[1] Faira, or Fara, in the Orkneys, called Farras-land, and corrupted into Feislanda or Frisland.—Forst.

[2] Mr Forster is not happy in his explanation of this word, Porlanda or Porland, which he endeavours to derive from Fara-land; precisely the same with Fris-land from Faras-land, only dropping the genitive s. Porland seems used as a general name of the earldom, perhaps connected with the strange name Pomona, still used for mainland, the largest of the Orkney islands. Frisland the particular Fara islands, or one of them.—E.

[3] Sorany or Sorani, of which Sinclair is said to have been duke or lord, Mr Forster considers to have been the Sodor-oe, or southern islands of the Norwegians, or those now called the Western Islands; and traces the corruption from the Norwegian plural Suder-oer contracted Soroer, varied Soroen and transmuted to Sorani. All this may be possible; but it does not appear in Scots history that the Sinclairs ever held the Western Islands, and certainly not at this period: Sorani ought therefore to be looked for in Caithness; or it may possibly refer to Roslin near Edinburgh, which belonged to the family of Sinclair.—E.

[4] By this latter distinction, Zeno probably means a decked vessel.—E.

[5] It is hardly possible to mention all the little islands, and the places situated on the largest of the Orcadian Islands, which by the ancients was called Pomona, and on account of its size, is likewise called Mainland, also Hross-ey, i.e. Gross-ey, or large island. The town was called Kirkiu-og or the harbour near the church, now called by the Scots, Kirkwall.—Forst.

In this note Mr Forster wanders from the subject in hand, and his observations have no reference to the present expedition. Ledovo is probably the Island of Lewis, and Ilofe may possibly be Hay, though that conjecture would lead them too far to the south.—E.

[6] Sudero, or Suder-oe, might mean the Western Islands so called by the Norwegians; but certainly here means some bay of Sutherland, as they here met the troops of Sinclair, who had marched by land. The town of Sanestol is quite inexplicable. Though Mr Forster supposes it to have been the cluster of islands called Schant, or Shanti-oer, which he thinks is here corrupted into Sanestol: But, if correct in our opinion, that they must have been on the main land of Scotland, his conjecture must be erroneous. These conquests could be nothing more than predatory, incursions, strangely exaggerated.—E.

[7] This is a very early mention of salted fish, yet within the lifetime of William Beukels, the supposed inventor of the art of pickling herrings who died in 1397. Professor Sprengel has shewn that herrings were caught at Gernemue, or Yarmouth, so early as 1283. In Leland's Collectanea we meet with a proof that pickled herrings were sold in 1273; and there are German records which speak of them so early as 1236. Vide Gerken, Cod. Diplom. Brandenb. I. 45. and II. 45l.—Forst.

[8] This is certainly a place in the isle of Sky called Pondontown.—Forst.

[9] Britannia in this place is assuredly put for Britany in France.—E.

[10] Estland is probably meant for Shetland, formerly called Yaltaland or Hitland, and afterwards changed into Zet-land and Shetland. This will appear more distinctly in the sequel, when the names given by Zeno to the particular islands of the group, come to be compared with, the modern names.—Forst.

[11] Grisland seems to be the island which lies to the eastward of Iceland, called Enkhuyzen; perhaps the island of Grims-ey to the north, of Iceland.—Forst.

[12] Probably Hamer, a place on the north of Mainland.—Forst.

[13] Engrgroneland, Groenland, or Greenland.—Forst.

[14] The poultry here mentioned in the text; must have been ptarmagans and the flesh that of the reindeer.—Forst.

[15] The lime or mortar here described, appears to be the terra puzzuolana or terras, a compound of lime and oxid of iron, which forms an indestructible cement, even under water; and the remarkably light stones ejected from the volcano, and used in the construction of their vault, were probably of pumice.—E.

[16] The greater part of this concluding paragraph must necessarily be in the language of the editor; perhaps of Ramusio. It contains, however, some palpable contradictions, since Nicolo Zeno could hardly be supposed to mention the rest of the Zenos, descendants of his grand-nephew, while still living himself; neither does it appear how the sons of Nicolo got back to Venice; and there is no account of Antonio ever being allowed to return at all.—E



SECTION II.

Sequel of the Narrative by Antonio Zeno.

Twenty-six years ago, four fishing boats, which had been overtaken by a violent storm, were driven out to sea for a great many days; and on the cessation of the tempest, they discovered an island called Estoitland, which lay above a thousand miles to the westward of Frisland. One of the boats, containing six men, was cast away upon this island; and the men, being made prisoners by the inhabitants, were conducted to a fine and populous city where the king resided, who sent for various interpreters, but none could be found except one who spoke Latin. This man, who, in like manner, had been cast by accident on the same island, asked them, by order of the king, from what country they had come; and being made acquainted with their case, the king ordered that the should stay in the country. These orders they obeyed, as indeed they could not do otherwise, and they remained five years on the island, during which time they learned the language of the people. One of them was in various parts of the island, and affirms that it is a very rich country, abounding in every commodity and convenience in life, being little less than Iceland, but much more fertile, having a very high mountain in the centre, from whence four great rivers take their source, and traverse the whole country.

The inhabitants are a very ingenious and sensible people, and have arts and handicrafts of every kind as we have; and it is highly probable that they formerly carried on some traffic with Europe, as this man says he saw Latin books in the kings library, but which at present they do not understand; for they have a language of their own, and peculiar letters or characters in which it is written. They trade with Engroveland or Greenland, and get from thence furs, brimstone, and pitch. To the south of Estoitland there is a very large and populous country, which abounds with gold. The people sow corn, and make the liquor called beer, which is drank by the people of the north as wine is among us in Italy. They have large and extensive woods; make their buildings with walls; and have a great number of towns and castles. They build ships and navigate the sea; but they have not the loadstone, and know nothing about the use of the compass; on which account these fishermen were held in high estimation, insomuch that the king sent them with twelve ships to the southward to a country called Drogio. In their voyage thither, they had such contrary winds and stormy weather that they thought to have foundered at sea; but escaping that death, they met with a fate still more dreadful, as they were made prisoners by the savages, who are cannibals, and most of them were devoured. But the Frisland fisherman and his companions, by teaching these barbarians the way to catch fish with nets, saved their lives. This man used to go every day to the sea or the rivers, in which he caught vast quantities of fish, which he gave away among the principal people of the country; by which means he got into such high favour that he was beloved and respected by every body.

The fame of this man spread abroad through the whole country; and one of the lords, being very desirous to have him, that he might see and learn this new and wonderful art of catching fish, made war against the lord with whom he lived, and prevailing in consequence of his superior power and greater skill in war, the fisherman and his companions were given up to him as the price of peace. During thirteen years that he resided in these parts, he says that he was transferred in this manner to twenty-five different lords, as they were continually at war with each other to procure possession of him; so that by wandering about the country in this manner he became perfectly well acquainted with every part of it, He says that it is a very extensive country, and as it were a new world; but that the inhabitants are a rude unpolished people, without the enjoyment of any convenience of life; for, although they take or kill many wild animals in hunting, they have not the sense to make their skins into garments, but all go naked, and are miserably pinched with cold. They are besides extremely uncivilized and savage, continually engaged in wars against each other, in which they commit horrible ravages, and devour their prisoners. They know not the use of any metal, and live by the chase, being armed with spears of wood made sharp at the point, and use bows, the strings of which are made of slips of hide. They are divided into small tribes, each of which has its lord or governor, and the laws or customs of the several tribes differ much from each other. Farther to the southwest, however, the manners are more civilized in proportion to the increasing mildness of the climate; and there the people are not without some degree of knowledge, making use of gold and silver, and having cities and temples dedicated to idols, in which they offer up human sacrifices.

After residing many years among this savage people, the principal fisherman became desirous of returning into his own country, but his companions being without hope of ever seeing it again, wished him prosperity in his attempt, and resolved to remain where they were. Bidding them farewell, he fled through the woods, in the direction which led towards Drogio, and was received with great kindness by one of the lords of that country who knew, him, and who was a determined enemy to the lord from whence he had escaped. Thus passing from one lord to another, with all of whom he was well acquainted, as he had formerly resided with them all, he at length, and with great difficulty, arrived in Drogio, where he stayed three years. Then fortunately hearing that some small vessel had arrived on the coast, he went thither, and learned, to his unspeakable satisfaction, that they were from Estoitland. Upon this, he earnestly requested to be taken on board, which they did very willingly; and as he understood the language of the country, which the others did not, he became their interpreter. He afterwards made repeated voyages from Estoitland to Drogio and acquired great riches. After which, he equipped a bark of his own, in which he returned to Frisland where he made a report to his lord of all that had befallen him, and of the discovery he had made of an extensive and wealthy country.

As this strange and marvellous story was confirmed by the testimony of the sailors he had brought along with him, it gained full credit; and accordingly Zichmni determined to send me, Antonio Zeno, with a fleet into these parts; and so great was the desire among the people to embark in this expedition, that our fleet was well manned and equipped without expence to the public. I accordingly set sail with a great number of ships and men, but not commander in chief as I expected, for Zichmni went in person on the expedition. Our great preparation for the voyage to Estoitland began in an unlucky hour as, three days before our departure, the fisherman died who was to have been our guide; yet Zichmni would not give up the enterprise, but took for, his guides several of the sailors who had returned with the fisherman from Estoitland. Shaping our course to the westwards, we passed several islands subject to Frisland, and arrived at Ledovo, or the Lewis, where we staid a week to refresh ourselves, and to provide the fleet with necessaries. Departing thence, we arrived on the first of July off the island of Ilofe, or Islay; and the wind being favourable, did not stop there but stood on our voyage. Not long afterwards, being in the main sea, we were overtaken by a dreadful tempest, which tossed us to and fro, at the mercy of the winds and waves for eight days, so that we knew not whereabouts we were. By the violence of this tempest, we lost many of our vessels, but after the return of good weather, we collected the remains of our shattered fleet, and having a fair wind, we stood on to the westwards, and at length descried the coast of Estoitland, and arrived in a good and safe harbour. Here we saw an infinite number of armed men running furiously towards the shore, apparently for the purpose of defending the island. Upon this, Zichmni commanded signs of peace to be made, and the islanders sent ten men to us who could speak ten different languages; but we could understand none of these, excepting one man who happened to be an Icelander. This man was brought to our prince, and gave the following account of the country; and people.

The land was called Icarta, and all its kings were named Icarus, after the name, of its first king, who was the son of Daedalus king of Scotland. This Daedalus had discovered and conquered the island, and after instituting the body of laws by which they are still governed, had left them his son to be their king. After this, Daedalus[1] sailed in quest of farther discoveries, but was overtaken by a violent storm and drowned. In memory of which, they named their island Icaria, the sea surrounding it the Icarian sea, and all their successive kings Icarus. He stated, moreover, that they were perfectly contented with the state in which they had been placed by Providence, and not choosing to make the smallest change in their manners and customs, would admit no strangers into their land; and therefore requested the prince not to attempt violating the laws of their king, of glorious memory, as any such attempt would turn to his manifest destruction, since they were resolved to sacrifice their lives in defence of their laws. They were willing, however, to receive one of our men, who should be advanced to the rank of a chief, on purpose to learn our language; having already received ten different men with that view from ten different nations.

Upon this Zichmni sailed from the harbour, as if meaning to go away from the island; but being in want of wood and water, he skirted along the coast at some distance, and put into another harbour on the eastern side of the island with all his fleet. Here the mariners went on shore, and procured the necessary supplies with all possible speed, lest they might be attacked by the natives. This precaution was by no means unnecessary, for the inhabitants near this harbour made signals by fire and smoke to the rest of the country; and taking to their arms, were soon joined by others, and came down upon our men with bows and arrows, and other weapons, and in the conflict, many of them were killed, and others dangerously wounded[2]. We were therefore obliged to depart, and made a large circuit round the island, always accompanied on the shore and on the hills by a vast number of armed men to oppose our landing. Seeing that nothing could be done here, Zichmni set sail to the eastwards with a fair wind; and after six days sail, we came in sight of land, which we found to be a very good country, with an excellent harbour. We descried a mountain at a considerable distance, which emitted smoke, and Zichmni sent an hundred soldiers to explore the country, and to inquire if it were inhabited. In the meantime, we took in wood and water, and caught vast quantities of fish and sea-fowl, and procured immense numbers of eggs; so that our people, before almost famished, had now more provisions than they could eat. To this harbour, we gave the name of port Trin, and the point that stretched out into the sea was named Cape Trin. The soldiers who had been sent out to examine the country, returned at the end of eight days, and reported they had been all through the island, quite to the smoking mountain, and that the smoke we saw proceeded from a fire at its bottom, where there was a spring of liquid pitch which ran into the sea. They said likewise, that the interior of the island was inhabited by a wild people, who were very short in stature, and timid, and hid themselves in, caves.

On receiving this piece of intelligence, and considering that the island was blest with a pure and wholesome air, good soil, fine rivers, and many other advantages, Ziehmni resolved to people it and to build a town at Port Trin, and took, great pains to discover the whole of it, and to explore the seas on both sides of Engroveland, or Greenland. But many of his people began to murmur, being quite wearied with so tedious a voyage, alleging, that as the winter was fast approaching, they should not be able to return home before the ensuing summer, if they made any longer delay. On this account, retaining only the row-boats, and as many men as were willing to stay with him. Zichmni sent away all the rest of the people with the ships, giving the command to me, Antonio Zeno, much against my will. Taking therefore our departure, we sailed twenty days to the eastwards, without seeing any land; on which we shifted our course to the south-east, and after five days, we came in sight of the island of Neome[3], so that we passed Iceland without seeing it. We here procured refreshments from the inhabitants, who were subject to Zichmni, and sailed thence in three days to Frisland, where we were received with great joy, as the people thought, in consequence of our long absence, that their prince and the whole armament had been lost.

As to the particulars concerning the people and their customs, the animate, and the productions of these countries, I have written all these in a separate book, in which I have described the country, and the wonderful fishes of Frisland, Estland, Norway, Estoitland, Drogio, Icaria, and Engroveland, on both its sides. I have composed likewise, the life of my brother Nicolo Zeno, with an account of his discoveries; and a history of the life and acts of Zichmni, a prince as worthy of immortal fame as any that ever lived, having been famous for his valour, enterprising spirit, and humanity.

[1] Or Icarus, for the language in Forster is ambiguous, and does not clearly fix this important historical fact!—E.

[2] The expression is here so equivocal as to leave in doubt whether the killed and wounded were Icarians or Frislanders, or part of both.—E.

[3] Neome seems to be the isle or Stromoe, one of the Faro Islands; as it is in fact to the southward of Iceland, and only three days sail from the Orkneys, the Faras-islands, or Frisland of this author.—Forst.



CHAP. XVI.

Travels of John Schildtberger into Tartary, in 1394[1].

John Schildtberger, a native of Munich in Bavaria, went with the army of King Sigismund of Hungary, against the Turks in 1394. In 1395, being taken prisoner, he was sent by Bajazet, whose name he always writes Weyasit, into Asia. In the great battle, in which Bajazet was defeated, and taken captive by Timur, Schildtberger was again made prisoner, and accompanied that conqueror in all his expeditions, till his death in 1405, at Otrar or Farab, though Schildtberger says that he died in his capital of Samarcand. After the death of Timur, he entered into the service of Shah-Rokh, and was left by that prince among the auxiliary troops, which assisted his brother Miran-Shah against Kara-Joseph, a Turkomanian emir of the black-weather tribe. Miran-shah having been made prisoner and beheaded by Kara-Joseph, Schildtberger followed the standards of Abubekr, the son of Miran-shah.

At this time, there lived in the court of Abubekr, a prince named Zegra, a son of the khan of Great Tartary, to whom Ideku[2] sent word that he would resign to him the sovereignty of Kiptschak. Zegra accordingly set out for Great Tartary, accompanied by Schildtberger, and four others. Their route lay through Strana[3], which produces good silk; then through Gursey, Gurghia, or Georgia, which is inhabited by Christians; after this, through the country of, Lahinsham[4], where silk is cultivated; and through Schurban, or Shirvan, where the silk is produced from which the silk stuffs of Damascus and Kaffer[5] are made. They next passed through Bursa[6], which is situated in Turkey, and from whence the fine silk, of which velvet is manufactured, is sent to Venice and Lucca: This is an unhealthy country. Their route next lay through Temur-capit, Demir-Kapi or, Derbent, which signifies, in the Tartarian language, the Iron-gate, and which separates Persia from Tartary. They then went through a town of great strength, called Origens[7], situated in the middle of the Edil. After this, their way was through the mountainous country of Setzalet, in which there are many Christians, who have a bishop and some Carthusian monks, who perform the service in the Tartarian language, that the common people may understand what is sung and read. They were now arrived in Great Tartary, at the camp of Ideku, who had just assembled all his forces and was going to march into the land of Ibissibur[8]. In this expedition, they employed two months of continual marching; in the course of which, they crossed a range of mountains, thirty-two days journey in length, and at their extremity, there is a desert, which is the end of the world[9]; which desert is uninhabitable from the number of reptiles and wild beasts with which it is infested. These mountains are inhabited by roaming savages, who are hairy all over, except their faces and hands[10], and who subsist on green leaves and roots, or whatever they can procure. In this country, also, there, are wild asses as large as horses. The inhabitants employ dogs, as large as asses, to draw carts and sledges, and some times feed upon them. They are Christians, and they bury, their young people who die in celibacy, with music and rejoicing, eating and drinking at their graves. In this country they cultivate nothing but beans, and they eat no bread. Having made a conquest of Bissibur, they marched into. Walor[11], which they also conquered, and then returned into Kiptschak.

At this period, there was a high officer of state among the Tartars, called Obmann, who had usurped the power of nominating and deposing the khan, and to whom all the lords or chiefs were subservient. This anomalous dignity was now held by Ideku; who, as has been already mentioned, had invited Zegra to accept the dignity of khan. This Ideku, with the khan, all the nobility, and the whole people, wandered continually up and down the country, with their wives and children, their cattle, and whole property, to the number of about 100,000 people, having no fixed abodes, but dwelling in moveable huts, at all seasons of the year. At this time there was a king in Tartary, named Schudicho chey or Kom, or Schadibeck-knan, the son of Timur-Utluck, grandson of Timur-melik-aglen, and great-grandson of Urus- Khan, This Schadibeck reigned from 1401 to 1406. Immediately on hearing that Ideku was approaching, he took to flight; but was pursued, and killed in a skirmish. Ideku appointed Polat or Pulad-khan, the son[12] of Schadibeck, to be his successor, who reigned a year and a half, between 1406 and 1408. After him Segel-Aladie, or Zedy-khan, the son of Tokatmysch or Toktemysch-khan, got possession of the throne; but he was soon expelled by Timur-Khan, the son of Timur-Uduck, and brother of Pulad- Khan, who reified fourteen months. Thebak, the brother of Pulad-khan, took the field against Timur-khan, and killed him, but was unable to attain the sovereignty, as his brother Kerunhardin ascended the throne, which he only held for five months. Thebak again endeavoured to dispossess his brother Kerunhardin, but was unable to effectuate his purpose; for at this juncture, Ideku interposed, and conferred the sovereignty on Zegra, in the room of both. Zegra, however, continued khan only for nine months, when Mohammed-khan, son of the before-mentioned Timur-khan, and grandson of Timur Utluck, gained a pitched battle against Ideku and Zegra, in which Ideku was made prisoner, and Zegra fled into a country called Descht-Kiptscha. Mohammed was in his turn driven from the throne by Waroch; from whom Mohammed soon after retook his dominions. He was again driven out by Doblaberd, who only kept possession for three days, when he was in his turn dethroned by Waroch. He again was soon afterwards slain by Mohammed, who a third time attained the sovereign power. After these repeated revolutions, Zegra made ah unsuccessful attempt to recover the throne, in which enterprize he lost his life.

On the death of Zegra, Schildtberger, and the other four Christians who had been in his service, attached themselves to Manustzusch, who had been counsellor to that prince. This person went upon a journey to Kaffa in the Crimea, where six different religions are professed among the mixed inhabitants of that peninsula, a part of whom are Christians; After a residence there of five months, Manustzusch crossed the straits of Zabake in the country called Zeckchas or Zikchia, where he sojourned for six months. But the sultan of Turkey sent a message to the sovereign of that country, requesting that Manustzusch might not be allowed to remain there any longer; and upon this he removed into the land of Magrill[13].

Schildtberger and his Christian companions, reflecting that they were now only three days journey from the Black Sea, formed a resolution to endeavour to return into their own country. With this view, having taken leave of Manustzusch, they went, to the capital of the country of Bathan[14] whence they requested to be conveyed across into Christendom, but were refused. Upon this they rode four days journey along the coast, when at length they espied a ship at about eight Italian miles from the shore. They made signals to the people on board by means of fire, and a boat was sent to inquire their purpose; and having convinced the boats crew that they, were Christians, by rehearsing the Lords prayer, Ave Maria, and creed, and these people having reported an account of them to the captain, of the ship, boats were sent back to bring them, on board. Having escaped many dangers, they landed at Constantinople, where they were well received by John Palaeologus, the Grecian emperor, who: sent them by sea to the castle of Kilia, at the mouth of the Danube. Schildtberger here parted from his companions, and went with some merchants to Akkerman[15] in Wallachia. From thence he went to Sedhof Sutschawa the capital of Moldavia, or the lesser Walachia. Hence to Lubick called otherwise Lwow or Lemberg, the capital of White Russia, where he was detained by illness for three months. From that place he went to Cracow, the capital of Poland; and by Breslau in Silesia, Misnia, Eger, Ratisbon, and Freysingen, back to Munich, having been absent for more than thirty-two years.

[1] Forster, Voy. and Disc. in the North, p. 158.

[2] About this period, many abuses subsisted among the Golden Tribe on the Wolga. Mamay and Ideku, or Yedeghey-khan, called Edigi by Schildtberger, had not the title of great khan of the Golden Tribe in Kiptschak, but held in fact the supreme power in their hands, and set up khans from among the royal family, or deposed them at their pleasure.—Forst

[3] The names are much disfigured, and the commencement of the journey is not mentioned; but, from the course afterwards, this may be some corruption for Armenia, or one of its districts.—E.

[4] Perhaps a corruption for Daghistan.—E.

[5] Perhaps Kahira, or Cairo.—E.

[6] Schildtberger, or his transcriber, calls this the town of Bursa, by mistake for the mountain of Al-Burs.—Forst.

[7] Probably Agrachan; as both Astracan and Saray had been demolished by Timur. As to his saying that it stood in the middle of the Edil, Etilia, or Wolga, that may be a mistake; but at any rate, Edil signifies any river whatever.—Forst.

[8] Bissibur or Issibur, is the ancient Russian town of Isborsk.—Forst. It would appear that the present expedition was into Siber, or Siberia —E.

[9] This appears to refer to the Uralian chain, and the frozen regions of the north of Russia.—E.

[10] A mistake, by confounding close-made dresses of fur with the notion of naked men, covered all over with shaggy hair.—E.

[11] Probably Wolgar, Bulgar, or Bulgaria, is here meant.—E

[12] From the sequel he appears rather to have been his brother.—E.

[13] This is probably a corruption for Mangrill, or Mingrelia.—E.

[14] Forster explains this by substituting the names of Bebian and Bedias as synonymous. No such name occurs in our best maps; but there is a place near the country of Mingrelia in Guria on the Black-Sea, named Batum, which may be here indicated—E.

[15] This place is called in the text Weisseburgh, signifying the White Town, otherwise named Akkerman or Akkiermann, Asprecastro, Tschetatalba, and Belgorod.—Forst.

From the concluding sentence, Schildtberger, who began his travels, or rather captivity in 1394, must have returned to Munich about 1426 or 1427—E.



CHAP. XVII.

Travels of the Ambassadors of Mirza Shah Rokh, King of Persia, from Herat to Khanbalek in Katkay, in 1419[1].

INTRODUCTION.

This curious embassy, sent by Mirza Shah Rokh one of the sons of Timur, or Timour the Great, better known in Europe by the name of Tamerlane, travelled from Herat, in Persia, the residence of their sovereign, to Khanbalek, Cambalu, or Peking, the imperial city of Kathay, Khatay, Kitay, or Northern China, where Yong-lo, or Ching-tsu, the third emperor of the race of Ming then kept his court. Yong-lo began to reign, in 1404, and died in 1425, the year in which the ambassadors returned to Persia, the race of Ming, a Chinese dynasty, was founded in 1368, fifty-one years before the present embassy, by Hoang-vu, who had expelled the Mongol khans, the degenerate and enervated descendants of Gingis or Zengis. This journey was described by the famous Persian historian, Emir-Khond, or Emir-Khovand, usually known by the name of Mirchond, in his performance, entitled, "Of the Wonders of the World." Nicolas Witsen[2], a learned burgomaster of Amsterdam, has inserted this curious journey, in his curious work, "Of North and East Tartary," Having translated it for that purpose from the Persian into Dutch. The singularly excellent work of Witsen is extremely rare, and very seldom to be met with, as the author suppressed the work, from motives which are now unknown. The library of the university of Goettingen; formerly possessed a copy, which had belonged to the library of the Empress of Russia, and which was purchased at the sale of the effects of the late Mr Thunnman for eighty-six dollars. These travels are contained in the fourth volume of the French collection by Thevenot; who says that it was written in Persian, in twelve pages, without notes or explanation. He makes no mention of the translator, but probably borrowed the article from Witsen, without acknowledgment. The present edition is taken from Astleys collection, and is enriched by several notes and elucidations, by Mr John Reinhold Forster; who, while he regrets the scarcity of Witsens valuable work in Dutch, forgets to inform us of the existence of this tract in Thevenot, or in the collection of Astley. This journey throws some light on the interior part of Tartary, or Central Asia; and is therefore an important addition to our scanty knowledge of that little known and interesting country, the real storehouse of nations, and the scourge, during many centuries, of all the surrounding countries, from the sea of Japan to the Baltic, and from the Frozen Ocean, to the seas of China, India, Persia, Arabia, and Roum, or the Mediterranean.

The present edition has been carefully corrected and enlarged, by collation with the abstract which Forster published from the Dutch translation by Witsen. This journal gives many curious remarks on the magnificence of the Chinese court, and respecting the ceremonial observed in giving audience to ambassadors, which still continue nearly the same. The editor of Astley labours hard to explain away the want of notice In these travels, and in the repeated journeys of Marco Polo, respecting the great Chinese wall. But the only rational explanation of this omission, is the clear conclusion that it was not then built. We learn from this narrative, that the paper money of the former Mogul Khans of Kathay was no longer in use, and that silver money, under the same denomination of Balishes, had been substituted in its place.

[1] Astley IV. 621. Forst. Voy. and Disc. 158.

[2] I suspect this learned Dutchman has been sometimes quoted in Latin, by the name of Candidius.—E.



SECTION I.

The Journey of the Ambassadors from Herat to Khanbalek, and their reception at the Court of the Emperor of Kathay.

In the year of the Hejirah 822, or 1419 of the Christian era, the Sultan Mirza Shah Rokh, king of Persia, sent ambassadors from Herat, his royal residence, to the emperor of Kathay, or China, of whom Shadi Khoja was the chief. At the same time, Mirza Baysangar, the son of Shah Rokh, sent Soltan Ahmet, and a painter named Khoja Gayath Addin, to accompany his fathers ambassadors, giving orders to his servants to keep an exact journal of their travels, and to take notice of every thing that was remarkable in every city and country they travelled through; carefully noting the nature of the roads, the police, and customs of the people, and the magnificence and government of the various sovereigns. Leaving Herat[1] on the 11th of the month Zi'lkaa-deh[2], the ambassadors arrived at Balkh on the 8th of Zi'lhejjeh, where they were detained by the rains till the first of Moharram, in the year 823 of the Hejira[3], or Thursday, 16th January 1420; on which day they departed from Balkh, and arrived in twenty-two days journey at Samarkand. They here found Soltan Shars, and Mehemmed Bakhshi, the ambassadors of Ulug-Beg[4], who had been sent to accompany them, together with all his Kathayans: And the ambassadors of Khorassan, Badakshan, and from other princes, having here joined company, they all set out together with those of Kathay[5].

Having passed through the cities of Tashkend, Sayram, and Ash[6], they entered into the country of the Mongols[7] on the eleventh of Rabiya-al- akher, and learnt that the horde was in great confusion, Awis-khan being at war with Shir Mehemmed Aglan. These disturbances being settled, Amir Khudadad, who commanded in that country, came to inform them, that the ambassadors might proceed safely on their journey. On the 18th of Jomada- al-awal, they came to a place named Bilgotu[8], on the territories of Mehemmed-Beg, where they waited for the Dajis[9], and the retinue of the Shah of Badakshan. After their arrival, they passed the river Kenker[10] on the twenty-second of Jomada-al-awal, and next day, they saw Mehemmed- Beg, prince of that horde, whose son, Soltan Shadi Karkan[11], was son-in- law to Shah Rokh, and a daughter of that prince had married Mirza Mehemmed Juki[12]. On the twenty-eighth of the before named month, they entered the country of Ilduz[13], which was occupied by the tribe of Jel, and under the dominion of Shir Behram, or Scheir Begrahim; and though the sun was then in the summer solstice, they were often astonished to find ice two inches thick in this vast desert. On the eighth of Jomada-al-akher, they were alarmed, by receiving, news that the son of Ahmed Beg had plundered the Daji, who was ambassador from Awis, or Oweys Khan; and they made every possible haste to pass through the defiles of the mountains, notwithstanding of much hail and rain falling at the time. At the end or the month, they arrived at Tarkan[14], where there is a great temple, with a huge idol, which the idolatrous inhabitants say is the image of Shakmonni, or Shamku. Departing from thence on the second of Rajeb, they came on the fifth to Karakoja.[l5] And certain Kathayans came here on the tenth, who took a list of the names of the ambassadors and all their retinue. On the nineteenth they arrived at the town of Ata-Sufi, where Kha Zadeh Taj'oddin resided, a person descended from the prophet, originally of the city of Tormul, and son-in-law to Amir Fakr'oddin, chief of the Moslems in Kabul[16].

On the twenty-second of Rajeb they arrived at Kabul[17], in which place Amir Fakr'oddin had built a fine mosque; near which was a temple of the idolaters, set round with images, and strange figures of various sizes, and at the doors there were two gigantic statues that seemed to fight. Mengli Timur Bayri, a handsome young man, was governor of this city. Departing thence on the twenty-fifth of Rajeb, they entered on the desert of Noman Cobi, where they only found water once in two days; and on the twelfth of Shaaban, they saw lions, oxen, and other wild beasts; the oxen, named Gau Kottahs, are very large and strong, insomuch that they are able to toss a man and horse into the air. Their tails are remarkably long and hairy, and are in great estimation all over the East, where they are often carried on long poles, by way of ornament, and are likewise much employed for driving away flies. On the fourteenth, they arrived at a place within twelve stages of Sekju[18], the first city in Kathay. From this time, the Kathayans came daily to meet them, erecting tents or huts, adorned with green boughs, in the desert for their accommodation, and plentifully supplied their tables with fowls, and various kinds of flesh, fruits, fresh and dried, and other victuals, all served on porcelain or china dishes, besides several kinds of strong liquors; and henceforwards they were as splendidly regaled in the desert as they afterwards were in the cities of Kathay. According to the list taken by the Kathayans, Amir Shadi Khoja, and Gaksheh, had 200 persons in their retinue; Soltan Ahmed and Gayath-addin, 500; Argdak, sixty; Ardvan, fifty; and Taj'oddin, fifty; in all 860 persons; among whom were many merchants, who were passed as belonging to the retinue of the ambassadors, and who were, afterwards under the necessity of performing the services which fell to their lot, according to the register. In taking this list, the Kathayan officers made them swear that there were no other persons besides those named, and informed them that they would be despised if they did not tell the truth.

It is remarkable, that among the many viands and liquors supplied to them, in the before-mentioned entertainment, there was a pot of Chinese tea, which the Jesuit Trigault imagined had only come into use in China of late years. Tea is called Tscha by the Chinese, and its use is very ancient, as the earlier of the two Mahometan travellers, who wrote in 851 and 867, mention the use, by the Chinese in that early period, of the infusion of the leaves of a shrub called sah or tsha. Even at that time, the use of tea must have become an article of constant and extensive consumption in China, as the emperor derived a large revenue from the tax on that article[19].

On the sixteenth of the month Shaaban, they were informed that the Dankji, governor of the borders of Kathay, intended to entertain them that day with an imperial feast; and on their arrival at his encampment, they found a square arpent[20] of ground inclosed with tents, the cords of which, fastened to pegs in the ground, were so interlaced together that there was no entrance into the inclosure but by four gates, which were left on purpose. In the midst of this place, they had erected a great and very high awning of cloth, supported on wooden pillars; at one end of which was an imperial canopy of state, erected on two richly varnished pillars, between which stood a great chair of state as if for the emperor, and other seats on both sides. The ambassadors were placed on the left hand of the imperial throne, arid the Kathayan officers on the right. Before each ambassador there were two tables, one of which was covered with various meats and fruits, and the other with cakes and delicate bread, ornamented with festoons of silk and paper. The other persons present had only one table to each. At the opposite end of this great banqueting tent, there stood a buffet or side-board, full of vessels of china and of silver, for serving the liquors. During the entertainment, they were regaled by a band of music, and a number of young persons, in strange dresses, performed various tricks for their amusement. They were likewise much amused by the performance of a comedy, the actors of which wore masks representing the faces of animals; and a child, inclosed in the body of an artificial stork, walked about and performed a variety of surprising motions. In short, nothing could be more magnificent.

Next day, being the seventeenth of Shaaban, they continued their journey through the desert, and arrived in a few days at a karaul[21] or strong fortress, in the mountains, which is built across the road in a pass or defile, so that travellers must necessarily enter by one gate and pass through the other. Here the ambassadors and all the members of their retinues were carefully numbered, and a new list made of all their names. From the karaul they went to Sekju or So-chew[22], where they were lodged in a large public building over the gate of the city; in which, as in all their other lodgings, they were amply provided with every necessary and convenience, as provisions, beds, and horses; and even the servants had mattresses and coverlets allowed for their beds. So-chew is a large and strong city, quite square, in the entrance into Kathay. It has sixteen market places, each fifty cubits square, which are always kept clean. In these there are several covered halls or galleries, having shops on both sides; and a handsome hall of entrance, adorned with pictures. There are hogs kept in every house, and the butchers hang their pork in the shambles along with the mutton[23]. The city wall is flanked with towers at every twenty paces distance; and there is a gate in the middle of each side, from each of which one may see the opposite gate, as the streets pass straight through the middle of the city, dividing it into four quarters. Over each gate there is a pavilion of two stories, the roof of which is tiled with porcelain, and is shaped like an asses back, or penthouse, according to the fashion of Kathay, which is likewise followed in Mazanderan. Each of the temples in this place occupy nearly ten arpents of ground, and all are very neat, with their brick pavements polished like glass. At the gates there stand a number of fine youths, who, after regaling strangers, show them the temples.

From So-chew it is ninety-five days journey to Cambalu, or Khanbalek, where the emperor resides, the whole way leading, through a populous country, insomuch that travellers always lodge at night in a large town. Throughout the whole way there are many structures named Kargu, and Kidifu. The former are a species of corps-de-garde, which are sixty cubits high, and are built within sight of each other, having always persons on guard, who are relieved every ten days. These are intended to communicate alarms speedily to the seat of government, which they do by means of fires; and intelligence can be sent, in this manner, in the space of a day and a night, from the distance of three months journey[24]. The Kidifus are a kind of post-houses, which are built at ten merres[25] from each other, having fixed establishments of people, with houses to live in, and ground to cultivate for their support; and all letters to the imperial city are sent by couriers from one to another. From Sakju, or So-chew, to Kamju[26], there are nine stages or days journey, and the dankji who resides in Kan-chew is superior to all the other governors on the frontiers. At each stage the ambassadors were furnished with 450 horses, mules, and asses, and fifty-six chariots or waggons. The servants who tended the horses were called Ba-fu; the muleteers, who had charge of the mules and the asses,Lu-fu; and the men who drew the chariots, Jip-fu. These chariots were each drawn by twelve young men with cords on their shoulders, and they dragged through all difficulties from one lodging to another, the Ba-fu always running before as guides. At all the lodging places, where the ambassadors and their retinue stopped nightly, provisions were always found in abundance. At every city the ambassadors were feasted in a hall set apart for that special purpose, called Rasun, in each of which there stood an imperial throne under a canopy, with curtains at the sides, the throne always facing towards the capital of the empire. At the foot of the throne there always was a great carpet, on which the ambassadors sat, having their people ranked in regular rows behind them, like the Moslems at their prayers. When all were properly arranged, a guard beside the throne gave a signal, by calling out aloud three times; on which all the Kathayan officers bowed their heads to the ground towards the throne, and obliged the ambassadors to make a similar reverence; after which every one sate down to his appointed table.

On the twenty-fifth of Ramazan, the dankji, or governor of Kan-chew invited the ambassadors to a feast, intimating that they were to consider it as a banquet given them by the emperor; but as it was the fast of the Moslems, the ambassadors sent an apology, yet he sent them all the victuals which had been prepared for the entertainment. In Kanchew they saw a temple, each side of which extended 500 kes or cubits, having in the middle of it an idol fifty feet in length, lying as if asleep. The hands and feet of this gigantic idol were nine feet long, and the head was twenty-one feet round. There were numbers of smaller idols, each a cubit high, behind this large one and above his head, in such natural attitudes that they seemed alive. The great idol was gilt all over, having one hand under his head, and the other stretched down along his thigh. This idol was called Samonifu, and vast numbers of people were constantly prostrating themselves before him. The walls were also adorned with many figures. All round the great temple, there were numerous small temples, like the chambers in caravanseras, having curtains of tapestry or brocade, gilded easy chairs and stools, chandeliers, and vessels, for ornament. There were ten other temples in the city of Kan-chew like the former, and a tower having eight fronts, twenty cubits in circumference, and fifteen stories high. Each story was twelve cubits high, so that the whole tower was 180 cubits in height. In every story was a chamber finely varnished, and a gallery round, embellished with paintings. One of these paintings represented the emperor of Kathay sitting among his courtiers, and with boys and girls on either hand. This structure is called Teherki felek by the Moslems, and resembles a kiosk. At the bottom there were the figures of giants, which seemed to carry the whole tower on their backs. The whole was constructed of wood, richly gilded and varnished, and so exquisitely polished, that it seemed of burnished gold. In a vault under the edifice, there is an iron axis resting on a plate of iron, and reaching from the bottom to the top of the tower: and the whole was so ingeniously contrived, that it could easily be turned round on this axis, in so surprizing a manner, that all the smiths, carpenters, and painters of the world ought to go there, to learn the secrets of their respective trades[27].

Before the ambassadors left Kan-chew, they were furnished with horses and carriages, which they returned here in their way back. In this place also, they consigned the presents which were intended for the emperor, except a lion, which they carried along with them, to the imperial court. In proportion as they approached towards the capital, the Kathayan magnificence always increased. Every evening they arrived at a Yam[28] or lodging, and once every week at a city. On the fourth of the month Shawal they reached the river Karamuran[29], which is as large as the Jihon or Amu. Across this river there is a bridge of twenty-six boats, laid over with planks, and kept together by iron hooks and chains, which are fastened to iron pillars on each bank, as thick as a mans thigh, so that the whole is kept perfectly firm and even. On crossing this river they came to a great city, where the ambassadors were more splendidly, feasted that in any other place; and here they saw a more magnificent idol temple than any of the former. They took notice also of three public stews, full of very beautiful harlots; and as the women here are handsomer than any other in Kathay, this place has the name of Rosnabaad, or the City of Beauty. After passing through several other cities, they arrived on the twelfth of the month Zu'lkaadeh, at another river[30] twice as large as the Jihon, which they passed over in boats. Continuing their journey, and crossing over several rivers, some in boats and others by means of bridges, they arrived, on the twenty-seventh of the last mentioned month, at the great and populous city of Sadin-fu[31]. In one of the temples of this city there stands a gilded brass image fifty cubits high, called the image with a thousand hands, for such is the number with which this idol is furnished, and on the palm of each there is an eye. The feet of this idol are near ten cubits long. Round this idol there are several others of different heights, placed in chambers or niches, some reaching only as high as the ankle of the great one, others to the knee, and others again as high as the breast. It is reckoned that this prodigious work required 100,000 loads of brass. The top of the temple is exquisitely finished, and terminates in an open hall. It is surrounded by eight mounts or eminences, which may be ascended both on the outside and the inside; and these have several grottos, the walls of which are adorned with various paintings, representing priests, idols, hermits, tigers, leopards, serpents, and trees. These, with the idols, mountains, and arches, seem all to be composed of plaster. Around this great temple there are many fine buildings, and among these a turning tower, similar to that of Kan-chew, but larger and finer.

Continuing their journey, at the rate of four or five pharasangs each day[32], the ambassadors arrived before day-break of the eighth of Zu'lhajieh, at the imperial city of Khanbalik[33], or Pekin. This city is so great that each side is a pharasang in length, or about four and a quarter English miles. But at this time 100,000 houses within its walls lay in ruins. The ambassadors and their retinue were conducted on foot along a causeway 700 feet long, to the palace gate, where there stood five elephants on either side. On passing this outward gate, they entered a very beautiful paved court of great extent, where they found 100,000 men waiting at the emperors gate, although it was not yet day. Facing this court there was a great kiosk or pavilion, the basis of which was thirty cubits high, on which stood pillars fifty cubits high, supporting a gallery sixty cubits long and forty cubits wide. This pavilion had three gates, the middle one being reserved for the emperor, and that on each side was smaller. Above this kiosk, and over the right and left gates, was a kurkeh, or great drum; and a bell hung over the middle gate, attended by two persons, to give notice of the appearance of the emperor on his throne. They reckoned that near 300,000 persons were assembled before the palace, among whom were 2000 musicians, who sung hymns for the prosperity of the emperor. Two thousand men, armed with halberts, batons, darts, arrows, lances, swords, and maces, had enough of business in keeping the crowd in order. Others held fans and umbrellas. Around this court there were many apartments, and it was surrounded by high porticos closed with grates, and containing sofas. When day appeared, the drums, trumpets, flutes, and hautboys, began to sound, and the great bell tolled; at which the great gates were thrown open, and the people crowded in to see the emperor. On passing from the first court into the second, the ambassadors found a larger and more magnificent pavilion than the former, on which was a raised platform, or sofa, of a triangular form, four cubits high, covered with yellow satin, and sumptuously adorned with gildings and paintings, representing the Simorg[34], or Phoenix, which the Kathayans call the royal bird. On this sofa was a seat or throne of massy gold, and on both sides stood ranks of officers of different orders, some commanders of 10,000 men, some of a 1000, and others of 100 men. Each of these held a tablet in his hand, a cubit long and a quarter broad, on which they all continued to look with much gravity, without attending to any thing around them; and behind these, stood an infinite number of guards, all in profound silence. At length the emperor made his appearance from an inner apartment, and ascended the throne by nine steps of silver. The emperor was a man of middle stature, and his beard consisted of 200 or 300 long hairs, which descended from his chin upon his breast. On each side of the throne there stood two very beautiful maidens, having their faces and necks bare, with their hair tied on the top of their heads, and large pearls in their ears. Each of these held paper and a pen in their hands, and wrote down with great attention whatever was spoken by the emperor; and when he retires, they present him with the papers, to see if he has any alterations to make in his orders. These are afterwards carried to the Diwan, or tribunal of state, that they may be carried into execution.

When the emperor was seated on his throne, the seven ambassadors were brought forwards, facing the emperor, and at the same time a great number of criminals were presented. There were seven hundred of these, some of whom were fastened by the neck, others having their heads and hands inclosed by a board, six sometimes fastened thus to one board. Each criminal was attended by a keeper, who held his prisoner by the hair: and all thus waited the imperial sentence. Most of these were remanded to prison, and only a few were condemned to die, which power resides solely in the emperor. All the governors of this vast empire, however distant from court, send all malefactors to Khanbalik, to appear in presence of the emperor. Each persons crime is written on one end of the board which he carries about his neck; and the crimes against religion are the most severely punished of all. Great care is taken to examine into all the facts on these occasions, insomuch that the emperor holds council twelve several times before he condemns any one to death. Hence a person who has been condemned in eleven successive councils, is sometimes acquitted in the twelfth, which is always held in presence of the emperor, who never condemns any but those he cannot save. When the criminals were dismissed, the ambassadors were led by an officer within fifteen cubits of the throne; and this officer, on his knees, read out of a paper the purport of their embassy; adding that they had brought rarities as presents to his majesty, and were come to knock their heads against the ground before him. Then the Kadhi Mulana Haji Yusof, a commander of ten thousand, who was a favourite of the emperor and one of his twelve councillors, approached to the ambassadors, with some Moslems who spoke the Persian language, and ordered them to fall on their knees and knock their ground with their foreheads; but they only bowed their heads three times. Then they delivered the letters of Shah Rokh and the other princes, wrapped up in yellow satin, to Kadhi Mulana, who gave them into the hands of a khoja of the palace at the foot of the throne, and he presented them to the emperor. He took them into his own hands, opened them and looked at them, and delivered them back to the khoja, who descended from the throne, and sat down on a seat at the foot of the steps. At the same time were brought out three thousand vestments of fine stufis, and two thousand coarse, such as are the usual clothing of the imperial children and household[35]. The emperor then commanded the ambassadors to draw near, and being on their knees, he inquired after the health of Shah Rokh, and put many other questions to them, all of which they answered. He then ordered them to rise, and go eat, saying that they had come a far journey. From thence the ambassadors were conducted back to the first court, where they were feasted in a similar manner as at other times already mentioned.

When this entertainment was finished, they were conducted to their lodgings, in which the principal chamber was furnished with a large sofa or raised platform, laid with fine silk cushions, a great basin, and a pan for fire. On the right and left of this, there were other chambers, with beds, silk cushions, and foot carpets or fine mats, for lodging the ambassadors separately. Each person had a kettle, a dish, a spoon, and a table. Every day, for six persons, there were allowed a sheep, a goose, and two fowls; and to each person two measures of flour, a large dish of rice, two great basins full of things preserved with sugar, a pot of honey, some garlic, onions, salt, several sorts of herbs, a bottle of dirapum[36], and a basin of walnuts, filberts, chesnuts, and other dried fruits. They were likewise attended from morning till night by a number of handsome servants.

[1] The capital of Khorassan, or Corassan, in the north-east of Persia, then the residence of Shah Rokh.—Astl.

[2] Or Zu'lkaadeh, as pronounced by the Persians, called Dhu'lkaddeh by the Arabians, which is the eleventh month of the Mahometan year. As this year is lunar, the months run through all the seasons, for want of a properly regulated kalendar, or a period like the Julian or Gregorian. To enable the reader to understand the journal, we give the Persian names of the months in their order: 1. Moharram; 2. Safar; 3. Rabiya-al-awal, or Prior; 4, Rabiya-al-Akher, or Latter; 5. Jomada-al- awal; 6. Jomada-al-akher; 7. Rajeb; 8. Shaaban; 9. Ramazan; 10. Shawal; 11. Zu'lkaadeh; 12. Zu'lhejjeh.—Astl.

[3] This year began on Thursday, 16th January, 1420.—Astl.

[4] Ulug-Beg was the son and successor of Shah-Rokh, and was famous for his astronomical tables.—Astl.

The Kathayans of Ulug-Beg, here mentioned, were probably Chinese astronomers in the service of that prince, sent on the present occasion to ascertain and report the geographical circumstances of the journey.—E.

[5] The text here is obscure, as appearing to indicate Kathayan ambassadors going to Kathay. They may have been ambassadors from Yong-lo to Shakh-Rokh, now on their return.—E.

[6] Called Asperah by Forster.—E.

[7] From this description of the route, and the implied division of empire, it would appear that Shah-Rokh ruled over a very ample portion of the vast conquests of Timur, having under has command the countries of Iran and Touran; or Persia, Chorassan, Balkh, Kharism, Great Bucharia, and Fergaana; even including Samarkand, the imperial residence of Timur.—E.

[8] Mr Forster calls this place Pielgutu, and explains the name by the substitution of Palchas with a mark of interrogation as doubtful. The geography of the East is rendered difficult and obscure, by the frequent recurrence of names in different languages, and by a lax orthography. Perhaps Pielgutu or Palchas, may have been situated on the lake Balcash, otherwise named Palkati-nor, and Tengis—E.

[9] Otherwise Dagis and Dakgis—Astl.

[10] Called Lenger in Forster, who gives, as synonymous, Ab-lenger and Abi- longur; which merely repeat the original name Lenger, with the prefix abi, which signifies water or river. Of this river no mention is made on our maps; but, from the direction of the route, it must have crossed their way somewhere between the Palkati-nor and Turfan, which is the next station mentioned.—E.

[11] Called Gurgu by Forster.—E.

[12] Fifth son of Shah-Rokh.—Astl.

[13] Perhaps the same place called Yulduz, and Yilduz by others, and supposed to be the Chialis of later authors, in Little Bucharia. In the Jesuits maps there is a river called Cheldos, near the Ili, on which this town may have stood.—Astl.

[14] This is doubtless a mistake for Tarfan, or Turfan, in little Bucharia; the Arabic F and K differing only by a point. Astl. Turfan, Turkhan, or Farkhaan, is situated in Tenduc or Uiguria, in Lat. 43 deg. N. Long. 85 deg.. SO. E. The snowy mountains crossed in such haste must have been the Alahtag. The cold desert of the tribe of Jel, was probably in the eastern part of Soongria; perhaps the Karang desert, north from Turfan and the Alak mountains.—E.

[15] This is supposed to be the same place with Aramuth in other Journals; and to be named Oramchi in the Jesuits map—Astl. Called Kharadztah, Harasliar, Hara-cosa, and Asarlic, by Forster. Now named Asarleak on our best maps.—E.

[16] In Forsters edition, this sentence is differently expressed, as follows: "On the nineteenth they came to a town called Naas, or Naar, near which several Zeijids, or descendants of Mahomet, are settled, at a place named Termed".—E.

[17] This name Kabul is evidently a mistake for Kamul, Khamul, Khamil, Kamyl, or Chamil; called Hami by the Chinese.—Astl.

[18] This is certainly So-chew, near the entrance of the great wall in Shensi.—Astl. Called by Forster Katasekt-schen, Sekt-scheu, Schel- scheu, or Su-tcheu.—E.

[19] This commentary on tea is placed in the text of Forster, and is therefore here preserved in the same form, though no part of the original.—E.

[20] An arpent is a French measure nearly one and a half of which are equal to an English acre.—Astl.

[21] This Persian term Karawl or Karawul, is also introduced into the Tartarian language, from which it has been adopted into Russian, in which language a guard or outpost is termed a Karaul.—Forst.

It seems more probable that the Tartar conquerors had introduced their own military term into the languages of subjugated Persia, and tributary Russia.—E.

[22] In the description of this route by Forster, he brings the ambassadors to Su-tchew before their arrival at the Karaul, and interposes a desert of several days journey between these two places.—E.

[23] This seemingly trifling circumstance was matter of great surprize and scandal to the Mahometans, who consider hogs as unclean animals, and to whom pork is a forbidden food.—Astl.

[24] It is singular how very nearly this arrangement resembles the supposed modern invention of a chain of telegraphs.—E.

[25] Six merres make a pharasang, or Persian league, which is equal to four English miles, and 868 feet. One merre is therefore equal to 1221 yards, and each post station of ten merres is equal to 12,213 yards, or almost seven English miles.—Astl.

[26] Otherwise Kamgiou or Kan-chew, the Kampion or Kainpiou of Marco Polo; which is a city of Shen-si, near the great wall and the desert.—Astl.

In Forsters account of this journey, the ambassadors arrived from the Karaul, or fortified pass, at Natschieu, Nang-tsiew, or Naa-tsieu; after which, they are said to have arrived at Kham-tcheou, the Kan- chew of the text.—E.

[27] The description given in the text of this Chinese pagoda has much the air of a fiction; yet we can hardly conceive the author would venture to report to Shah-Rokh what must have been contradicted by his ambassadors, if false.—Astl.

[28] This is called Lam in the French of Thevenot, and is the same with the Lamb of Marco Polo.—Astl.

[29] This is the Cara-moran or Whang-ho, which they crossed a second time between Shen-si and Shan-si, where it is much larger than at Lan-chew, the place probably alluded to in this part of the text.—Astl.

In the edition, by Forster, this river is named Abi Daraan, or the Daraan, afterwards Kara-raan; but is obviously the Kara-moran, Whang- ho, or Hoang-ho.—E.

[30] This other river, certainly is the same Kara-moran, passed again at a different part of their route.—Astl.

[31] This must have been some city in the province of Pe-che-li, or near its borders in Shan-si; but no such name as that of the text is to be found in any of the maps of China.—Astl.

In Forsters edition, this place is named Chien-dien-puhr, perhaps Tchin-teuen-pou, a city at some distance to the west of the Hoan-ho river. The route is not distinctly indicated in the text; but seems to have been from Soutcheo, at the N.W. extremity of Chensi, in lat. 40 deg. N. following a S. E. direction to the Hoan-ho, somewhere about Yung- nam, in lat. 37 deg. N. long. 104 deg. E.; and Yung-nam may have been the fine city which the Persians named Rosna-baad, or the Habitation of Beauty.—E.

[32] About seventeen or twenty-one English miles, or nineteen miles on the average.—E.

[33] This is the same with the Khambalu of Polo. One name signifies the palace of the Khan, the other the city of the Khan.—Astl.

[34] This is the Fong-whang, or fabulous bird of the Chinese. The Simorg- Anka, is supposed among the Persians to have existed among the Preadamites, and to have assisted Solomon in his wars.—Astl.

[35] The text is here abrupt and inconclusive: These vestments were probably presented to the ambassadors and their suite.—E.

[36] What this may have been does not appear; it may possibly have been arrack, or the wine made of rice and spices, which is frequently mentioned in the travels of Marco Polo.—E.



SECTION II.

The several Audiences of the Ambassadors, their Entertainments, Presents, and Return.

On the ninth of the month Zu'lhajjeh, the Sekjin, or officer belonging to the court who had charge of the ambassadors, came to their lodgings before day, and raised them from their beds, saying that the emperor meant to feast them that day. He brought them to the palace on horses which were sent for the purpose, and placed them in the outer court, where two hundred thousand persons were in attendance. As soon as the sun was up, they were led to the foot of the throne, where they saluted the emperor, by bowing their heads to the ground five several times. At length the emperor descended from the throne, and the ambassadors were led back to the outer court, where they were separated for a while, that they might perform the deeds of necessity; being told that no person could be allowed to stir out on any pretence during the continuance of the feast. After this, they were led through the first and second courts, and thence into a third, which was entirely open, and paved with fine freestone. In the front of this court there was a great hall sixty cubits long, having chambers over it; and in the hall was a great sofa, higher than a man, which was ascended by three silver stairs, one in front, and the others at the two sides. In this place there stood two khojas of the palace, having a kind of pasteboard covers on their mouths, and fastened to their ears. Upon the great sofa or platform, there was a smaller one in form of a couch, having pillows and cushions for the feet; and on each side there were pans for fire, and perfuming pans. This smaller sofa was of wood, beautifully gilded, and looking quite fresh, though sixty years old, and every thing was finely varnished. The most eminent of the Dakjis stood on each side of the throne, armed, and behind them were the soldiers of the imperial guard, with naked sabres. The ambassadors were placed on the left hand, as the most honourable station. Three tables were placed before each of the Amirs and other most distinguished persons, while others had only two, and the more ordinary persons but one; and there were at least a thousand tables at this entertainment.

Before the throne, near a window of the hall, there was a great kurkeh or drum, on a raised stage, attended by two men, and near it a great band of musicians. Part of the hall was divided off by curtains which came close to the throne, that the ladies belonging to the palace might see the company without being seen. After all the victuals and liquors were brought in and properly distributed, two khojas withdrew, the curtains which covered a door behind the throne, and the emperor came forth, amid the sound of many instruments of music, and took his seat under a canopy of yellow satin, ornamented with four dragons. After the ambassadors had made five prostrations, they sat down to table, and were treated as at other times. During the entertainment, many comic tricks were acted for the amusement of the emperor and the company. The first performers that appeared were painted with white and red, like girls, and dressed in gold brocade, holding nosegays of artificial flowers. After this, a man lay down on his back, as if asleep, holding his feet raised up in the air; then another person held several thick canes in his hands, seven cubits long, placing the other ends between his legs, on which a youth of ten or twelve years of age mounted, with surprising agility, and performed several tricks at the top. At last the canes slipped away from under him, and every person thought he must have fallen to the ground and been dashed to pieces; but the pretended sleeper instantly started up and caught him in the air. There was one musician who played tunes after the twelve different modes of the Kathayans. Two men played the same air together, each having one hand on his own instrument, and the other on that of his companion. During this entertainment, several thousand birds of different kinds flew about the court of the palace, and lighted among the people, to eat up what they could find scattered on the ground, without appearing to be in the least scared at the multitude. During the five months that the ambassadors remained at Khanbalik, they were regaled at several other banquets, where plays were acted, much surpassing that now mentioned.

On the seventeenth of the month Zu'lhajjeh, all the criminals were carried to be punished according to the nature of their offences, and as prescribed by the laws. The twenty-fifth of Moharram, Mulana Kadhi Yusof sent to acquaint the ambassadors that next day, being the first of the new year, according to the reckoning of the Kathayans, the emperor was to go to his new palace, and that no person must wear white, as that was the dress of mourning in this country. On the twenty-eighth, at midnight, the Sekjin came to conduct them to the new palace, which had been nineteen years building, and was only newly finished. Every person had his house or shop illuminated, with torches, lanterns, candles, and lamps, so that it appeared as light as noon-day. At the palace they found an hundred thousand people, who had come from all parts of Kathay, the countries of Tachin and Machin, Kalmak, Kabul, Karakoja, Jurga, and the sea coasts. This day the ambassadors tables were set out of the hall where the throne stood, while those of the Amirs, or great officers and lords of the court were within; and there were near two hundred thousand armed men, carrying umbrellas and bucklers. This feast lasted till the afternoon, and among the music were many songs in praise of the new palace. To give some idea of this superb structure, it may be mentioned that, from the gate of the hall to the first inclosure, measured 1925 paces. On each side are buildings and gardens one within another. The edifices were of freestone, porcelain, or marble, so delicately put together that they seemed inchased. There are many hundred cubits of pavement, the stones of which are so even and well joined, that they looked like the checkered ruling in books. Nothing in other countries can equal the Kathayans in masonry, joiner-work, making relievos or raised figures in plaster, and in painting.

The ambassadors were called early to audience, on the ninth of the month Safar; the emperor having then come out from a retirement of eight days; for it is his custom to retire every year for some days, during which he eats no kind of victuals and abstains from going near his ladies, neither does he, during all that time, see or converse with any one. In this retirement, the emperor has no picture or idol of any of his gods; as during this period, all his devotions are addressed solely to the GOD of Heaven. On this occasion, the imperial elephants were all adorned in a style of magnificence, which is quite inexpressible; many of them having silver seats, like litters, on their backs, adorned with standards of seven different colours, and the seats were filled with armed men; fifty of the elephants carried the imperial musicians. This grand procession of elephants was preceded, or followed, by at least 50,000 persons, who all preserved the most exact order, and the most profound silence. In all this pomp and splendour, the emperor was conducted from, the place of his religious retirement to the female apartments of the palace. The court astrologers had predicted that the palace of the emperor was this year to suffer by fire, on which account, a solemnity, accompanied by splendid fireworks and illuminations, was exhibited during seven days. On this occasion, an artificial mount was erected in the middle of the imperial court, covered all over with branches of cypress, and planted with 100,000 torches; by means of little artificial mice, made of bitumen or wild fire, which ran along a number of ropes, fixed for the purpose, these torches were all lighted up in a moment, forming a wonderful blaze of lights from the bottom of the mountain to the top; and many other lights appeared all over the city. During all the seven days of this festival, no criminals were sought after; the emperor discharged all debtors under arrest for debt, and set free all persons in prison for crimes, except murderers, and he distributed large presents. All this was notified on the thirteenth of the month Safer, by an imperial edict or proclamation, the emperor being seated on his throne, in the grand kiosk, or pavilion of the first court, surrounded by more than 100,000 persons; and in this edict, the emperor notified that he would send no ambassadors to any country during three years. After this edict had been read aloud by three officers of the court, who stood on a bench before the emperor, it was conveyed down from the pavilion into the court below, by means of rings fastened to yellow silk cords; and, being reverently placed on a board with a golden border, it was carried to the city, followed by music, and accompanied by a multitude of the people. After the conclusion of this ceremony, the emperor left the pavilion, and the ambassadors were feasted, as at other times.

On the first of the month Rabiya-al-awal, the ambassadors were again called to court before the emperor, who had several Shankars[1] brought in, which he said he meant to give to those who had presented him with good horses; and at this time, he caused three to be given to each of the ambassadors of the Mirza Ulug-Beg, Mirza Baysangar, and Sultan Shah-Rokh. Next day he sent for them again; when, addressing himself to Arjak, the ambassador of Mirza Siurgatmish, he said, "I have no Shankar to give you; and even if I had, I should not give you any, lest it should be taken from you, as was done from Ardeshir, a former ambassador from your, master." To this Arjak made answer: "If your majesty will do me that honour, I will engage my word that no person shall take it from me." To this the emperor replied: "On that condition I will give you two, which I have ordered to be brought for that purpose." On the eighth day of the month, the ambassadors of Soltan Shah, and Bakshi Malek were sent for, to receive the Shankish, or imperial present. The first received eight balish of silver[2], thirty furred imperial vestments, twenty-four under petticoats[3], two horses, one of which was provided with furniture, 100 bundles of cane arrows, twenty-five great porcelain vases, and 5000 ***[4]. Bakshi Malek had as much, bating one balish of silver; the women belonging to the ambassadors had no silver given them, but they each received half the quantity of stufis that had been given to their lords. On the thirteenth of the same month, the ambassadors were sent for to court, when the emperor said to them: "I am going to hunt; take your shankars, therefore, which fly well, and divert yourselves; but the horses you brought me are good for nothing." About this time, the emperors son returned from the country of Nemray, and the ambassadors went to pay their compliments to him in his particular court, to the east of the imperial palace, where they found him seated in state, amid his attendants, and having his table served in the same manner with that of the emperor.

On the first of the month Rabiya-al-akher, the ambassadors received notice to go to meet the emperor, who was then on his return from hunting; and, on getting on horseback before day for that purpose, they found Mulana Kazi Yusof waiting for them at the door of their hotel, in great dejection. Inquiring the cause, he told them privately that the emperor had been thrown in hunting from the horse they had presented him from Shah Rokh, and had given orders that they should be carried in chains to certain cities in the east of Kathay. The ambassadors were much afflicted at this news, and continued their journey for about twenty miles to the emperors camp. At this place, the Kathayans had in one night inclosed a plot of ground 500 paces square, with walls ten feet high. This wall was composed of earth, hard pressed down between two planks, as in a mould, leaving two gates; and the place whence the earth was dug, served for a ditch. There were strong guards posted at both of the gates, and other soldiers posted along the ditch. Within this outer inclosure, there were two others, each twenty-five cubits high, formed of yellow satin, supported upon square posts and all set round with tents of yellow satin. When the ambassadors were arrived within 500 paces of the imperial quarters, Mulana. Cazi Yusof desired them to alight, and wait for the emperor, while he went forwards to the presence. The emperor was on the point of giving orders for having the ambassadors arrested, when Lidaji and Jandaji, officers named Setalid and Jik-fu, in the Kathayan or Chinese language, who stood before the emperor, and Kazi Yusof, fell prostrate before him, entreating him not to proceed to that extremity, as it might have very bad consequences to put them to death, and would give occasion for the world to say that the emperor had violated the law of nations in the persons of these ambassadors. The emperor at length yielded to their reasons and entreaties, and Kazi Yusof went with great joy to let them know that they were pardoned. The emperor even condescended to send them victuals; but, being mixed with pork, they could not eat of it, on account of their religion.

Afterwards, the emperor approached, mounted on a great black horse, with white feet, richly caparisoned with brocade housings, which had been sent to him by Mirza Uleg Beg, and haying two attendants on each side at the saddle-bow. He was dressed in a vest of rich gold brocade on a red ground, and had his beard inclosed in a bag of black satin. The emperor marched slowly forwards, followed by his women, who were carried by men in seven covered litters, after whom came a large covered litter, carried by seventy men. A body of horse marched in squadrons before the emperor, each squadron twenty paces asunder, and the cavalcade reached all the way to the city. The emperor rode in the middle, attended by ten Dajis, or governors of provinces, and by the three lords who had so warmly pled in flavour of the ambassadors. When the emperor drew near, Kazi Jusof, one of these friendly lords, came up and ordered the ambassadors to prostrate themselves; and when they had done so, the emperor ordered them to arise and mount their horses, and to accompany him. Then turning to them, he thus addressed Shadi Khoja, one of the ambassadors: "The presents, rarities, horses, and wild beasts which are sent to me in future must be better chosen, in order to preserve and increase the amity which I have for your princes. At the hunt, I mounted the horse which you presented me; but he is so vicious, and I am so old, that he threw me, by which I was wounded, and have received a contusion on my head, which gave me great anguish; but by laying much gold on the place, the pain is assuaged." Upon this, Shadi Khoja said, that it was the horse on which the great Amir Timid Karkan[5] used to ride; and that Shah Rokh, who kept him as a rarity, had sent him to the emperor, as the most valuable horse in all his dominion. Being satisfied with this apology, the emperor called for a shaker, which he let fly at a crane; but on the bird returning, without seizing his prey, the emperor gave it three strokes on the head. He then alighted from his horse, and sat down in a chair, resting his feet on another, and gave a shaker to Soltan Shah, and another to Soltan Ahmed, but none to Shadi Khoja. After this he mounted his horse, and as he approached towards the city, was received by vast crowds of people with a thousand acclamations.

On the fourth of the before named month, the ambassadors were brought to court to receive their presents from the emperor; who was seated on his throne, and caused tables to be set before him, on which the presents were displayed. These were much of the same nature with those already mentioned, which were given to Soltan Shah, and Bakshi Malek. Sometime afterwards, the most beloved of the emperor's wives died, and her death was made public on the eighth day of the month Jomada-al-awake, the next day being appointed for her interment. The ladies belonging to the imperial family are buried, on a certain mountain, on which all the horses that belonged to them are turned out to graze at liberty for the rest of their lives. At the same time, several maidens and Khojas of the palace, who had belonged to the retinue of the deceased, are placed in attendance on the grave, having provisions allowed them to subsist upon for live years, perhaps more; and when their victuals are expended, they are permitted to die of famine. But on the ensuing night, the new palace took fire, not without suspicion of the astrologers haying a hand in it. By this misfortune, the principal apartment, which was eighty cubits long, and thirty cubits broad, adorned with pillars, painted blue, and richly varnished, so large that three men could hardly grasp them, was entirely consumed. From thence, the flames communicated to a kiosk or gallery of twenty fathoms, and to the apartment of the ladies, which was still more magnificent. By this fire, 250 houses were destroyed, and several men and women lost their lives[6]. The emperor and his Amirs did not consider that this chastisement fell upon them for being infidels. On the contrary, the emperor went to an idol temple[7], where he said on his knees, "The GOD of Heaven is angry with me, and therefore hath burned my palace. Yet have I done no evil; for I have neither offended my father nor my mother, nor can I be charged with the exercise of any tyranny on my people."

The emperor was so deeply affected by these untoward circumstances, that he fell sick, and the prince his son assumed the administration of the government, and gave the ambassadors an audience of leave[8]; after which, they received no farther subsistence from the court, till their departure. They left Kham-balik on the fifteenth of the month Jomada-al-awal, accompanied by certain dajis from the court; and they were lodged and treated with all necessaries on their return, in the same manner as they had been on their journey to court. They arrived on the first of Rajeb at the city of Nikian[9], where the magistrates came out to meet them, but did not search their baggage, as is customary there, as they had an express order from the emperor to the contrary. On the day after their arrival at that place, they were magnificently feasted. On the fifth of Shaaban, thirty-five days afterwards, they reached the river Karamuran, Whang-ho, or Hoang-ho; and on the twenty-fifth of that month arrived at Kamju[10], where they had left their servants, and heavy baggage; where every thing that they had committed to the custody of the Kathayan officers, when on their journey to the capital, was faithfully restored. After remaining seventy-five days in this place, they resumed their journey, and came soon afterwards to Nang-tschieu, or Nang-chew[11]. At this place, or rather at Sa-chew, they met with ambassadors from Ispahan and Shiras in Persia, on their way to Khambalik, who told them that they had met with many difficulties on their journey.

As the roads through the country of the Mongals were very unsafe, owing to confusions and civil wars among the hordes, they remained ten months at So-chew, whence they set out at full moon in the month of Moharram, of the year 825 of the Hegira[12], and came in a few days to the Karaul at the pass leading into the desert, where their baggage was searched. Leaving this place on the nineteenth of Moharram, on purpose to avoid the obstacles and dangers they were likely to encounter, on account of intestine war among the tribes of the Mongals, they took the road through the desert[13], where they suffered much distress on account of the scarcity of water. They got out from the desert on the sixteenth of Rabiya-al-awal, and arrived at the city of Khoten[14] on the ninth of Jomada-al-akher. Continuing their journey from thence, they came to the city of Kashgar[15] on the sixth of Rajeb. On the twenty-first of the same month, the ambassadors separated a little way beyond the city of Endkoien[16], some taking the road towards Samarkand, and the rest directing their way for Badakshan. Those of Shah Rokh arrived at the castle of Shadman on the twenty-first of Shaaban; at Balkh on the first of Ramazan; and on the tenth of that month at Herat, the residence of their sovereign.

[1] Shankars, Shonkers, or Shongars, are birds of prey, famous among the Tartars, and may probably have been the most esteemed species of falcon, and which are said to have been white.—Astl.

[2] These silver balishes seem to have come in place of the paper money of the emperors of the race of Zingis, formerly mentioned; but its value is nowhere described.—E.

[3] This surely must be an error for under garments—E.

[4] In Forsters account of these travels, the blank in the text is filled up with Dzjau, or Tzjau; which he supposes to have been tea, and that the numbers refer to certain Chinese weights or packages of that commodity. Forster adds, that small pieces of tin were given to the ambassadors, to some twenty-four, and to others as far as seventy pieces; and he says that Witsen left many of the articles enumerated in the original untranslated, as not understanding the terms.—Forst.

[5] This is the famous Timur-Beg, or Tamerlane the Great.—Astl.

[6] In the abstract of these travels, as given by Forster, this fire is said to have been caused by lightning.—E.

[7] It is to be remarked, that the author of these travels was a Mahometan. The circumstances of the idol temple, says the editor of Astleys Collection, seems malicious; as, in his opinion, there are no images in the imperial temples of Pe-king. I suspect the editor is mistaken; for however strongly the philosophical sect of Confucius may be convinced of the absurdity of idolatry, the religion of Fo is as grossly idolatrous as any on the face of the earth; and it is to be noticed, that the dynasty then reigning in China was native.—E.