I hoped God would save them.



SECTION XXX.

Description of the Country of the Naymans, with an Account of the Death of Ken-khan and of his Wife and Eldest Son.

After this we entered into the country where the court of Ken-khan used to be held, which was formerly called the country of the Naymans, who were the peculiar subjects of Prester John. Though I did not see that court till my return, I shall briefly mention what befel his son and wives. Ken-khan being dead, Baatu desired that Mangu should be khan, but I could not learn exactly the manner of Ken-khan's death. Friar Andrew says he died of the effects of a medicine, which Baatu was suspected of having procured to be given him. I heard, on the other hand, that he summoned Baatu to do him homage, who accordingly began his journey with much external pomp, but with great inward apprehensions, sending forward his brother Stichin; who, when he came to Keu-khan, and ought to have presented him with the cup, high words arose between them, and they slew one another. The widow of Stichin kept us a whole day at her house, that we might pray for her and bless her. When Ken was dead, and Mangu chosen emperor by the consent of Baatu, which was when friar Andrew was there, Siremon, the brother of Ken, at the instigation of the wife and peculiar vassals of Ken, went with a great train, as if to do homage to Mangu, but with the intention of putting him and all his court to death. When within a few days journey of the court of Mangu, one of his waggons broke down, and a servant of Mangu happened to assist the waggoner in repairing it. This man was very inquisitive into the objects of the journey, and the waggoner revealed the whole plot to him. Pretending to make very light of the matter, he went privately and took a good horse from the herd, and rode with great speed with the intelligence to the court of Mangu; who quickly assembled his forces, and placing a strong guard around his court; sent the rest against Siremon, and brought him and all his followers prisoners to court. He confessed his intentions, and he and his eldest son, with 300 noble Tartars of their party, were put to death. The ladies were also sent for who were concerned in the plot, and being beaten with burning fire-brands till they confessed, were slain likewise. Kon, the youngest son of Siremon, who was incapable of entering into the conspiracy, from his youth, was permitted to enjoy the inheritance of his father; but our guide durst not enter the house either in going or returning.



SECTION XXXI.

Arrival at the Court of Mangu-khan.

We still travelled in the high countries, trending towards the north; and on St Stephen's day, 26th December, we came to a great plain, on which not the smallest inequality was to be seen, and the next day we arrived at the court of the great Khan. While at the distance of five days, our host wanted us to have gone so far about as would have taken us fifteen day's journey, and our guide had much difficulty in being allowed to take the direct road. My opinion of this procedure in our host, was, that we might have gone by Onam and Cherule, the original residence of Zingis[1]. On the way, the secretary told me that Baatu, in his letters to Mangu, said that we wanted the assistance of a Tartar army against the Saracens; by which I was much astonished, as I knew the letters from your majesty required no army, and only advised the khan to be a friend to all Christians, to exalt the cross, and to be an enemy to all the enemies of the cross of Christ. And as all the interpreters were from the Greater Armenia, who greatly hated the Saracens, I feared they might have interpreted falsely to serve their own purposes. I therefore held my peace, fearing to gainsay the words of Baatu.

On our arrival at court, our guide had a large house appointed for him, and only a small cottage was given to us three, which would hardly contain our baggage, our beds, and a small fire. Many came to our guide with drink made of rice, in long necked bottles, which had no difference from the best wine, except that it smelt otherwise. We were called soon after, and examined upon our business. I answered, "That hearing Sartach had become a Christian, the king our master had sent us to him with a letter; that he had sent us to Baatu, who had sent us hither, and that he therefore ought to have assigned the cause of our being here." They then demanded if we would make peace with them. To this I answered, "That having done them no wrong, they had no cause of going to war with your majesty; that your majesty, as a just king, if you had done any wrong, would make reparation, and desire peace; but if warred against without cause, we trusted in the help of a just God." At this they seemed all astonished, constantly exclaiming, "Did you not come to make peace?" For they are so puffed up with pride, that they think the whole world should make peace with them; but if I might be suffered, I would preach war against them to the utmost of my power. I dared not deliver the true cause of my journey, lest, in so doing, I might contradict what had been written by Baatu, and therefore always said we came because he sent us.

The day following I went to the court barefooted, at which the people stared; but a Hungarian boy, who was among diem, knew our order, and told them the reason; on which a Nestorian, who was chief secretary, asked many questions at the Hungarian, and we went back to our lodgings. On our return, at the end of the court, towards the east, I saw a small house, with a little cross at top, at which I greatly rejoiced, supposing there might be some Christians there. I went in boldly, and found an altar well furnished, having a golden cloth, adorned with images of Christ, the Virgin, St John the Baptist, and two angels; the lines of their body and garments being formed with small pearls. On the altar was a large silver cross, ornamented with precious stones, and many other embroiderings; and a lamp with eight lights burned before the altar. Sitting beside the altar I saw an Armenian monk, somewhat black and lean, clad in a rough hairy coat to the middle of his leg, above which was a coarse black cloak, furred with spotted skins, and he was girded with iron under his haircloth. Before saluting the monk, we fell flat on the earth, singing Ave regina and other hymns, and the monk joined in our prayers. These being finished, we sat down beside the monk, who had a small fire before him in a pan. He told us that he had come a month before us, being a hermit in the territories of Jerusalem, who had been warned by God in a vision, to go to the prince of the Tartars. After some conversation, we went to our lodgings. Having eaten nothing that day, we made a little broth of flesh and millet for our supper. Our guide and his companions were made drunk at the court, and very little care was taken of us. Next morning the ends of my toes were so frostbit by the extreme cold of the country, that I could no longer go barefooted. From the time when the frost begins, it never ceases till May, and even then it freezes every night and morning, but thaws with the heat of the sun during the day. If they had much wind in that country during winter, as we have, nothing could live there; but they have always mild weather till April, and then the winds rise; and at that season, while we were there, the cold rising with the wind, killed multitudes of animals. In the winter little snow fell there; but about Easter, which was that year in the latter end of April, there fell so great a snow, that the streets of Caracarum were so full, it had to be carried out in carts.

[1] The country on the Onon and Kerlon, in Daouria, or the land of the Tunguses.—Forst.



SECTION XXXII.

The Introduction of Rubruquis to Mangu-khan.

The people brought us from the court ram-skin coats, and breeches of the same, with shoes, which my companion and interpreter accepted, but I thought the fur garment which I brought from Baatu was sufficient for me. On the 5th of January, we were brought to the court, and some Nestorian priests, whom I did not know to be Christians, came and asked me which way we worshipped; to which I said, that we worshipped to the east. The reason of their making this demand was, that we had shaven our heads by the advice of our guide, that we might appear before the khan after the fashion of our country, which made the Nestorians take us for Tuinians or idolaters. On being demanded what reverence we would pay to the khan, I said, that though as priests, dedicated to God, the highest in our country did not suffer us to bow the knee, yet we were willing to humble ourselves to all men for the sake of the Lord. That we came from a far country, and with permission, would first sing praises to God, who had brought us hither in safety, and should afterwards do whatever might please the khan; providing he commanded nothing that was derogatory to the worship and honour of God. Then they went into the presence, and reported what we had said, and they brought us before the entrance of the hall, lifting up the felt which hung before the decor, and we sung A solis ortus cardine, &c.

When we had sung this hymn, they searched our bosoms, to see that we had no concealed weapons, and they made our interpreter leave his girdle and knife with one of the doorkeepers. When we came in, our interpreter was made to stand at a sideboard, which was well supplied with cosmos, and we were placed on a form before the ladies. The whole house was hung with cloth of gold, and on a hearth, in the middle, there was a fire of thorns, wormwood- roots, and cowdung. The khan sat upon a couch covered with a bright and shining spotted fur, like seal's skin. He was a flat-nosed man, of middle stature, about forty-five years of age, and one of his wives, a pretty little young woman, sat beside him; likewise one of his daughters, named Cerina, a hard-favoured young woman, with some younger children, sat on another couch next to them. The house had belonged to the mother of Cerina, who was a Christian, and the daughter was mistress of this court, which had belonged to her deceased mother, We were asked whether we would drink wine of caracina, which is a drink made of rice, or caracosmos, or ball, which is mead made of honey; for they use these four kinds of liquor in winter. I answered, that we had no pleasure in drink, and would be contented with what he pleased to order; on which we were served with caracina, which was clear and well flavoured like white wine, of which I tasted a little out of respect. After a long interval, during which the khan amused himself with some falcons and other birds, we were commended to speak, and had to bow the knee. The khan had his interpreter, a Nestorian; but our interpreter had received so much liquor from the butlers at the sideboard, that he was quite drunk; I addressed the khan in the following terms:

"We give thanks and praise to God, who hath brought us from such remote parts of the world, to the presence of Mangu-khan, on whom he hath bestowed such great power; and we beseech our God to grant him a long and prosperous reign. Having heard that Sartach was become a Christian, the Christians of the west, especially the King of the French, were much rejoiced, and sent us onto him with letters, testifying that we were servants of the Lord, and entreating him to permit us to abide in his country, as it is our office to teach men the law of God. Sartach sent us forwards to his father Baatu, and he hath sent us to you, to whom God hath given great dominions upon the earth; we therefore entreat your highness to permit us to continue in your country, that we may pray to God for you, your wives, and children. We have neither gold nor silver, nor precious jewels to offer, but we present ourselves to do you service, and to pray to God for you. At least, be pleased to permit us to remain till the cold be past, as my companion is so weak, that he cannot travel on horseback without danger of Ms life." His answer was to this effect: "Even as sun sheds his beams everywhere, so our power, and that of Baata, extend everywhere around, so that we have no need of your gold or silver." I entreated his highness not to be displeased at me for mentioning gold and silver, as I spoke in that manner only to evince our desire to do him honour, and to serve him in heavenly things. Hitherto, I had understood our interpreter, but he was now drunk and could not make out any perfect sentence, and it appeared to me that the khan was drunk likewise; wherefore I held my peace. Then he made us rise and sit down again, and after a few words of compliment, we withdrew from the presence. One of the secretaries, and the interpreter, who had the charge of educating one of his daughters, went with us, and were very inquisitive about the kingdom of France, particularly inquiring whether it had plenty of sheep, cattle, and horses, as if they meant to make it all their own; and I had often to bridle my indignation and anger at their presumptuous boastings.

They appointed one to take care of us, and we went to the monk; and when we were about to return to; our lodging, the interpreter came to us, saying, that Mangu-khan gave us two months to stay, till the extreme cold were past; and we might either go ten day's journey from thence to the city of Caracarum, or might remain with the court. Then I answered, "God preserve Mangu-khan, and grant him a long and happy life: We have found this monk, whom we think a holy man, and we would willingly remain, and pray along with him for the prosperity of the khan." We then went to our dwelling, which we found very cold, as we had no fuel, and we were yet fasting, though it was then night; but he who had the care of us provided us some fuel and a little food; and our guide, who was now to return to Baatu, begged a carpet from us which we had left in that court, which we gave him, and he departed in peace.



SECTION XXXIII.

Of a Woman of Lorain, and a Goldsmith of Paris, and several other Christians, whom they found at the Court of Mangu-kkan.

We had the good fortune to meet with a woman, named Pascha, from Metz in Lorain, who belonged to the court of Cerina, who told us of the strange poverty she had endured before she came to this court, but who now lived well, as she had a young Russian husband, who was a skilful builder, and much esteemed among them, by whom she had three fine children, and this woman contributed all in her power to our comfort. She told us, that there was a goldsmith at Caracarura, one William Bouchier from Paris, the son of Lawrence Bouchier, and who had a brother, Roger Bouchier, yet living upon the Great Bridge. She told me likewise, that he had a son who was an excellent interpreter; but that Manga-khan had delivered to the goldsmith 300 jascots of silver, equal to 3000 marks, and fifty workmen, to make a certain piece of work, so that she feared he would not then be able to spare his son to interpret for us. I wrote to this goldsmith, requesting him to send his son to me; he said in answer, that he could not at the time, but would send him next moon, when his work would be finished. At the court of Baatu no intercourse could be had with other ambassadors, as each was under the charge of a particular Jani; but in that of Mangu, all were under one Jani, and might see and converse with each other. We found here a certain Christian from Damascus, who said that he came from the sultan of Mons Regalis and Crax, who desired to become the ally and tributary of the great khan.