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A Forgotten Empire: Vijayanagar; A Contribution to the History of India
by Robert Sewell
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[372] — The term here is limited to the small territory of Portuguese India immediately round the city of Goa. Thus Linschoten (A.D. 1583) wrote, "At the end of Cambaya beginneth India, AND the lands of Decam and Cuncam," meaning that immediately south of the territories of Cambay began those of Portuguese India, while other countries on the border were the Dakhan and the Konkan.

[373] — In Portugal.

[374] — This was apparently the usual route for travellers from the coast to Vijayanagar. Fr. Luis used it for his journey from Cochin to the capital in 1509 (above, p. 123, and note).

[375] — Probably Sandur, about 120 miles from the coast at Bhatkal. Sandur is a small Mahratta state 25 miles from Vijayanagar.

[376] — That is, on the east of Portuguese India, west of the territory of Vijayanagar.

[377] — Unidentified. The great tree was of course a banyan.

[378] — Coromandel. This name was applied by the Portuguese to the Eastern Tamil and Southern Telugu countries. It had no well-defined limits, and often was held to extend even as far north as to the Krishna river, or even to Orissa. Yule and Burnell adhere to the now generally received definition of the name from CHOLA-MANDALA, the country of the Cholas (Glossary, S.V. Coromandel).

[379] — Orissa.

[380] — COMQUISTA COM is evidently an error for CONFINA COM. The same word is used three times in the next paragraph.

[381] — The Adil Khan, Sultan of Bijapur. The name is sometimes written by the Portuguese IDALXA (XA for Shah). We have numberless spellings in the old chronicles, thus, HIDALCAN, ADELHAM, &c.

[382] — For Nizam-ul-Mulkh, or the Nizam Shah, the Sultan of Ahmadnagar. Similarly the Qutb Shah of Golkonda is called in these chronicles "Cotamaluco." The Imad Shah of Birar is called the "Imademaluco," or even "Madremaluco," by the Dutch (Linschoten) and Portuguese. The Barid Shah of Bidar is styled "Melique Verido."

[383] — The spelling of the name in the original is very doubtful. First it reads ARCHA, on the next occasion it is undoubtedly DARCHA. The third mention of the place calls it LARCHA. But in each case the R is not very clear, and might be an I undotted. Moreover, the C may possibly be an E, and the name may be ARCHA or DAREHA. If we should accept the latter, we may identify it with Dharwar, and believe it to be the same as the DUREE of Nuniz (below, p. 292).

[384] — PRANHAS in original, probably for PIANHAS or PEANHAS (see below, p. 288).

[385] — JOGIS, Hindu ascetics.

[386] — This probably refers to the Egyptian obelisk at St. Peter's.

[387] — Evidently the god GANESA.

[388] — "Bisnaga," the Portuguese rendering of VIJAYANAGAR, the "city of victory." The spellings adopted by different writers have been endless. We have Beejanugger and Beejnugger in the translations of Firishtah; Bisnagar, Bidjanagar, Bijanagher, amongst the Portuguese; Bicheneger In the writings of the Russian Nikitin; Bizenegalia in those of the Italian Nicolo dei Conti.

[389] — BUQUEYROIS. The word implies something dug out, as opposed so redoubts, which would be built up.

[390] — Dakhan.

[391] — This is Nagalapur, the modern Hospett (EPIG. IND., iv. 267).

[392] — This tank or lake is described by Nuniz (see p. 364).

[393] — HUU TIRO DE FALLCAO, a shot from a falcon, an old piece of artillery.

[394] — BREDOS, "blites," an insipid kitchen vegetable. But as the word is not common, and as Brahmans make use of most vegetables, I have preferred the more general term.

[395] — MACAAS, literally "apples."

[396] — It was generally called Nagalapur, but Nuniz says that the lady's name was Chinnadevi (below, p. 362).

[397] — CORUCHEES. See p. 200, note 3.

[398] — GRANDES SUPITOS.

[399] — A mixture, apparently, of MAHA, "great," and "Shah."

[400] — The passage that follows is not very clear in the original.

[401] — The word last used is SELLADOS, literally "sealed."

[402] — ALJOFAR. This word is constantly used in the chronicles. Garcia da Orta (COLLOQ. xxxv.) derives it from Cape Julfar in Arabia, near Ormuz. Cobarruvias says it is from Arabic jauhar, "jewel" (Yule and Burnell Dict.). Da Orta writes: "CHAMA-SE perla EM CASTELHANO E perola EM PORTUGUEZ, E EM LATIM unio, E ISTO NO aljofar GRANDE; PORQUE O MIUDO CHAMA-SE EM LATIM margarita, E EM ARABIO lulu, E EM PERSIO E NEST' OUTRAS GERACOES DA INDIA moti, E EM MALAVAR mutu, E EM PORTUGUEZ E CASTELHANO aljofar;" I.E. a large pearl is called PERLA in Spanish, PEROLA in Portuguese, UNIO in Latin; a small pearl is called in Latin MARGARITA, in Arabic LULU, in Persian and many Indian languages MOTI, in Malayalam MUTU, and in Portuguese and Spanish ALJOFAR.

[403] — EMGELLYM, sesamum or gingelly, an oil seed.

[404] — This was the great Saluva Timma, Krishna Deva's minister. The termination -RSEA probably represents ARASA, the Kanarese form for Rajah. TEMERSEA = TIMMARASA = TIMMA RAJAH.

[405] — According to Correa, Christovao de Figueiredo had been sent by the governor, Lopo Soares, in 1517 to Vijayanagar as factor, with horses and elephants (LENDAS DA INDIA, ii. 509 — 510); but Senhor Lopes points out (Introduction to his CHRONICA, lxxxii. note) that we do not know how far this assertion is true. He certainly lived at Goa, and not long after this battle was made chief TANEDAR of the mainlands of Goa, with residence at the temple of Mardor. He was several times in peril at the hands of the Mussalmans, and in 1536 was present at the battles which took place between the Portuguese and Asada Khan of Belgaum, with whom he was on terms of friendship. Mr. Danvers (ii. 507) states that he was also at one time attorney of the factory of Goa.

[406] — This apparently refers to Ruy de Mello (see above, p. 142 ff.). If De Sequeira were meant he would have been called "Governor."

[407] — HORGAOS. Mr. Ferguson points out that these were undoubtedly musical instruments. Castanheda (v. xxviii.), describing the embassy to "Prester John" under Dom Roderigo de Lima in 1520 (the same year), states that among the presents sent to that potentate were "some organs and a clavichord, and a player for them." These organs are also mentioned in Father Alvares's account of their embassy (Hakluyt Society Trans., p. 10).

[408] — PATECA, something worn round the neck. There appears to be some mistake here, as PATECA means "a sort of long robe or gown (worn) in India" (Michaelis' Dict.).

[409] — Varthema says, "The king wears a cap of gold brocade two spans long." This was Krishna Deva's predecessor, Narasimha.

[410] — This may refer to the handsome temple of Anantasayana, a mile or so from Hospett on the road to Kamalapur. The trees still stand in parts.

[411] — FORTALEZAS. Probably the writer refers either to bastions or towers, or to strongly fortified places of refuge on the hilltops. The passage is obscure.

[412] — Four words, TEMDES HUA PORTA PRIMCIPAL, have been accidentally omitted in the printed copy.

[413] — TERREIRO. The gateway here spoken of is most probably the great entrance to the palace enclosure, just to the north of the village of Kamalapur.

[414] — The writer forgot to fulfil this promise.

[415] — POR QUE SAO COMO AS COMFRARYAS que NAS NOSSAS PARTES HAA.

[416] — A MUYTOS NATURAES DA TERRA.

[417] — MUNGUO. "Moong ... green gram ... a kind of vetch" (Yule and Burnell, Dict.).

[418] — MACHARUY.

[419] — A VINTEM = 1 7/20 of a penny.

[420] — Probably for FANAOS. But the plural of FANAO is usually given as FANOES.

[421] — ESTARNA. "A sort of small partridge with black feet" (Michaelis' Dict.).

[422] — Here we have the plural FANOEES.

[423] — Povos is a place near Lisbon.

[424] — Anegundi.

[425] — Below, pp. 292, 293.

[426] — The stone bridge, built on rows of rough monolithic uprights, the remains of which are still to be seen near the temple of Vitthalasvami, appears, from the absence of allusion to it, to have been constructed at a later date.

[427] — This clearly alludes to the beautifully sculptured temple of Vitthalasvami, which is in the situation described.

[428] — This word is a puzzle. If the temple be, as seems most probable from the description, the principal temple at Hampe, still in use, I suggest that AOPE represents "Hampi" or "Hampe." RADI may be "rajah," or RADIAN may be "rajyam." The name was perhaps given to Paes by some one who described it as "the royal Hampe temple" and this would accurately describe it. It was dedicated to Virupaksha, and was the cathedral of the great city.

[429] — The word used is ROMEYRA, which may mean either a pomegranate tree or a female pilgrim. The allusion is to the plaster figures and designs on the tower (CORUCHEO) above the gate.

[430] — CINZEYRO apparently means a place for ashes (CINZA). CINZAS are "ashes of the dead." The reference may be to a place in a church where incense-burners are kept, or, as I think, equally well to the crypt, and this last sense seems better to suit the context.

[431] — SEUS for SEIS.

[432] — The word is omitted in the original.

[433] — BREDOS. See above, pp. 227, 245, notes.

[434] — For a discussion as to the dates given in Paes, see p. 140 ff. above.

[435] — TERREYRO. See above, p. 254. Evidently the place of arms is referred to.

[436] — PORTEYROS, PORTEYRO MOOR. These men are often mentioned in the chronicle. Their chief was one of the king's most important officers, and I give him the title "Chief of the Guard."

[437] — I am doubtful about this translation. The word used has probably some technical meaning. Yule's Dictionary has SOOSIE from Persian susi. "Some kind of silk cloth, but we know not what kind." The original passage runs: — "Quoanto ao pao, sabereis que he toda chea de sues soajes, e de liois todos d ouro, e no vao d estas soajes tem huas chapas d ouro com muytos robis," &c.

[438] — CABO. I think this must mean the edge, the front, not the extreme end of the king's balcony.

[439] — This is given in the singular number, probably by mistake, as the plural is used immediately afterwards AO CAVALLO ... OS ENCEMCA.

[440] — TAVOLEIRO.

[441] — PAREDES, probably for "purdahs" (Persian, PARDA), curtains or screens. The Portuguese word means a "wall."

[442] — MOLHERES SOLTEIRAS E BAYLHADEIRAS, I.E. the dancing girls of the temple and palace.

[443] — LAVODES. See below, p. 276, note regarding LAUDES.

[444] — Saluva Timma, the minister. The name is spelt in various ways in the chronicles of both Paes and Nuniz. Krishna Deva owed his throne to him (below, p. 315).

[445] — The king of Seringapatam at this period was Bettada Chama Raya, who ruled the Mysore country from 1513 to 1552. He had three sons. The two eldest received at his death portions of his estate, but both died without issue. The third son was called "Hire" or "Vira" Chama. He was apparently the most powerful, and the best beloved of his father, since he received as his portion on the latter's death the principal tract of Mysore, the town itself, and the neighbouring province. After the fall of Vijayanagar in 1565 he became practically independent, and ruled till the principal power was seized by his relative, Raja Udaiyar, in 1578. The word KUMARA (= "son") is often applied in royal families in India to one of the reigning king's offspring, and I venture to think that CUMARVIRYA represents KUMARA VIRAYYA, the king of Seringapatam being himself not present at these feasts, and the personage seen by Paes being his son Vira.

[446] — The writer begins again, "But returning to the feasts." I have omitted the phrase here, as it has become rather monotonous.

[447] — A small gold coin, of which it is very difficult to assess the exact value. Abdur Razzak (1443) apparently makes it equal to the half pagoda; Varthema (1503 — 7) to the pagoda itself; and this latter is the sense in which we must take it. Varthema calls it a "gold ducat." Purchas says it was in his day about the value of a Flemish dollar. The general value assigned in more recent days to the pagoda is 3 1/2 rupees, or seven shillings when the rupee stands at par value. (See Yule and Burnell's Dictionary, "Hobson-Jobson," S.V. "pagoda" and "pardao." Yule apparently values it, at the period treated of, as about 4s. 6d.) Barros and Castanheda both agree with Paes that the pardao was worth 360 reis. (Below, p. 282.)

[448] — Kullayi in Telugu. See pp. 210, 252, note 2, and p. 383. These women appear to have worn men's head-dresses.

[449] — The reins were not of leather, but of silk twisted into ropes.

[450] — I read the word in the MS. XISMAEL, and Mr. Lopes suggests that this stands for Sheik (XEQUE) Ismail. If so, undoubtedly Persia is meant.

[451] — LAUDEIS. This word, variously spelt, is constantly used. It appears to refer to the thick quilted tunics, strengthened by leather or metal pieces, which were so often worn in India in old days. They were in many cases richly ornamented, and formed a good defence against sword-cuts. The pillars of the elaborately ornamented KALYANA MANDAPA of the temple in the fort at Vellore in North Arcot, which was built during the Vijayanagar period, are carved with rearing horses, whose riders wear jerkins, apparently of leather, fastened with buttons and loops. It is possible that this was the body-clothing referred to by the chronicler. I can give no clue to the origin of the word, unless it be connected with the Kanarese LODU, "a stuffed cloth or cushion." Barros, describing the dress of the Hindu cavalry in the Raichur campaign of 1520, says that they wore LAUDEES of cotton (EMBUTIDOS, whatever that may mean in this context — lit. "inlaid"), or body, head, and arms, strong enough to protect them against lance-thrusts or sword-cuts; the horses and elephants were similarly protected. Foot-soldiers carried no defensive armour "but only the LAUDEES." — Dec. III. l. iv. c. 4.

[452] — LIOES. The meaning is not clear.

[453] — As to this large number see p. 147 ff. above.

[454] — Some details are given by Nuniz (below, p. 384 f.).

[455] — According to the quite independent testimony of Nuniz (below, p. 374) these were the "kings" of Bankapur, Gersoppa, Bakanur Calicut, and Bhatkal.

[456] — For a full note as to these chronological details see above, p. 140 ff.

[457] — The "Guandaja" of Nuniz (below, p. 361).

[458] — All these buildings are utterly destroyed, but there is no doubt that careful and systematic excavations would disclose the whole plan of the palace, and that in the ruins and debris would be found the remains of the beautiful sculptures described. Close behind the great decorated pavilion, from which the king and his court witnessed the feasts described by Paes, and therefore close to the gate just alluded to, are to be seen, half-buried in earth and debris, two large stone doors, each made of a single slab. The stone has been cut in panels to imitate woodwork, and teas large staples carved from the same block.

[459] — FEYTO DE HUAS MEYAS CANAS. I am doubtful as to the meaning of this. Examination of the mass of ruins now remaining would settle all these points. Stone sculptures were broken up and left. They were not removed. (See also p. 288 below.)

[460] — Mr. Ferguson has ingeniously emendated Senhor Lopes's reading from YINAGEES POR QUE NAS QUE ESTAO METIDAS TO YMAGEES PEQUENAS QUE, &c ... The MS., however, which is itself a copy, has POR QUE NAS.

[461] — SAO DE MEAS CANES (see above, p. 285). Meaning not understood, unless it be as rendered.

[462] — This description deserves special notice. The writer is evidently describing a MANDAPA richly sculptured, of which so many examples are still to be seen in temples, and he states that the whole of the stone carving was richly coloured and gilded. This probably was always the case. Traces of colour still remain on many of these buildings at Vijayanagar.

[463] — PRANHUS (see above, p. 241). Probably the sculptures were like many still to be seen in the temples of that date in Southern India, where the base of the pillar is elaborately carved with grotesque figures of elephants, horses, and monsters.

[464] — The gate still exists opposite the Anegundi ferry.

[465] — Krishnapura, where are the ruins of a fine temple.

[466] — It seems clear that this sentence must be interpolated, and perhaps also the whole of the last four paragraphs. For the penultimate sentence could not have formed part of the original chronicle of Paes, written perhaps in 1522, or thereabouts, as it refers to an event that took place in 1535 — 36.

[467] — Elsewhere called "Ondegema." Its other name was Nagalapur. It is the modern Hospett. (See below, Nuniz, p. 387.)

[468] — This "general destruction" evidently refers to the conquest of Anegundi by Muhammad Taghlaq.

[469] — (See above, p. 8.) The date should be about 1330. Nuniz was here about a century wrong.

[470] — Delhi.

[471] — A common error with the foreigners. Properly speaking it was Cambaya which belonged to Gujarat.

[472] — Muhammad Taghlaq of Delhi.

[473] — Persia (above, p. 10).

[474] — I.E. the Balaghat, or country above the ghats. "The high land on the top is very flatte and good to build upon, called Ballagatte and Decan, and is inhabited and divided among divers kings and governors" (Linschoten, i. 65). Correa divides this part of India into "Bisnega, Balagate, and Cambay."

[475] — This is the Portuguese rendering of the Adil Khan, or Adil Shah of Bijapur. "Idalxa" represents the latter title.

[476] — The description applies best to the Malprabha River, and perhaps "Duree" represents Dharwar.

[477] — Anegundi.

[478] — He was at that time only chief or king of Anegundi, Vijayanagar not having been yet founded.

[479] — These basket-boats are described by Paes (see above, p. 259).

[480] — I have not been able to identify this name. It is possible that the first syllable represents the word SRI, and that the whole may have been a special appellation of the upper fortress or citadel, on the rocky heights above the town of Anegundi.

[481] — There had been no special war with Anegundi that we know of; but the Rajah of that place had very possibly been directly affected by, if not actually engaged in, the wars between the Hindu Hoysala Ballalas and the rulers of Warangal and Gujarat on the one hand, and the Muhammadan invaders from Delhi on the other.

[482] — See Introduction, p. 13. "His kingdoms" (SEUS REYNOS) refers to the territories of Muhammad Taghlaq, whose barbarities had resulted in the wasting and depopulation of large tracts.

[483] — See above, p. 294, note 1.

[484] — Spelt below "Meliquy niby" and "Mileque neby;" evidently for MALLIK NAIB, the king's deputy.

[485] — Above, p. 19 ff.

[486] — Deva Raya. This was the general title of the Vijayanagar kings; thus, Harihara Deva Raya, Bukka Deva Raya, Krishna Deva Raya, &c. This first king is given no personal name by Nuniz. There were afterwards two kings who are known to history by the names Deva Raya I. and Deva Raya II., with no personal name prefixed.

[487] — This same tale is told of many kings and chiefs in Southern India. The "Tazkarat-ul-Muluk" (IND. ANT., May 1899, p. 129) also relates it of the Bahmani Sultan Ahmad Shah (1422 — 35), alleging that it was the behaviour of a hunted hare that induced him to make Bidar his capital.

[488] — This was the great Sringeri Guru, Madhavacharya, surnamed VIDYARANYA, or "Forest of Learning." This derivation of the name of the city is very common, but is believed to be erroneous.

[489] — The large temple of Virupaksha at Hampe.

[490] — Bukka Raya.

[491] — PUREOYRE probably represents "Harihara." This king was not the first to coin PARDAOS or pagodas. A pagoda of Bukka I. is known (IND. ANT., xx. 302).

[492] — See above, p. 51. There is no name amongst those of this dynasty with which this can be at present connected.

[493] — Ceylon.

[494] — Coromandel (note, p. 239 above).

[495] — Vijaya Rao.

[496] — Quilon.

[497] — Pulicat, near Madras. This was an important province of Vijayanagar in later years.

[498] — Tenasserim.

[499] — PINA = CHINNA in Telugu, CHIKKA in Kanarese, and means "little." Pina Raya or Chikka Raya was the title applied to the Crown Prince (above, p. 223). The derivation given by Nuniz is plainly wrong.

[500] — Abdur Razzak relates the same story, and fixes the event as having taken place between November 1442 and April 1445 A.D., "while he was at Calicut" (above, p. 73).

[501] — This seems so imply that the nephew of the king had been one of the twenty ministers (REGEDORES) mentioned in the chronicle.

[502] — SIC in orig.

[503] — Virupaksha Raya.

[504] — NARASHIMHA. He had apparently large tracts of country under his charge to the east of the capital towards the east coast. His relationship to the sovereign has always been a matter of doubt.

[505] — Persia (Ormuz) and Aden. The latter were Arabs.

[506] — "Rachol" is Raichur; "Odegary" represents Udayagiri; "Conadolgi" probably is Kondavid, AOLGI for DRUG, a mountain fortress.

[507] — This account of the second Narasa and the family relationship differs altogether from the results obtained from epigraphical study, according to which the second Narasa was elder son of the first Narasa or Narasimha Krishna Deva being the latter's younger son.

[508] — Pennakonda.

[509] — CF. "Temersea," p. 250, and note. This, however, was not the man there alluded to, though he bore the same name.

[510] — Later on we learn that this man's name was Codemerade (p. 360).

[511] — Chandragiri, the capital of the kingdom in its decadent days.

[512] — Inscriptions do not give us the names of any sons having names like these. "Crismarao" probably represents Krishna Deva Raya, son of the first Narasa or Narasimha, and brother of the second Narasa, often called Vira Narasimha.

[513] — Saluva Timma. This man belonged apparently to the new royal family, whose family name was Saluva. He was the powerful minister of Krishna Deva Raya, hut died disgraced, imprisoned, and blinded. He is constantly mentioned in inscriptions of the period.

[514] — Perhaps "Basava Raya," but as yet no brother of Krishna Deva is known bearing that name.

[515] — Raichur.

[516] — Mudkal.

[517] — Udayagiri.

[518] — Some say uncle.

[519] — In the MS. EM QUE AVIA is evidently a mistake for E QUE AVIA.

[520] — Kondavid.

[521] — I cannot identify this river. There is none such, to my knowledge, twelve miles or thereabouts from Kondavid. "Salt" may perhaps mean brackish.

[522] — Kondapalle.

[523] — Rajahmundry. The first syllable has been accidentally dropped, perhaps by the copyist.

[524] — Senhor Lopes's "Chronica" has "HU HOME SEU QUE AQUELLE TEMPO D AQUELLE TEMPO MUITO SABIA." Mr. Ferguson suggests, and with good reason, that for the second TEMPO we should read JOGO. I have translated the passage accordingly. Senhor Lopes concurs.

[525] — The original MS. has TOMARIA SUAS TERRAS — "would take his lands." Possibly the first of these words should have been TORNARIA, in which case the sentence would mean that the King "would restore the lands" to his enemy.

[526] — I am unable to identify this country. The description of the town answers to Vellore in North Arcot, the fine old fort at which place is surrounded with a deep moat. According to tradition, this place was captured by Krishna Deva Raya from a Reddi chief.

[527] — Blank in the original.

[528] — ELREY DAQUEM.. This may be "the king on this side" or "the king of the Dakhan." The former seems most probable, and I think that the reference is to the forces of Sultan Quli Qutb Shah of Golkonda (see the Muhammadan account of affairs at this time, given above, pp. 132 — 135.)

[529] — Muhammad, Mahomet, I.E. he was of the Prophet's kindred.

[530] — The text is confused here.

[531] — The following is Barros's account of this affair of "Cide Mercar." After mentioning the terms of the treaty between Vijayanagar and Bijapur, one of which provided for the reciprocal extradition of criminals and debtors, he writes: —

"Crisnarao, knowing that he could catch the Hidalcao in this trap, called a Moor by name Cide Mercar, who had been in his service for many years, and bade him take forty thousand pardaos and go to Goa to buy horses of those that had come from Persia. Crisnaro wrote letters to our Captain ... on purpose so that the affair might become widely known to all. Cide Mercar, either tempted by the large sum of money in his charge, or swayed by a letter which they say was sent to him by the Hidalcao, when he arrived at a TANADARIA called Ponda, three leagues from Goa, fled to the Hidalcao from there. The Hidalcao as soon as he arrived sent him to Chaul, saying hat he bestowed on him this TANADARIA as he was an honourable man of the family of Mahamed ...; but in a few days he disappeared from there, and they say that the king ordered his murder after he had taken from him the forty thousand pardaos."

[532] — "Madre" stands for Imad, the Birar Sultan; "Virido" for the Barid Sultan of Bidar. I cannot explain Demellyno or DESTUR, unless the former be an error of the copyist for "Zemelluco" as written below, which certainly refers to the Nizam Shah. Several Portuguese writers omit the first syllable of "Nizam" In their chronicles. On p. 348 below, these names are given as Madremalluco, Zemelluco, "Destuy" and "Virido;" and therefore "Destur" and "Destuy" must mean the Qutb Shah of Golkonda, at that period Sultan Quli. On p. 349 we have the form "Descar."

[533] — For a full discussion of this date see above, p. 140.

[534] — See above, p. 263, note. His name was Kama Naik (p 329).

[535] — SEUS ALLYFANTES. Perhaps SEUS is a clerical error for SEIS, "six." Barros, in describing the same event, says "sixteen elephants."

[536] — See below, p. 360, note.

[537] — Probably Ganda Rajah, brother of Saluva Timma, the minister. (See p. 284, and note to p. 361.) The initial "O" may he the article "The."

[538] — The great vassal lords of Madura, who after the fall of the kingdom established themselves as a dynasty of independent sovereigns, descended, so Barradas tells us, from the "Page of the betel" (above, p. 230).

[539] — I think that the second C in this name is an error for E, and that "Comarberea" represents Kumara Virayya of Mysore (above, p. 269). Later on Nuniz spells the name "Comarberya" (below, p. 336).

[540] — Above, pp. 40, 60, 122.

[541] — LADES, for LAUDEIS, quilted tunics, doublets. The word is spelt in other places LAYDES, LAMDES, LANDYS, LAMDYS, and LANDEIS. See note, p. 276, above.

[542] — GOMEDARES, probably the modern AGOMIA or GOMIA, "a poignard." Senhor Lopes refers me to Barros, Mendes, Pinto, &c., where the form used is GUMIA; the word being derived from the Arabic KUMMIYA, which properly means a curved dagger — "UM PUNHAL EM MEO ARCO" (MS. in Portuguese, on Morocco, in Senhor Lopes's possession).

[543] — See above, p. 270.

[544] — Malliabad, as now called, close to Raichur. The name given by Nuniz I take to represent "Mallia (or Malliya) Banda," probably the Hindu name. BANDA = "rock." "Malliabad" is the name given by the Musalmans.

[545] — A small copper coin.

[546] — MINGUO, probably MOONG or green grain ("Hobson-Jobson"). Ibn Batuta calls it MUNJ, others MUNGO.

[547] — REGATOEES D ARTE.

[548] — The total cavalry and elephants of the different columns enumerated above comes to 32,600 and 551 respectively.

[549] — Barros has ANCOSTAO, and Correa ANCOSCAO. The latter termination seems the most natural — CAO for KHAN. The name appears to be "Ankus Khan." "Pomdaa" is Pomda or Ponda, close to Goa.

[550] — Dom Guterre de Monroy sailed from Portugal to India in 1515 in command of a fleet (Albuquerque, Hakluyt edition, iv. 194). In 1516 he was in command at Goa during the absence of Governor Lopo Soares at the Red Sea, between the months of February and September, and during that period attacked the Bijapur troops at Ponda, which were commanded by Ankus Khan, with some success (Barros, Dec III. l. i. c. 8). Osorio (Gibbs' translation, ii. 235) represents De Monroy as a man of a very cruel and licentious disposition. He was married to a niece of the governor.

[551] — They believed, that is, that their prestige would give them great moral superiority over the Hindus.

[552] — This passage is obscure.

[553] — See above, p. 327 and note.

[554] — The original has CAVAS E BAUDES. The meaning of the last word is not clear.

[555] — AVYAO DE MORRER PEDIDO AUSA DA MORTE. AUSA is perhaps for OUSADIA, "boldness;" and the passage would then mean that since death appeared inevitable they should meet it half-way, and not lazily await it; they should die like soldiers in a charge, not stupidly standing still to be slaughtered.

[556] — "Sufo Larij," Barros, Dec. III. l. iv. cap. 5. Asada Khan's love of intrigue was proverbial amongst the Portuguese of that day.

[557] — COMO QUER QUE ACADACAO TRAZIA QUEM HIA A TERRA. A doubtful passage.

[558] — TOMAMDO A FALLDRA DA SERRA DA BAMDA DO SUL. It would be interesting to learn which range of hills is referred to.

[559] — Salabat Khan.

[560] — See above, p. 251, note.

[561] — LLAVAOCAS, for ALAVANCA, a Portuguese word for crowbar still everywhere in Ceylon.

[562] — FRAMGES, I.E. Feringhees, Franks, or Europeans.

[563] — Saluva Timma.

[564] — Rey Daquym, I.E. King of the Dakhan. This evidently refers to the Bahmani king, who was still recognised as titular sovereign, though the whole country had revolted and broken up into five independent kingdoms. For the names that precede this see note to p. 325 above.

[565] — COMECARAO DEITAR AS BARBES EM REMOLHO. This refers to the Portuguese proverb — "Quando vires arder as barbas do teu vizinho, poe (or deita) as tuas em remolho" — "When you see your neighbour's beard on fire, steep your own in water;" or guard against like treatment. — D. F.

[566] — This passage appears to be corrupt, and I have been unable to guess at its meaning. Senhor Lopes, whom I have consulted, is equally at fault about it.

[567] — ELREY O MAMDOU VER.

[568] — QUE ELLE TE AMA A TY DIANTE DE TY. The latter words may be an emphatic expression, akin to DIANTE DE DEUS E DE TODO O MUNDO, "In the face of God and all the world."

[569] — Ante elles should be "antre elles."

[570] — Mudkal.

[571] — Bijapur.

[572] — TODO A CULLPA DE TALL SER FEYTO POR ASY. Lit. "all on account of his having acted thus."

[573] — Kulbarga, the ancient Bahmani capital.

[574] — This passage does not seem very exact from an historical standpoint (see above, p. 157, and note).

[575] — Saluva Timma.

[576] — (Above, p. 310 f.) The original text has "E FEZ REGEDOR HUU FILHO CODEMERADE," but I cannot identify the name with any ordinary Hindu name or title; and if "son of Codemerade" be meant, as I suppose, the DE has been omitted accidentally. If, however, there has been a confusion of syllables and the original reading was "FILHO DE CODEMERA," then I would point to the list given above of powerful nobles (p. 327) who commanded the forces of the king in the great Rachol campaign, one of whom was called COMDAMARA. In the concluding paragraph of this chapter we have this new minister's name given as "Ajaboissa," and in the list of provincial lords (p. 385 below) as "Ajaparcatimapa." The latter name sounds more probable than the former. The first half would be the family name, the last, "Timmappa," his own personal name.

[577] — In the passage earlier in this chapter Saluva Timma is said to have had a brother "Guandaja." Putting the two together, it would seem that his brother and son both bore the same name, probably Ganda Rajah. Paes refers to the brother as being in his day governor of the capital (above, p. 284. He calls him "Gamdarajo." See also p. 327, note 2.

[578] — CYMCO MENOS HUU QUOARTO POR MIL PARDAOS, or nineteen for four thousand pardaos. The chronicler was a trader in horses at Vijayanagar. Later on he mentions the usual price as twelve or fifteen horses for a thousand PARDAOS (below, p. 381).

[579] — Belgaum.

[580] — The captain of Ponda was Ankus Khan (above, p. 335, notes 1, 2).

[581] — About a mile and a quarter. Nagalapur is the modern Hospett. If the measurement is accurate, this street, leading, no doubt, towards the capital, is now non-existent.

[582] — The Della Pontes are more than once mentioned in the history of the sixteenth century. They were probably an Italian family or Italien in origin, and engineers by profession, the Rialto at Venice having been constructed by Antonio della Ponte in 1588. This, however, may be a fanciful connection. It is possible that both in Portugal and in Italy families may have received that surname in consequence of their skill in bridge-building, or of one of the family having in former days distinguished himself by the construction of a particular bridge. The engineer mentioned in the text is probably the individual who at the end of April 1520 was sent by the king of Portugal to examine into the possibility of building a fortress at Tetuan in Morocco. Dom Pedro de Mascarenhas (afterwards, in 1554, Viceroy at Goa) sailed on this mission from Ceuta, and "Joao Nunes del Pont" is mentioned as accompanying him. The king and the Emperor Charles V. were both at this time anxious to prevent the Moorish corsairs from using Tetuan in future, as they had done in the past, as a base for their piratical attacks on Spain and Portugal. (Damiao de Goes, CHRONICA DE DOM MANUEL, edit. of Coimbra, 1790, vol. i. Part IV. p. 532; ALGUNS DOCUMENTOS DO ARCHIVO NACIONAL DA TORRE DO TOMBO, Lisbon, 1892; pp. 445 — 446.)

In 1521, some time after the month of March, when Dom Diogo Lopes de Sequeira, the governor of Goa, had returned from his expedition to the Red Sea, he was urged by his counsellors to build a fortress at Madrefaba near Goa, as the place contained an anchorage sufficient for an entire fleet. (Correct, LENDAS DA INDIA, ii. p. 622.) Correa continues: "The governor, however, thought better to send in a COTIA Antonio Correa and Pero de Coimbra, his chief pilot, to inspect the river of Madrefaba and measure the water on the bar, and Manuel da Ponte, Overseer of Works, and Joao de la Ponte, his brother, who understood it well, to view the land, and if there were stone, and if lime could be made for the work, and to bring him certitude of all."

If this man were the same as he who went with Mascarenhas to Tetuan, he had, in all probability, not been long in India when he went to Madrefaba. This seems to show that the great tank of Krishna Deva Raya, seen in process of construction by the chronicler Paes (see p. 244), and mentioned in the text by Nunez, was not begun till at least the autumn of 1521. If so, Paes did not WRITE his description of Vijayanagar till after that date (say 1522). (See above, p. 162.)

[583] — ESPACOS. This probably means sluices or weirs.

[584] — POR NOVE ANOS DE GRACA.

[585] — NAO HA NENHU MANIMETO NEM MERCADARYAS.

[586] — The original (itself a copy) has "NESTA TERRO NAO SE SERVEM DE BESTAS PERA CARREGUAS." I think that the words SE NAO must have been accidentally omitted before DE BESTAS, and have ventured so to render the passage.

[587] — About 3 1/2d. (?). A VINTEM is about 7 1/20d.

[588] — I have given the meaning here, not a literal translation. The writer begins: "After the death of King Crisnarao from his disease, as has been already recounted." Then he inserts a long parenthesis which might he read: "While he was sick ... he had made a will ... &c...." down to ... "but only one of the age of eighteen months." Then he continues: "After his death (as I have said) Salvanay became minister," &c....

[589] — Chandragiri.

[590] — See above, p. 315.

[591] — Achyuta.

[592] — Belgaum.

[593] — These two may perhaps be two of the three powerful brothers Rama, Tirunnala, and Venkatadri, of whom the two first married two daughters of Krishna Deva. In such case, however, they would not have been actually brothers-in-law of King Achyuta, but of his brother the late king.

[594] — A mangelin is roughly equivalent to a carat, hut actually the difference is one-fifth; 4 mangelins = 5 carats. So that 130 mangelins = 162 carats, The KOH-I-NUR, when brought to England, weighed 186 carats (See Appendix A.)

[595] — The word used is CATRE, a light bedstead, probably the origin of the modern South Indian word "cot," for a camp bedstead.

[596] — ARQUELHA DE PRATA. ARQUELHA is a mosquito-net. Since manifestly the net itself could not be made of silver, the allusion is probably to its supports. Senhor Lopes, in a letter to me, suggests that it means the upper portion of the canopy, "LE CIEL DU LIT," or the framework that holds the curtains, ARQUELHA being a diminutive of ARCO, a "bow" or "arch." In this case it might mean the domed ceiling of a canopy made in Muhammadan fashion, and the curtains may have been of silk or brocade, and not of mosquito-netting.

[597] — The word used is ARMADAS. It may mean "furnished" or "hung round with cloths," or possibly "fenced" or "fortified."

[598] — SEUS LEQUES must be a misprint for SEIS LEQUES.

[599] — Above, pp. 121, 281, and notes.

[600] — E YSTO HE COANTO A CACA. At the present day in Southern India game-birds are sold alive, generally with the eyes sewn up.

[601] — This evidently refers to the yak-tail whisks used in the service of idols in the temples and in the palaces of nobles. On occasions of ceremony at the present day any chief or noble who has a pretension to sovereignty, or who claims descent from a line of independent lords, proclaims his dignity by the use of certain insignia, and amongst these the yak-tail fan finds place. It is one of the most graceful of ornaments. The soft white hair is set in a metal handle of brass or silver and waved slowly by an attendant. Its material object was to keep away flies.

[602] — PACHARI for PICHHAURI.

[603] — Above, p. 263.

[604] — "Silken trappings." The original word is PATOLLAS. Later on (see p. 383), in describing the king's dress, Nuniz writes, "OS SEUS VESTIDOS SAO PACHOIIS," &c. Both these words probably refer to the same Canarese word, PATTUDA, "a silk cloth." Barbosa and Pinto use it in the form PATOLA, Correa as PATOLO, and Peyton (in Purchas) as PATOLLA. (Yule and Burnell's Glossary, S.V. PATOLA) In Telugu, PATTU = "silk."

[605] — JUNTAS. The meaning is doubtful, but in all probability yokes of oxen are referred to. In the Canarese country these are often handsomely decorated and clothed when attached to travelling vehicles.

[606] — TERREIRO.

[607] — RODAS DE BICOS. These may perhaps have been weapons such as in England were known as "knuckledusters."

[608] — A free translation. The original runs, "DE MANEIRA QUE O QUE FICA DE BAIXO D OUTRO MAIS FERIDO VAY, LEVA A FOGACA, QUE HE HUU PACHARIM," &c. It seems curious that the vanquished should be rewarded. LEVA A FOGACA is literally "takes the cake." For PACHARIM see above, p. 376 note 2.

[609] — This is he only occasion on which the chronicler gives the king his hereditary title of Raya, usually spelt RAO by the Portuguese. RAYA is the same as RAJA.

[610] — The Qutb Shah of Golkonda.

[611] — Whether true or not, this statement, coming as it does from a totally external source, strongly supports the view often held that the ryots of South India were grievously oppressed by the nobles when subject to Hindu government. Other passages in both these chronicles, each of which was written quite independently of the other, confirm the assertion here made as to the mass of the people being ground down and living in the greatest poverty and distress.

[612] — When passing through the city, probably.

[613] — MEYRINHO.

[614] — FARAZES.

[615] — SANEIS QUE ENSYNDO OS CAVALLOS.

[616] — Above, p. 361, and note.

[617] — BOIS. Hindu women of the Boyi caste. The Boyis are Telugus, and are employed as bearers of palanqueens and other domestic service in Southern India. Hence the Anglo-Indian term "Boy" for a servant.

[618] — See above, note to p. 377.

[619] — Telugu, KULLAYI. See pp. 210, 252, 273.

[620] — DE FAZEMDA. I think that the meaning is as given. It will be observed below that the kingdom was divided into provinces or estates, each one entrusted to a noble who farmed the revenue to his own advantage, paying a fixed sum every year to the king. In the case of Narvara, the treasurer of the jewels, his estate is described as "bordering on the country of Bisnaga," and as this expression cannot refer to the entire country ruled by the king, it must be taken in a limited sense as applying to the king's own personal lands — his home farm, so to speak. The system is well known in India, where a prince holds what are called KHAS lands, I.E. lands held privately for his own personal use and benefit, as distinct from the lands held under him by others, the revenue of which last ought to go to the public purse.

[621] — Note that Madura is not mentioned in these lists. And yet it would appear that a Nayakka, or subordinate chief of Vijayanagar, had been ruling at that place since 1499. Mr. Nelson, in his work, "The Madura Country," gives the following list of Nayakkas there: —

A.D. Narasa Nayakka 1499 — 1500 Tenna Nayakka 1500 — 1515 Narasa Pillai (a Tamulian) 1515 — 1519 Kuru Kuru Timmappa Nayakka 1519 — 1524 Kattiyama Kamayya Nayakka 1524 — 1526 Chinnappa Nayakka 1526 — 1530 Ayyakarai Veyyappa Nayakka 1530 — 1535 Visvanatha Nayakka Ayyar 1535 — 1544

Four others are mentioned before we come to the great Visvanatha Nayakka, who founded an hereditary dynasty, though himself only a deputy of the crown. He ruled Madura from 1559 to 1563. Muttu Krishnappa (1602 — 1609) seems to have been the first to assume royal titles at Madura. His son, Muttu Virappa (1609 — 1623), is stated, in the narrative of the Portuguese writer Barradas (above, p. 230), to have paid a tribute in A.D. 1616 to the Vijayanagar king at Chandragiri of 600,000 pagodas; he had several vassal kings under him, and must have already obtained great power. It is possible that, in the time of Nuniz, Madura was not one of the greater provinces, but that it became so later.

The names Choromandel, Negapatam, and Tanjore are easy to distinguish in this list. "Bomgarin" I cannot identify, though the termination, GARIM, may represent GIRI, "mountain." "Dapatao" may be Devipatnam. "Truguel" seems to have some affinity with Tirukovil. It cannot be the "Truguel" mentioned by Barros and others as one of the fortresses given to Asada Khan by the king of Vijayanagar (above, p. 175), because those were close to Belgaum, while this "Truguel" was in the extreme south "Caullim" may be Kayal.

[622] — Above, p. 300, note 1.

[623] — Udayagiri.

[624] — Kondavid.

[625] — Pennakonda.

[626] — (?) Kanigiri, Nellore district. Codegaral MAY represent Gandikota, the termination GIRI, "hill," being substituted for KOTA, "fort," E.G. GANDIGIRI.

[627] — Siddhout or Siddhavattam, Cuddapah district.

[628] — The passage is incomplete, and I have rendered it as seems reasonable. It runs, "VINTE E CIMCO MILL E QUINHENTOS DE CAVALLO E," &c. Looking at the other lists of troops, it cannot be supposed that this chief had to provide 25,000 horse. It seems more probable that such a word as PIAES was accidentally omitted after MILL, and that MILL should have been repeated before QUINHENTOS.

[629] — Perhaps Rachol, near Goa.

[630] — Bicholim (?).

[631] — "Bengapor" as elsewhere spelt, I.E. Bankapur, south of Dharwar.

[632] — See the last sentence of the chronicle of Paes (above, p. 290), where a town "on the east" is called the new city which Krishna Deva built in honour of his favourite wife. The writer has evidently been confused in that statement, for it seems clear that the town so founded was Nagalapur, the old name for Hospett, with which it is distinctly identified in other places. This town "on the east" is said, in the sentence referred to, to bear the name "Ardegema," and the locality is hard to determine. "East" of what? If east of Nagalapur be meant, then Ardegema or Ondegema (GEMA probably represents GRAMA, "village") might have been a suburb of that town. If east of the capital be intended, I cannot identify the place. But these places evidently were close to the capital, bordering on the crown lands. This, I take it, is the meaning of "bordering on the lands (TERRA) of Bisnaga."

[633] — These three places I cannot identify. "Diguoty" may perhaps be Duggavatti, in the Harpanhalli division of the Bellary district. "Darguem" suggests "Droog" or "Durgam." The word is applied to a hill-fort, of which there are many in the neighbourhood. One of the most important was Rayadrug, south of Bellary. One of the ghat roads leading eastwards from Goa is called the "gate de Digui" in old maps.

[634] — Possibly Kalale in Mysore, a place fifteen miles south of that capital. It is said to have been founded in 1504 by a noble who was connected with the Vijayanagar royal family (Rice's gazetteer, ii. 255).

[635] — Unidentified.

[636] — Perhaps Budehal in Mysore, which like Kalale was founded by a Vijayanagar officer, and contains several sixteenth-century inscriptions. It is in the Chittaldrug division, forty miles south of that place.

[637] — Mangalore.

[638] — Unidentified.

[639] — ROUPA. Linen cloth. The word is not used of cotton, and the next sentence shows that cotton did not grow in that tract.

[640] — I hazard the suggestion that this may be a mistake of the copyist for "Avati." This place, now a village in the Kolar district of Mysore, was in the fifteenth century an important place, a ruling family having been founded here by the "Morasu Wokkalu" or "Seven Farmers" (Rice, "Mysore and Coorg," ii. 20). The description applies to it fairly well.

[641] — Calicut.

[642] — Either "the ghats," or perhaps Gutti (Goofy). The rich Vajra Karur diamond mines are about twenty miles south-west of Gooty, where are the remains of a very fine hill-fortress.

[643] — See note above, p. 368.

[644] — Mudkal.

[645] — Raichur.

[646] — I.E. of the Hindu religion, not Muhammadans.

[647] — NOVEIS in the original, probably for NOTAVEIS.

[648] — Telugus.

[649] — This was certainly not the case.

[650] — The Ganges.

[651] — Its history is known from A.D. 1304, when it was acquired by Ala-ud-Din Khilji from the Rajah of Malwa.

[652] — De Montfart's "Survey of all the East Indies." Translation, edition of 1615, p. 34.

[653] — Purchas, i. 218.

[654] — See Yule and Burnell's Dictionary, S.V. "Maund."

THE END

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