 |
That to this happy revolution in the dispositions of the English in favour of the liberty and independence of America, according to all appearances, the resolution taken by the Congress, towards the end of the last year, to wit, to forbid in all America the importation of British manufactures and productions, has greatly contributed: a resolution, of which they perceive in England, too visibly, the consequences ruinous to their manufactures, trade, commerce, and navigation, to be able to remain indifferent in this regard. For all other commercial nations, who take to heart, ever so little, their own prosperity, will apply themselves ardently, to collect from it all the fruit possible. To this effect, it would be unpardonable for the business and commerce of this Republic in general, and for those of this city in particular, to suffer to escape this occasion so favourable for the encouragement of our manufactures so declined, and languishing in the interior cities, as well as that of the commerce and navigation in the maritime cities; or to suffer that other commercial nations, even with a total exclusion of the mercantile interests of this Republic, should profit of it, and this, upon an occasion, when, by reason of the war, equally unjust and ruinous, in which the kingdom of Great Britain has involved this Republic, we cannot, and ought not to have the least regard or condescension for that jealous State, being able even to oblige this arrogant neighbour, in the just fear of the consequences which a more intimate connection between this Republic and North America would undoubtedly have, to lay down the sooner her arms, and restore tranquility to all Europe.
That the petitioners, notwithstanding the inclination they have for it, ought not nevertheless to explain themselves farther upon this object, nor make a demonstration in detail of the important advantages which this Republic may procure itself by a connection and a relation more intimate with North America; both, because that no well-informed man can easily call the thing in question, or contradict it; but also, because the States of Friesland themselves have very lately explained themselves, in a manner so remarkable, in this respect; and which is still more remarkable, because in very different circumstances, with a foresight, which posterity will celebrate by so much the more, as it is attacked in our time by ill designing citizens, the Lords your predecessors thought, four years ago, upon the means of hindering this Republic from being excluded from the business of the new world, and from falling into the disagreeable situation in which the kingdom of Portugal is at present, considering that according to the informations of your petitioners, the Congress has excluded that kingdom from all commerce and business with North America, solely, because it had perceived that it suffered itself to be too strongly directed by the influence of the British Court. This example makes us fear with reason that if the propositions made, in the name of America, by Mr. Adams to this Republic, should remain, as they still are, without an answer, or that, if, contrary to all expectation, they should be rejected, in that case the Republic ought not to expect a better treatment.
That, for these reasons and many others, the petitioners had flattered themselves that we should long ago have opened negotiations, and a closer correspondence, with the United States of America. But this important work appeared to meet with difficulties with some, as incompatible with the accession of this Republic to the armed neutrality, and, in course, with the accepted mediation; whilst that others cannot be persuaded to make this so necessary step, in the opinion that we cannot draw any advantage, or at least of much importance, from a more strict connection with America: Reasons, according to the petitioners, the frivolity of which is apparent to every one who is not filled with prejudice, without having occasion to employ many words to point it out. For, as to the first point, supposing, for a moment, that it might be made a question whether the Republic, after her accession to the armed neutrality, before the war with England, could take a step of this nature, without renouncing at the same time the advantages of the armed neutrality which it had embraced; it is at least very certain, that every difficulty concerning the competency of the Republic to take a similar step vanishes and disappears of itself at present, when it finds itself involved in a war with Great Britain, since from that moment she could not only demand the assistance and succour of all the confederates in the armed neutrality, but that thereby the finds herself authorized, for her own defence, to employ all sorts of means, violent and others, which she could not before adopt nor put in use, while she was really in the position of a neutral power which would profit of the advantages of the armed neutrality. This reasoning then proves evidently, that, in the present situation of affairs, the Republic might acknowledge the independence of America; and, notwithstanding this, claim of full right the assistance of her neutral allies, at least, if we would not maintain one of the two following absurdities: That, notwithstanding the violent aggression of England in resentment of our accession to the armed neutrality, we dare not defend ourselves, until our confederates shall think proper to come to our assistance; or, otherwise, that being attacked by the English, it should be permitted us, conformably to the rights of the armed neutrality, to resist them in arms, whether on the Doggers-bank or elsewhere, but not by contracting alliances, which certainly do no injury or harm to the convention of the armed neutrality, notwithstanding even the small hope we have of being succored by the allies of the armed confederation. The argument of the mediation is still more contrary to common sense in this, that it supposes, that the Republic, by accepting the mediation, has also renounced the employment of all the means, by the way of arms, of alliances, or otherwise, which it might judge useful or necessary to annoy her enemy: a supposition, which certainly is destitute of all foundation, and which would reduce it simply to a real suspension of hostilities on the part of the Republic only; to which the Republic can never have consented, neither directly nor indirectly.
Besides this last argument, the petitioners ought to observe, in the first place, that by means of a good harmony and friendship with the United States of America, there will spring up, not only different sources of business for this Republic, founded solely on commerce and navigation, but in particular the manufactures and trade will assume a new activity in the interior cities; for they may consume the amount of millions of our manufactures in that new country, of so vast extent: In the second place, abstracted from all interests of commerce, the friendship or the enmity of a nation, which, after having made prisoners of two English armies, has known how to render herself respectable and formidable, if it were only in relation to the western possessions of this State, is not and cannot be in any manner indifferent for our Republic. In the last place, it is necessary that the petitioners remark farther in this respect, that several inhabitants of this Republic, in the present situation of affairs, suffer very considerable losses and damages, which at least hereafter might be wholly prevented, or in part, in case we should make with the United States of America, with relation to vessels and effects recaptured, a convention similar to that which has been made with the Crown of France the last year; for, venerable Regents, if a convention of this nature had been contracted in the beginning of this war, the inhabitants of the Republic would have already derived important advantages from it, considering that several ships and cargoes, taken by the English from the inhabitants of this State, have fallen into the hands of the Americans; among others, two vessels from the West Indies, richly loaded, and making sail for the ports of the Republic, and both estimated at more than a million of florins of Holland; which, captured by the English at the commencement of the year past, were carried into North America, where, after the capitulation of General Cornwallis, they passed from the hands of the English into others.
That, although the petitioners are fully convinced, that the interests of the commerce of this common country, and of this city, have constantly, but especially in these last years, attracted, and still attract every day, a great part of the cares of the venerable Regency; nevertheless, having regard to the importance of the affair, the petitioners have thought that they might, and that they ought to take the liberty to address themselves with this petition to you, venerable Regents, to inform you, according to truth, that the moments are precious, that we cannot lose any time, how little soever it may be, without running the greatest risque of losing all; since, by hesitating longer, the Republic, according to all appearances, would not derive any advantage, not even more than it has derived from its accession to the armed neutrality; because that in the fear of British menaces, we did not determine to accede to it, until the opportunity of improving the advantage of it was passed.
For these causes, the petitioners address themselves to you, venerable Regents, respectfully soliciting, that your efficacious influence may condescend, at the Assembly of their noble and grand Mightinesses the States of this Province, to direct affairs in such a manner, that upon this important object there may be taken as soon as possible, and, if possible, even during the continuance of this Assembly, a final and decisive resolution, such as you, venerable Regents, and their noble and grand Mightinesses, according to their high wisdom, shall judge the most convenient: and if, contrary to all expectation, this important operation should meet with any obstacle on the part of one or more of the confederates, that in that case you, venerable Regents, in concert with the Province of Friesland, and those of the other Provinces who make no difficulty to open a negotiation with America, will condescend to consider the means, which shall be found proper and convenient to effectuate, that the commerce of this Province, as well as that of Friesland, and the other members adopting the same opinion, may not be prejudiced by any dilatory deliberations, nor too late resolved, for the conclusion of a measure as important as necessary.
So doing, &c.
AMSTERDAM
ADDRESS of the Merchants, &c. to their Regency.
NOBLE, GREAT, AND VENERABLE LORDS!
It is for us a particular satisfaction to be able to offer to your noble and great lordships, as heads of the regency of this city, this well intentioned address that a multitude of our most respectable fellow-citizens have signed. It was already prepared and signed by many, when we learned, as well by the public papers as otherwise, the propositions of a particular peace, with an offer of an immediate suspension of hostilities on the part of Great-Britain, made to this state by the mediation of the Russian ambassador. This is the only reason why no immediate mention was made of it in the address itself. It is by no means the idea, that these offers would have made any impression upon the merchants; since we can, on the contrary, in truth assure your noble and great Lordships, that the unanimous sentiment nearly of the Exchange of Amsterdam, as much as that is interested in it, is entirely conformable to that which the merchants of Rotterdam have made known in so energetic a manner: that consequently we have the greatest aversion to like offers, as artful as dangerous, which, being adopted, would very probably throw this Republic into other situations very embarrassing, the immediate consequences of which would be, to ruin it totally: whereas, on the other hand, these offers shew that we have only to deal with an enemy exhausted; whom we could force to a general and durable peace in the end, by following only the example of France, Spain, and North America; and by using the means which are in our hands.
It is improper for us, however, to enlarge farther upon this project, important as it may be, being well assured, that your noble and great Lordships see those grievous consequences more clearly than we can trace them.
The merchants continue to recommend their commerce and navigation to the constant care and protection of your noble and great Lordships, and to insist only, that in case these offers of the court of England should be, at any time, the cause that the affair of the admission of Mr. Adams, in quality of Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States of America, should meet with any difficulty or delay on the part of the other confederates, that your noble and great lordships, conformably to the second article of our requisition, inserted in this request, would have the goodness to think upon measures which would secure this province from the ruinous consequences of such a proceeding.
To the foregoing was joined the Address presented to the Burgomasters and the Council, which is of the following tenor.
NOBLE, GREAT, VENERABLE, AND NOBLE AND VENERABLE LORDS!
The undersigned merchants, citizens, and inhabitants of the city of Amsterdam, have learned with an inexpressible joy, the news of the resolution taken the 28th of March last by their noble and grand Mightinesses, the lords the States of Holland and West-Friesland. Their noble and grand Mightinesses have thereby not only satisfied the general wishes of the greatest and best part of the inhabitants of this province, but they have laid the foundations of ulteriour alliances and correspondencies of friendship and of good understanding with the United States of America, which promise new life to the languishing state of our commerce, navigation, and manufactures. The unanimity with which that resolution was decided in the assembly of Holland, gives us grounds to hope that the States of the other provinces will not delay to take a similar resolution; whilst the same unanimity fills with the most lively satisfaction the well intentioned inhabitants of this city, and without doubt those of the whole country, in convincing them fully that the union among the sage and venerable fathers of the country increases more and more; whilst that the promptness and activity with which it hath been concluded, make us hope, with reason, that we shall reap, in time, from a step so important and so necessary for this Republic, the desired fruits. Who then can call in question, or disavow that the moment seems to approach nearer and nearer, when this Republic shall enter into new relations with a people, who find themselves in circumstances which differ but little from those in which our ancestors found themselves two centuries ago, with a people which conciliates more and more the general affection and esteem.
The conformity of religion and government, which is found between us and America, joined to the indubitable marks that she hath already long since given of the preference that she feels for our friendship, makes the undersigned not only suppose, but inspires them with a confidence that our connections with her will be equally solid, advantageous, and salutary to the interests of the two nations. The well-being and prosperity which will very probably result from them; the part which you noble, great, venerable, and noble and venerable lords, have had in the conclusion of a resolution so remarkable; the conviction that the venerable council of this city had of it, upon the proposition of the noble, great, and venerable Lords, almost consented to, before the request relative to this project presented not long since to you, noble, great, and venerable Lords, had come to the knowledge of the council; finally the remembrance of that which was done upon this matter in the year 1778, with the best intentions and the most laudable views, finding itself at present crowned with an approbation as public as it is general, indispensibly oblige the undersigned to approach you with this address; not only to congratulate you upon so remarkable an event, but to thank you at the same time with as much zeal as solemnity, for all those well intentioned cares, and those well concerted measures, for that inflexible attachment, and that faithful adherence to the true interests of the country in general, and of this city in particular, which manifest themselves in so striking a manner, in all the proceedings and resolutions of your noble, great, and venerable Lordships, and of the venerable council of this city, and which certainly will attract the esteem and veneration of the latest posterity, when comparing the annals and events of the present with those of former times, it shall discover that Amsterdam might still boast itself of possessing patriots who dared sacrifice generously all views of private interests, of grandeur and consideration to the sacred obligations that their country requires of them.
We flatter ourselves, noble, great, venerable, noble and venerable Lords, that the present public demonstration of our esteem and attachment will be so much the more agreeable, as it is more rare in our republic, and perhaps even it is without example; and as it is more proper to efface all the odious impressions that the calumny and malignity of the English ministry, not long ago so servilely adored by many, but whose downfal is at present consummated, had endeavoured to spread, particularly a little before and at the beginning of this war, insinuations, which have since found partisans in the United Provinces, among those who have not been ashamed to paint the Exchange of Amsterdam (that is to say the most respectable and the most useful part of the citizens of this city, and at the same time the principal support of the well-being of the United Provinces) as if it consisted in a great part of a contemptible herd of vile interested souls, having no other object than to give loose to their avidity, and to their desire of amassing treasures, in defrauding the public revenues, and in transporting articles, against the faith of treaties; calumniators, who have had at the same time, and have still the audacity to affront the most upright regency of the most considerable city of the Republic, and to expose it to public contempt, as if it participated by connivance, and otherwise, in so shameful a commerce; insinuations and accusations which have been spread with as much falshood as wickedness, and which ought to excite so much the more the indignation of every sensible heart, when it is considered that not only the merchants of this city, but also those of the whole Republic have so inviolably respected the faith of treaties that, to the astonishment of every impartial man, one cannot produce any proofs, at least no sufficient proofs; that there hath ever been transported from this country contraband merchandizes; whilst that the conjuncture in which imputations of this kind have been spread rendered the proceeding still more odious, seeing it has been done at an epoch when the commerce and navigation of Amsterdam, and of the whole Republic, would have experienced the first and almost the only attack of an unjust and perfidious ally, for want of necessary protection, upon which you, noble, great, venerable, and noble and venerable Lords, have so often and so seriously insisted, even before the commencement of the troubles between Great Britain and the United States of America; at an epoch, when the merchant, formed for enterprises, was obliged to see the fruit of his labour, and of his cares, the recompence of his indefatigable industry, and the patrimony destined to his posterity, ravished from his hands by foreign violence and an unbounded rapacity; at an epoch finally, when the wise and prudent politicians, who had exhausted themselves and spared no pains for the public good, saw their patriotic views dissipated, and their projects vanish.
Receive then, noble, great, venerable, and noble and venerable Lords, this solemn testimony of our lively gratitude, as graciously as it is given sincerely on our part. Receive it as a proof of our attachment to your persons; an attachment which is not founded upon fear, nor an exteriour representation of authority and grandeur, but which is founded on more noble and immoveable principles, those of esteem and respect, arising from a sentiment of true greatness and of generosity. Be assured that when contemptible discord, with its odious attendants, artifice and imposture, could effectuate nothing, absolutely nothing, at the moment when the present war broke out, to prejudice in the least the fidelity of the Citizens of the Amstel, or to shake them in the observance of their duties; the inconveniencies and the evils that a war naturally and necessarily draws after it will not produce the effect neither. Yes, we will submit more willingly to them, according as we shall perceive that the means that GOD and Nature have put into our hands are more and more employed to reduce and humble an haughty enemy. Continue then, noble, great, venerable, noble and venerable Lords, to proceed with safety in the road that you follow, the only one, which in our opinion can, under the divine benediction, tend to save the country from its present situation. Let nothing divert or intimidate you from it. You have already surmounted the greatest difficulties, and the most pointed cares. A more pleasing perspective already opens. Great Britain, not long since so proud of her forces, that she feared not to declare war against an ancient and faithful Ally, already repents of that unjust and rash proceeding; and, succumbing under the weight of a war, which becomes more and more burthensome, she sighs after peace; whilst that the harmony among the members of the supreme Government of this country increases with our arms, according as your political system, whose necessity and salutary influence were heretofore less acknowledged, gains every day more numerous imitators. The resolution lately taken by the States of Friesland, and so unanimously adopted by our Province, furnishes, among many others, one incontestible proof of it; whilst the naval combat fought the last year on Doggersbank, hath shewn to astonished Europe, that so long a peace hath not made the Republic forget the management of arms, but that, on the contrary, it nourishes in its bosom warriors who tread in the footsteps of the Tromps and Ruiters, from whose prudence and intrepidity, after a beginning so glorious, we may promise ourselves the most heroic actions; that their invincible courage, little affected with an evident superiority, will procure, one day, to our country an honourable and permanent peace, which, in eternizing their military glory, will cause the wise policy of your noble, great, venerable, and noble and venerable Lordships, to be blessed by the latest posterity.
UTRECHT.
24th April, 1782.
TO THEIR NOBLE MIGHTINESSES, THE LORDS THE STATES OF THE COUNTRY OF UTRECHT.
The undersigned manufacturers, merchants, and other traders of this City give, with due respect, to understand, that the petitioners, placing their confidence in the interest that your noble Mightinesses have always appeared to take in the advancement of manufactures and commerce, have not been at all scrupulous to recommend to the vigilant attention of your noble Mightinessess, the favourable occasion that offers itself in this moment, to revive the manufactures, commerce, and trades fallen into decay in this City and Province, in case that your noble Mightinesses acknowledged, in the name of this City, Mr. Adams as Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States of America, to the end that there might be formed with them a treaty of commerce for this Republic. As the petitioners founded themselves thus upon the intimate sentiment of the execution of that which your noble Mightinesses judge proper to the advancement of the well-being of the petitioners and of their interests, the petitioners have further the satisfaction of seeing the most agreeable proofs of it, when your noble Mightinesses, in your last Assembly, resolved unanimously to consent, not only to the admission of Mr. Adams in quality of Minister of the Congress of North America, but to authorise the Lords the Deputies of this Province at the Generality, to conform themselves in the name of this Province, to the resolutions of the Lords the States of Holland and West Friesland, and of Friesland; and, doing this, to consent to the acknowledgment and admission of Mr. Adams, as Minister of the United States of America. As that resolution furnishes the proofs the best intentioned, the most patriotic, for the advancement of that which may serve to the well-being and to the encouragement of manufactures, of commerce, and of decayed trades, as well in general, as of this City and Province in particular, and which had been so ardently desired; the petitioners think themselves indispensibly obliged to testify, in the most respectful manner, their gratitude for it to your noble Mightinesses. The petitioners find themselves absolutely unable to express, in words, the general satisfaction that this event hath caused; not only to them; but also to the great and small of this Province; joined to the confirmation of the perfect conviction in which they repose themselves, also, for the future, upon the paternal care of your noble Mightinesses, that the consummation of the desired treaty of commerce with the Americans may be soon effected. The petitioners attest by the present, before your noble Mightinesses, their solemn and well-meant gratitude, which they address at the same time to your noble Mightinesses, as the most sincere mark of veneration and respect for the persons, and the direction of public affairs, of your noble Mightinesses; praying that Almighty God may deign to bless the efforts and the councils of your noble Mightinesses, as well as those of the Confederates; that moreover this Province, and our dear country, by the propositions of an Armistice, and that which depends thereon, should not be involved in any negotiations for a particular peace with our perfidious enemy, but that we obtain no other peace than a general peace, which (as your noble Mightinesses express yourselves in your resolution) may be compatible with their honour and dignity; and serve not only for this generation, but also for the latest posterity, as a monument of glory, of eternal gratitude to, and esteem for the persons and public administration of the present time.
FRIESLAND.
EXTRACT from the Register-Book of the Lords the States of Friesland.
The requisition of Mr. Adams, for presenting his letters of credence from the United States of America to their High Mightinesses, having been brought into the assembly, and put into deliberation, as also the ulteriour address to the same purpose, with a demand of a categorical answer, made by him, as is more amply mentioned in the minutes of their High Mightinesses of the 4th of May, 1781, and the 9th of January, 1782; whereupon it having been taken into consideration that the said Mr. Adams would probably have some propositions to make to their High Mightinesses, and to present to them the principle articles and foundations upon which the Congress, on their part, would enter into a treaty of commerce and friendship, or other affairs to propose, in regard to which dispatch would be requisite.
It has been thought fit and resolved to authorize the Lords the Deputies of this Province at the Generality, and to instruct them to direct things, at the table of their High Mightinesses, in such a manner that the said Mr. Adams be admitted forthwith as Minister of the Congress of North America; with further order to the said Deputies that if there should be made moreover any similar propositions by the same, to inform immediately their noble Mightinesses of them. And an extract of the present resolution shall be sent them for their information, that they may conduct themselves conformably.
Thus resolved at the Province House the 26th February, 1782.
Compared with the aforesaid book to my knowledge.
Signed
A. J. V. SMINIA.
HOLLAND
AND
WESTFRIESLAND.
EXTRACT of the Resolutions of the Lords the States of Holland and Westfriesland, taken in the Assembly of their Noble and Grand Mightinesses, Thursday 28th March, 1782.
Deliberated by resumption upon the address and the ulteriour address of Mr. Adams, made the 4th of May, 1781, and the 9th of January, 1782, to the President of the States General, communicated to the Assembly the 9th May, 1781, and the 22d of last month, to present his letters of credence, in the name of the United States of America, to their High Mightinesses; by which ulteriour address, the said Mr. Adams hath demanded a categorical answer, that he may acquaint his constituents thereof: deliberated also upon the petitions of a great number of merchants, manufacturers and other inhabitants of this Province, interested in commerce to support their request presented to the States General, the twentieth current, to the end, that efficacious measures might be taken to establish a commerce between this country and North America, copy of which petitions have been given to the members, the twenty-first; it hath been thought fit and resolved that the affair shall be directed on the part of their noble and grand Mightinesses, at the assembly of the States General, and that there shall be made the strongest instances that Mr. Adams be admitted and acknowledged, as soon as possible, by their High Mightinesses, in quality of Ambassador of the United States of America. And the Counsellor Pensionary hath been charged to inform under hand the said Mr. Adams of this resolution of their noble and grand Mightinesses.
ZEALAND.
EXTRACT of the Resolutions of their High Mightinesses the States General of the United Provinces. Monday 8th April, 1782.
The Deputies of the Province of Zealand have brought to the Assembly, and have caused to be read there, the resolution of the States of the said Province, their principals, to cause to be admitted, as soon as possible, Mr. Adams in quality of Ambassador of the Congress of North America, according to the following resolution.
EXTRACT from the Register of the Resolutions of the Lords the States of Zealand, 4th of April, 1782.
It hath been thought fit and ordered, that the Lords, the ordinary Deputies of this Province at the Generality, shall be authorised, as it is done by the present, to assist, in the direction of affairs at the Assembly of their High Mightinesses, in such a manner, that Mr. Adams may be acknowledged, as soon as possible, as Ambassador of the Congress of North America; that his letters of credence be accepted; and that he be admitted in that quality, according to the ordinary form; enjoining further upon the said Lords the ordinary Deputies, to take such propositions, as should be made to this Republic by the said Mr. Adams, for the information and deliberation of their High Mightinesses, to the end to transmit them here as soon as possible. And an extract of this resolution of their noble Mightinesses shall be sent to the Lords, their ordinary Deputies, to serve them as an instruction.
Signed
J. M. CHALMERS.
Upon which having deliberated, it hath been thought fit and resolved to pray, by the present, the Lords the Deputies of the Province of Guelderland, Utrecht, and Groningen and Ommelanden, who have not yet explained themselves upon the subject, to be pleased to do it as soon as possible.
OVERYSSEL.
EXTRACT from the Register of the Resolutions of the Equestrian Order, and of the Cities composing the States of Overyssel. Zwoll, 5th April, 1782.
Mr. the Grand Bailiff of Saalland, and the other Commissioners of their noble Mightinesses for the affairs of finance, having examined, conformably to their commissorial resolution of the third of this month, the addresses of Mr. Adams, communicated to the Assembly the 4th of May, 1781, and the 22d of February, 1782, to present his letters of credence to their High Mightinesses, in the name of the United States of America; as well as the resolution of the Lords the States of Holland and Westfriesland, dated the 28th of March, 1782, carried the 29th of the same month to the Assembly of their High Mightinesses, for the admission and acknowledgment of Mr. Adams, have reported to the Assembly, that they should be of opinion, that the Lords the Deputies of this Province in the States General ought to be authorised and charged to declare in the Assembly of their High Mightinesses, that the Equestrian order and the Cities judge that it is proper to acknowledge, as soon as possible, Mr. Adams in quality of Minister of the United States of North America to their High Mightinesses. Upon which, having deliberated, the Equestrian order and the Cities have conformed themselves to the said report.
Compared with the aforesaid Register.
Signed
DERK DUNBAR.
GRONINGEN.
EXTRACT from the Register of the Resolutions of their noble Mightinesses, the States of Groningen and Ommelanden. Tuesday 9th April, 1782.
The Lords the States of Groningen and Ommelanden, having heard the report of the Lords the Commissioners for the petitions of the Council of State and the Finances of the Province, and having carefully examined the demand of Mr. Adams, to present his letters of credence from the United States of America to their High Mightinesses, have, after deliberation upon the subject, declared themselves of opinion, that in the critical circumstances in which the Republic finds itself at present, it is proper to take, without loss of time, such efficacious measures, as may not only repair the losses and damages that the kingdom of Great Britain hath caused in a manner so unjust, and against every shadow of right, to the commerce of the Republic, as well before as after the war, but particularly such as may establish the free navigation and the commerce of the Republic, for the future, upon on the most solid foundations, as may confirm and re-assure it, by the strongest bonds of reciprocal interest; and that, in consequence, the Lords the Deputies at the Assembly of their High Mightinesses ought to be authorised, on the part of the Province, as they are by the present, to admit Mr. Adams to present his letters of credence from the United States of America, and to receive the propositions which he shall make, to make report of them to the Lords the States of this Province.
Signed
E. LEWE, Secretary.
The States General, having deliberated the same day upon the resolution, have resolved, that the Deputies of this Province of Guelderland, which has not yet declared itself upon the same subject, should be requested, to be pleased to do it as soon as possible.
UTRECHT.
EXTRACT of the Resolutions of their noble Mightinesses, the States of the Province of Utrecht, 10 April 1782.
Heard the report of Mr. De Westerveld and other deputies of their noble Mightinesses for the department of war, who, in virtue of the commissorial resolutions of the 9th of May 1781, 16th January and 20th March of the present year 1782, have examined the resolutions of their High Mightinesses of the 4th of May 1781, containing an overture, that Mr. the President of the Assembly of their High Mightinesses had made, "that a person styling himself J. Adams had been with him, and had given him to understand, that he had received letters of credence for their High Mightinesses from the United States of America, with a request, that he would be pleased to communicate them to their High Mightinesses; as well as the resolution of their High Mightinesses of the 9th of January, containing an ulteriour overture of Mr. the President, that the said Mr. Adams had been with him, and had insisted upon a categorical answer, whether his said letters of credence would be accepted or not; finally the resolution of their High Mightinesses of the 5th of March last, with the insertion of the resolution of Friesland, containing a proposition to admit Mr. Adams in quality of Minister of the Congress of North America."
Upon which having deliberated, and remarked that the Lords the States of Holland and West Friesland, by their resolution carried the 29th of March to the States General, have also consented to the admission of the said Mr. Adams in quality of minister of the Congress of North America, it hath been thought fit and resolved, that the Lords the Deputies of this Province in the States General should be authorised, as their noble Mightinesses authorise them by the present, to conform themselves, in the name of this Province, to the resolution of the Lords the States of Holland and Westfriesland, and of Friesland, and to consent by consequence, that Mr. Adams be acknowledged and admitted as Minister of the United States of America; their noble Mightinesses being, in the mean time, of opinion, that it would be necessary to acquaint her Majesty the Empress of Russia, and the other Neutral Powers, with the resolution to be taken by their High Mightinesses upon this subject, in communicating to them, as much as shall be necessary, the reasons which have induced their High Mightinesses to it, and giving them the strongest assurances that the intention of their High Mightinesses is by no means to prolong thereby the war, which they would have willingly prevented and terminated long since; but on the contrary, that their High Mightinesses with nothing with more ardor, than a prompt re-establishment of peace; and that they shall be always ready, on their part, to co-operate in it, in all possible ways, and with a suitable readiness, so far as that shall be any way compatible with their honour and their dignity, and for this end an extract of this shall be carried by Missive to the Lords the Deputies at the Generality.
GUELDERLAND.
EXTRACT from the Reces of the ordinary Diet, holden in the City of Nimeguen, in the Month of April 1782. Wednesday, 17 April 1782.
The requisition of Mr. Adams, to present his letters of credence to their High Mightinesses in the name of the United States of America, having been brought to the assembly and read, as well as an ulteriour address made upon this subject, with a demand of a categorical answer by the said Mr. Adams, more amply mentioned in the registers of their High Mightinesses of the date of the 4th of May 1781, and of the 9th of January 1782; moreover the resolutions of the Lords the States of the five other provinces, carried successively to the assembly of their High Mightinesses, and all tending to admit Mr. Adams in quality of Ambassador of the United States of America to this Republic; upon which their noble Mightinesses, after deliberation, have resolved to authorise the deputies of this Province at the States General, as they authorise them by the present, to conform themselves in the name of this Province to the resolution of the Lords the States of Holland and Westfriesland, and to consent, by consequence, that Mr. Adams may be acknowledged and admitted in quality of Ambassador of the United States of America to this Republic. In consequence, an extract of the present shall be sent to the said Deputies, to make as soon as possible the requisite overture of it to the assembly of their High Mightinesses.
In fidem extracti.
Signed
J. IN DE BETOUW.
THE STATES GENERAL.
EXTRACT from the Register of the Resolutions of their High Mightinesses the States General of the United Provinces. Friday 19 April, 1782.
Deliberated by resumption, upon the address and the ulteriour address, made by Mr. Adams the 4th of May 1781, and the 9th of January of the current year to Mr. the President of the Assembly of their High Mightinesses, to present to their High Mightinesses his letters of credence in the name of the United States of North America; and by which ulteriour address the said Mr. Adams hath demanded a categorical answer, to the end to be able to acquaint his Constituents thereof; it hath been thought fit and resolved that Mr. Adams shall be admitted and acknowledged in quality of Ambassador of the United States of North America to their High Mightinesses, as he is admitted and acknowledged by the present.
Signed
W. BOREEL, President.
Lower down
Compared with the aforesaid Register.
Signed
H. FAGEL.
EXTRACT from the Register of the Resolutions of their High Mightinesses the States General of the United Provinces, Monday, 22d April, 1782.
Mr. Boreel, who presided in the Assembly the last week, hath reported to their High Mightinesses, and notified to them, that Mr. John Adams, Ambassador of the United States of America, had been with him last Saturday, and presented to him a letter from the Assembly of Congress, written at Philadelphia, the first of January, 1781, containing a credence, for the said Mr. Adams, to the end to reside in quality of its Minister Plenipotentiary near their High Mightinesses: Upon which having deliberated, it hath been thought fit and resolved, to declare by the present: "That the said Mr. Adams is agreeable to their High Mightinesses; that he shall be acknowledged in quality of Minister Plenipotentiary; and that there shall be granted to him an audience, or assigned Commissioners, when he shall demand it." Information of the above shall be given to the said Mr. Adams, by the Agent van der Burch de Spieringshoek.
Signed
W. VAN CITTERS, President.
Lower down
Compared with the aforesaid Register.
Signed
H. FAGEL.
MEDAL.
TO THE NOBLE AND MIGHTY LORDS, THE STATES OF FRIESLAND,
The Society of Citizens, established at Leeuwarden, under the motto, "By Liberty and Zeal," most humbly represents, that it desires to have an opportunity of testifying publicly, by facts, to your noble Mightinesses, the most lively, but, at the same time, the most respectful sentiments of gratitude, which not only animate them, but also, as they assure themselves, all the well intentioned Citizens, especially, with relation to the resolutions equally important, and full of wisdom; which your noble Mightinesses have taken upon all the points, in regard to which the critical circumstances, in which our dear country finds itself plunged, have furnished to your noble Mightinesses, objects equally numerous and disagreeable, particularly, at the ordinary Diet of the year 1782, and at the extraordinary Diet holden in the month of April last; resolutions which bear not only the characters of wisdom, but also those of the best intentioned solicitude, and the purest love of our country; and which prove, in the most convincing manner, that your noble Mightinesses have no greater ambition than its universal prosperity; assiduously proposing to yourselves, as the most important object of your attention, of your enterprises, and of your attachment, the rule, Salus Populi suprema Lex esto; resolutions, in fine, which ought perfectly to re-assure the good Citizens of this Province, and encourage them to persevere in that full and tranquil confidence which has hindered them from representing to your noble Mightinesses the true interests of the country, and to exhort them, at the same time, by their supplications, to act with courage, and to fulfil their duties; considering that the said resolutions have fully assured them, that their possessions, with that which is above all things dear to them, their Liberty (that right which is more precious to them than their lives; to which the smallest injury cannot be done, without doing wrong and dishonour to humanity; a right, nevertheless, which, if we consider the world in general, has been, alas! almost every where equally violated) are deposited in safety, under the vigilant eye of your noble Mightinesses.
The Society has thought that it might accomplish its wishes, in the most convenient and decent manner, in causing to be stricken, at its expence, a Medal of silver, which may remain to posterity a durable monument of the perfect harmony which at the present dangerous epoch has reigned between the government and the people. It has conceived, for this purpose, a sketch or project, as yet incomplete, according to which one of the sides of the Medal should bear the Arms of Friesland, held by an hand, which descends from the clouds, with an inscription in the following terms: To the States of Friesland, in grateful Memory of the Diets of February and of April, 1782, dedicated by the Society LIBERTY AND ZEAL. An inscription, which would thus contain a general applause of all the resolutions taken in these two Diets; whilst upon the reverse, one should distinguish, more particularly, the two events which interest the most our common country, in regard of which your noble Mightinesses have given the example to the States of the other Provinces, and which merit, for this reason, as placed in the foremost situation, to shew itself the most clearly to the fight: to wit, "The admission of Mr. Adams in quality of Minister of the United States of America to this Republic; and the refusal of a separate peace with Great Britain." Events which should be represented symbolically by a Frisian, dressed according to the ancient characteristic custom of the Frisians, holding out his right-hand to an inhabitant of North America, in token of friendship and brotherly love; whilst with the left-hand he rejects the peace which England offers him. The whole with such convenient additions, and symbolical ornaments, which the Society, perhaps, would do well to leave to the invention of the medalist, &c.
[The remainder of this request relates to other subjects.]
Done at Leeuwarden the 8th May, 1782.
The Society "BY LIBERTY AND ZEAL."
Signed at its request
W. WOPKENS,
in the absence of the Secretary.
AN
ESSAY
ON
CANON AND FEUDAL LAW.
BY JOHN ADAMS,
AMBASSADOR PLENIPOTENTIARY
FROM THE
UNITED AND INDEPENDENT STATES OF NORTH AMERICA,
TO THEIR
HIGH MIGHTINESS THE STATES GENERAL OF THE UNITED PROVINCES OF HOLLAND.
AN
ESSAY
ON
CANON AND FEUDAL LAW.
"Ignorance and inconsideration, are the two great causes of the ruin of mankind."—This is an observation of Dr. Tillotson, with relation to the interest of his fellow-men, in a future and immortal state: But it is of equal truth and importance, if applied to the happiness of men in society, on this side the grave.—In the earliest ages of the world, absolute Monarchy seems to have been the universal form of government.—Kings, and a few of their great counsellors and captains, exercised a cruel tyranny over the people who held a rank in the scale of intelligence, in those days, but little higher than the camels and elephants, that carried them and their engines to war.
By what causes it was brought to pass, that the people in the middle ages, became more intelligent in general, would not perhaps be possible in these days to discover: But the fact is certain, and wherever a general knowledge and sensibility have prevailed among the people, arbitrary government and every kind of oppression have lessened and disappeared in proportion.—Man has certainly an exalted soul! and the same principle in human nature; that aspiring noble principle, founded in benevolence and cherished by knowledge; I mean the love of power, which has been so often the cause of slavery, has, whenever freedom has existed, been the cause of freedom. If it is this principle, that has always prompted the princes and nobles of the earth, by every species of fraud and violence, to shake off all the limitations of their power; it is the same that has always stimulated the common people to aspire at independency, and to endeavour at confining the power of the great, within the limits of equity and reason.
The poor people, it is true, have been much less successful than the great—They have seldom found either leisure or opportunity to form an union and exert their strength—ignorant as they were of arts and letters, they have seldom been able to frame and support a regular opposition. This, however, has been known, by the great, to be the temper of mankind, and they have accordingly laboured, in all ages, to wrest from the populace, as they are contemptuously called, the knowledge of their rights and wrongs, and the power to assert the former or redress the latter. I say RIGHTS, for such they have, undoubtedly, antecedent to all earthly government—Rights, that cannot be repealed or restrained by human laws—Rights, derived from the great Legislator of the universe.
Since the promulgation of christianity, the two greatest systems of tyranny, that have sprung from this original, are the cannon and the feudal law—The desire of dominion, that great principle by which we have attempted to account for so much good, and so much evil, is, when properly restrained, a very useful and noble movement in the human mind: but when such restraints are taken off, it becomes an encroaching, grasping, restless and ungovernable power. Numberless have been the systems of iniquity, contrived by the great, for the gratification of this passion in themselves: but in none of them were they ever more successful, than in the invention and establishment of the canon and the feudal law.
By the former of these, the most refined, sublime, extensive, and astonishing constitution of policy, that ever was conceived by the mind of man, was framed by the Romish clergy for the aggrandisement of their own order. All the epithets I have here given to the Romish policy are just; and will be allowed to be so, when it is considered, that they even persuaded mankind to believe, faithfully and undoubtingly, that GOD ALMIGHTY had intrusted them with the keys of heaven, whose gates they might open and close at pleasure—with a power of dispensation over all the rules and obligations of morality—with authority to license all sorts of sins and crimes—with a power of deposing princes, and absolving subjects from allegiance—with a power of procuring or withholding the rain of heaven, and the beams of the sun—with the management of earthquakes, pestilence and famine.——Nay, with the mysterious, awful, incomprehensible power of creating out of bread and wine, the flesh and blood of GOD himself.—All these opinions they were enabled to spread and rivet among the people, by reducing their minds to a state of sordid ignorance and staring timidity; and by infusing into them a religious horror of letters and knowledge. Thus was human nature chained fast for ages, in a cruel, shameful, and deplorable servitude, to him and his subordinate tyrants; who, it was foretold, would exalt himself above all that was called GOD, and that was worshipped.——
In the latter we find another system similar in many respects to the former; which, although it was originally formed perhaps for the necessary defence of a barbarous people, against the inroads and invasions of her neighbouring nations; yet, for the same purposes of tyranny, cruelty and lust, which had dictated the canon law, it was soon adopted by almost all the Princes of Europe, and wrought into the constitutions of their government.—It was originally a code of laws, for a vast army in a perpetual encampment.—The general was invested with the sovereign propriety of all the lands within the territory.—Of him, his servants and vassals, the first rank of his great officers held the lands; and in the same manner, the other subordinate officers held of them; and all ranks and degrees, held their lands, by a variety of duties and services, all tending to bind the chains the faster, on every order of mankind. In this manner, the common people were holden together, in herds and clans, in a state of servile dependance on their Lords; bound, even by the tenure of their lands to follow them, whenever they commanded, to their wars; and in a state of total ignorance of every thing divine and human, excepting the use of arms, and the culture of their lands.
But, another event still more calamitous to human liberty, was a wicked confederacy, between the two systems of tyranny above described.—It seems to have been even stipulated between them, that the temporal grandees should contribute every thing in their power to maintain the ascendency of the priesthood; and that the spiritual grandees, in, their turn, should employ that ascendency over the consciences of the people, in impressing on their minds, a blind, implicit obedience to civil magistracy.—
Thus, as long as this confederacy lasted, and the people were held in ignorance; Liberty, and with her, knowledge, and virtue too, seem to have deserted the earth; and one age of darkness succeeded another, till GOD, in his benign Providence, raised up the champions, who began and conducted the Reformation.—From the time of the Reformation, to the first settlement of America, knowledge gradually spread in Europe, but especially in England; and in proportion as that increased and spread among the people, ecclesiastical and civil tyranny, which I use as synonymous expressions, for the canon and feudal laws, seem to have lost their strength and weight. The people grew more and more sensible of the wrong that was done them, by these systems; more and more impatient under it; and determined at all hazards to rid themselves of it; till, at last, under the execrable race of the Stuarts, the struggle between the people and the confederacy aforesaid of temporal and spiritual tyranny, became formidable, violent and bloody.——
It was this great struggle that peopled America.—It was not religion alone, as is commonly supposed; but it was a love of universal liberty, and an hatred, a dread, an horror of the infernal confederacy before described, that projected, conducted, and accomplished the settlement of America.——
It was a resolution formed by a sensible people, I mean the Puritans almost in despair. They had become intelligent in general, and many of them learned.—For this fact I have the testimony of Archbishop King himself, who observed of that people, that they were more intelligent, and better read than even the members of the church whom he censures warmly for that reason.—This people had been so vexed, and tortured by the powers of those days, for no other crime than their knowledge, and their freedom of enquiry and examination; and they had so much reason to despair of deliverance from those miseries on that side the ocean, that they at last resolved to fly to the wilderness for refuge, from the temporal and spiritual principalities and powers, and plagues, and scourges of their native country.
After their arrival here, they began their settlement, and formed their plan both of ecclesiastical and civil government, in direst opposition to the canon and the feudal systems.——The leading men among them, both of the clergy and the laity were men of sense and learning: To many of them, the historians, orators, poets and philosophers of Greece and Rome were quite familiar: and some of them have left libraries that are still in being, consisting chiefly of volumes, in which the wisdom of the most enlightened ages and nations is deposited, written however in languages, which their great grandsons, though educated in European Universities, can scarcely read.
Thus accomplished were many of the first planters of these colonies.—It may be thought polite and fashionable, by many modern fine gentlemen, perhaps, to deride the characters of these persons as enthusiastical, superstitious and republican: But such ridicule is founded in nothing but foppery and affectation, and is grosly injurious and false.——Religious to some degree of enthusiasm, it may be admitted they were; but this can be no peculiar derogation from their character, because it was at that time almost the universal character, not only of England but of Christendom. Had this however been otherwise, their enthusiasm, considering the principles in which it was founded, and the ends to which it was directed, far from being a reproach to them, was greatly to their honour: for I believe it will be found universally true, that no great enterprize, for the honour or happiness of mankind, was ever atchieved without a large mixture of that noble infirmity. Whatever imperfections may be justly ascribed to them, which however are as few as any mortals have discovered, their judgment in framing their policy was founded in wise, humane and benevolent principles. It was founded in revelation and in reason too: It was consistent with the principles of the best, and greatest, and wisest legeslators of antiquity.——Tyranny in every form, shape and appearance, was their disdain and abhorrence; no fear of punishment, nor even of death itself, in exquisite tortures, had been sufficient to conquer that steady, manly, pertinacious spirit, with which they had opposed the tyrants of those days, in church and state. They were very far from being enemies to monarchy; and they knew as well as any men, the just regard and honour that is due to the character of a dispenser of the mysteries of the gospel of grace: But they saw clearly, that popular powers must be placed as a guard, a controul, a balance, to the powers of the monarch and the priest in every government; or else it would soon become the man of sin, the whore of Babylon, the mystery of iniquity, a great and detestable system of fraud, violence and usurpation. Their greatest concern seems to have been to establish a government of the church more consistent with the Scriptures, and a government of the state more agreeable to the dignity of human nature, than any they had seen in Europe: and to transmit such a government down to their posterity, with the means of securing and preserving it for ever. To render the popular power in their new government as great and wise as their principles of theory, i. e. as human nature and the christian religion require it should be, they endeavoured to remove from it as many of the feudal inequalities and dependencies as could be spared, consistently with the preservation of a mild limited monarchy. And in this they discovered the depth of their wisdom, and the warmth of their friendship to human nature.—But the first place is due to religion.——They saw clearly, that of all the nonsense and delusion which had ever passed through the mind of man, none had ever been more extravagant than the notions of absolutions, indelible characters, uninterrupted successions, and the rest of those fantastical ideas, derived from the canon law, which had thrown such a glare of mystery, sanctity, reverence and right, reverend eminence, and holiness around the idea of a priest, as no mortal could deserve and as always must, from the constitution of human nature, be dangerous in society. For this reason, they demolished the whole system of Diocesan episcopacy, and deriding, as all reasonable and impartial men must do, the ridiculous fancies of sanctified effluvia from episcopal fingers, they established sacerdotal ordination on the foundation of the Bible and common sense.——This conduct at once imposed an obligation on the whole body of the clergy, to industry, virtue, piety and learning; and rendered that whole body infinitely more independent on the civil powers, in all respects, than they could be where they were formed into a scale of subordination, from a Pope down to Priests and friars and confessors, necessarily and essentially, a sordid, stupid, and wretched herd; or than they could be in any other country, where an archbishop held the place of an universal bishop, and the vicars and curates that of the ignorant, dependent, miserable rabble aforesaid; and infinitely more sensible and learned than they could be in either.——This subject has been seen in the same light by many illustrious patriots, who have lived in America, since the days of our forefathers, and who have adored their memory for the same reason.——And methinks there has not appeared in New England, a stronger veneration for their memory, a more penetrating insight into the grounds and principles and spirit of their policy, nor a more earnest desire of perpetuating the blessings of it to posterity, than that fine institution of the late Chief Justice Dudley, of a lecture against popery, and on the validity of presbyterian ordination. This was certainly intended by that wise and excellent man, as an eternal memento of the wisdom and goodness of the very principles that settled America. But I must again return to the feudal law.——The adventurers so often mentioned, had an utter contempt of all that dark ribaldry of hereditary indefeasible right,—the Lord's anointed,—and the divine miraculous original of government, with which the priesthood had inveloped the feudal monarch in clouds and mysteries, and from whence they had deduced the most mischievous of all doctrines, that of passive obedience and non-resistance. They knew that government was a plain, simple, intelligible thing, founded in nature and reason, and quite comprehensible by common sense.——They detested all the base services, and servile dependencies of the feudal system.——They knew that no such unworthy dependencies took place in the ancient seats of liberty, the republic of Greece and Rome: and they thought all such slavish subordinations were equally inconsistent with the constitution of human nature, and that religious liberty with which Jesus had made them free. This was certainly the opinion they had formed, and they were far from being singular or extravagant in thinking so.——Many celebrated modern writers in Europe have espoused the same sentiments.—Lord Kaims, a Scottish writer of great reputation, whose authority in this case ought to have the more weight, as his countrymen have not the most worthy ideas of liberty, speaking of the feudal law, says, "A constitution so contradictory to all the principles which govern mankind, can never be brought about, one should imagine, but by foreign conquest or native usurpations." Brit. Ant. p. 2.—Rousseau speaking of the same system, calls it, "That most iniquitous and absurd form of government, by which human nature was so shamefully degraded." Social compact, Page 164.——It would be easy to multiply authorities; but it must be needless, because as the original of this form of government was among savages, as the spirit of it is military and despotic, every writer, who would allow the people to have any right to life or property or freedom, more than the beasts of the field, and who was not hired or inlisted under arbitrary lawless power, has been always willing to admit the feudal system to be inconsistent with liberty and the rights of mankind.
To have holden their lands allodially, or for every man to have been the sovereign lord and proprietor of the ground he occupied, would have constituted a government, too nearly like a commonwealth.—They were contented, therefore, to hold their lands of their King, as their sovereign lord, and to him they were willing to render homage: but to no mesne and subordinate lords, nor were they willing to submit to any of the baser services.—In all this they were so strenuous, that they have even transmitted to their posterity, a very general contempt and detestation of holdings by quit rents: As they have also an hereditary ardour for liberty, and thirst for knowledge.—
They were convinced by their knowledge of human nature derived from history and their own experience, that nothing could preserve their posterity from the encroachments of the two systems of tyranny, in opposition to which, as has been observed already, they erected their government in church and state, but knowledge diffused generally through the whole body of the people.—Their civil and religious principles, therefore, conspired to prompt them to use every measure, and take every precaution in their power to propagate and perpetuate knowledge. For this purpose they laid very early the foundations of colleges, and invested them with ample privileges and emoluments; and it is remarkable, that they have left among their posterity, so universal an affection and veneration for those seminaries, and for liberal education, that the meanest of the people contribute chearfully to the support and maintenance of them every year, and that nothing is more generally popular than productions for the honour, reputation, and advantage of those seats of learning. But the wisdom and benevolence of our fathers rested not here. They made an early provision by law, that every town, consisting of so many families, should be always furnished with a grammar school.—They made it a crime for such a town to be destitute of a grammar school-master for a few months, and subjected it to an heavy penalty.—So that the education of all ranks of people was made the care and expence of the public in a manner, that I believe has been unknown to any other people ancient or modern.
The consequences of these establishments we see and feel every day.—A native of America who cannot read and write, is as rare an appearance as a Jacobite, or a Roman Catholic, i. e. as rare as a comet or an earthquake.—It has been observed, that we are all of us lawyers, divines, politicians, and philosophers.—And I have good authorities to say, that all candid foreigners who have passed through this country, and conversed freely with all sorts of people here, will allow, that they have never seen so much knowledge and civility among the common people in any part or the world.—It is true there has been among us a party for some years, consisting chiefly, not of the descendants of the first settlers of this country, but of high churchmen and high statesmen, imported since, who affect to censure this provision for the education of our youth as a needless expence, and an imposition upon the rich in favour of the poor;—and as an institution productive of idleness and vain speculation among the people, whose time and attention, it is said, ought to be devoted to labour, and not to public affairs, or to examination into the conduct of their superiors. And certain officers of the crown, and certain other missionaries of ignorance, foppery, servility, and slavery, have been most inclined to countenance and encrease the same party.—Be it remembered, however, that liberty must at all hazards be supported. We have a right to it, derived from our MAKER! But if we had not, our fathers have earned and bought it for us at the expence of their ease, their estates, their pleasure, and their blood.—And Liberty cannot be preserved without a general knowledge among the people, who have a right, from the frame of their nature, to knowledge, as their great CREATOR, who does nothing in vain, has given them understandings and a desire to know; but besides this they have a right, an indisputable, unalienable, indefeasible, divine right, to that most dreaded and envied kind of knowledge, I mean of the characters and conduct of their rulers. Rulers are no more than attornies, agents, and trustees for the people: and if the cause, the interest, and trust are insidiously betrayed, or wantonly trifled away, the people have a right to revoke the authority that they themselves have deputed, and to constitute abler and better agents, attornies, and trustees. And the preservation of the means of knowledge, among the lowest rank, is of more importance to the public, than all the property of all the rich men in the country. It is even of more consequence to the rich themselves, and to their posterity.—The only question is, whether it is a public emolument? and if it is, the rich ought undoubtedly to contribute in the same proportion as to all other public burdens, i. e. in proportion to their wealth, which is secured by public expences.—But none of the means of information are more sacred, or have been cherished with more tenderness and care by the settlers of America, than the press. Care has been taken that the art of printing should be encouraged, and that it should be easy and cheap, and safe for any person to communicate his thoughts to the Public.—And you, Messieurs Printers, whatever the tyrants of the earth may say of your Paper, have done important service to your country, by your readiness and freedom in publishing the speculations of the curious. The stale, impudent insinuations of slander and sedition, with which the gormandizers of power have endeavoured to discredit your Paper, are so much the more to your honour; for the jaws of power are always opened to devour, and her arm is always stretched out, if possible to destroy, the freedom of thinking, speaking, and writing.—And if the public interest, liberty and happiness have been in danger, from the ambition or avarice of any great man, or number of great men, whatever may be their politeness, address, learning, ingenuity, and in other respects integrity and humanity, you have done yourselves honour, and your country service, by publishing and pointing out that avarice and ambition.—These views are so much the more dangerous and pernicious, for the virtues with which they may be accompanied in the same character, and with so much the more watchful jealousy to be guarded against.
"Curse on such virtues, they've undone their country."
Be not intimidated, therefore, by any terrors, from publishing, with the utmost freedom whatever can be warranted by the laws of your country; nor suffer yourselves to be wheedled out of your liberty by any pretences of politeness, delicacy, or decency. These, as they are often used, are but three different names for hypocrisy, chicanery, and cowardice. Much less, I presume, will you be discouraged by any pretences, that malignants on this side the water[A] will represent your Paper as facetious and seditious, or that the Great on the other side the water will take offence at them. This dread of representation has had for a long time in this province effects very similar to what the physicians call an hydrophobia, or dread of water.—It has made us delirious—and we have rushed headlong into the water, till we are almost drowned, out of simple or phrensical fear of it. Believe me, the character of this country has suffered more in Britain, by the pusillanimity with which we have borne many insults and indignities from the creatures of power at home, and the creatures of those creatures here, than it ever did, or ever will by the freedom and spirit that has been or will be discovered in writing or action. Believe me, my countrymen, they have imbibed an opinion on the other side the water, that we are an ignorant, a timid, and a stupid people; nay, their tools on this side have often the impudence to dispute your bravery.—But I hope in God the time is near at hand, when they will be fully convinced of your understanding, integrity, and courage. But can any thing be more ridiculous, were it not too provoking to be laughed at, than to pretend that offence should be taken at home for writings here?—Pray let them look at home. Is not the human understanding exhausted there? Are not reason, imaginations, wit, passion, senses and all, tortured to find out satire and invective against the characters of the vile and futile fellows who sometimes get into place and power?—The most exceptionable paper that ever I saw here is perfect prudence and modesty, in comparison of multitudes of their applauded writings. Yet the high regard they have for the freedom of the Press, indulges all.—I must and will repeat it, Newspapers deserve the patronage of every friend to his country. And whether the defamers of them are arrayed in robes of scarlet or sable, whether they lurk and skulk in an insurance office, whether they assume the venerable character of a priest, the sly one of a scrivener, or the dirty, infamous, abandoned one of an informer, they are all the creatures and tools of the lust of domination.——
[Footnote A: Boston in America.]
The true source of our sufferings, has been our timidity.
We have been afraid to think.—We have felt a reluctance to examining into the grounds of our privileges, and the extent in which we have an indisputable right to demand them, against all the power and authority on earth.—And many who have not scrupled to examine for themselves, have yet, for certain prudent reasons, been cautious, and diffident of declaring the result of their enquiries.
The cause of this timidity is perhaps hereditary, and to be traced back in history, as far as the cruel treatment the first settlers of this country received, before their embarkation for America, from the government at home.—Every body knows how dangerous it was, to speak or write in favour of any thing, in those days, but the triumphant system of religion and politicks. And our fathers were, particularly, the objects of the persecutions and proscriptions of the times.—It is not unlikely therefore, that, although they were inflexibly steady in refusing their positive assent to any thing against their principles, they might have contracted habits of reserve, and a cautious diffidence of asserting their opinions publicly.—These habits they probably brought with them to America, and have transmitted down to us.—Or, we may possibly account for this appearance, by the great affection and veneration, Americans have always entertained for the country from whence they sprang—or by the quiet temper for which they have been remarkable, no country having been less disposed to discontent than this—or by a sense they have that it is their duty to acquiesce under the administration of government, even when in many smaller matters grievous to them, and until the essentials of the great compact are destroyed or invaded. These peculiar causes might operate upon them; but without these, we all know, that human nature itself, from indolence, modesty, humanity or fear, has always too much reluctance to a manly assertion of its rights. Hence perhaps it has happened, that nine-tenths of the species, are groaning and gasping in misery and servitude.
But whatever the cause has been, the fact is certain, we have been excessively cautious of giving offence by complaining of grievances.——And it is as certain, that American governors, and their friends, and all the crown officers, have availed themselves of this disposition in the people.—They have prevailed on us to consent to many things, which were grossly injurious to us, and to surrender many others with voluntary tameness, to which we had the clearest right. Have we not been treated formerly, with abominable insolence, by officers of the navy?——I mean no insinuation against any gentleman now on this station, having heard no complaint of any one of them to his dishonour.—Have not some generals, from England, treated us like servants, nay, more like slaves than like Britons?—Have we not been under the most ignominious contribution, the most abject submission, the most supercilious insults of some custom-house officers? Have we not been trifled with, browbeaten, and trampled on, by former governors, in a manner which no King of England since James the Second has dared to indulge towards his subjects? Have we not raised up one family, placed in them an unlimited confidence, and been soothed, and flattered, and intimidated by their influence, into a great part of this infamous tameness and submission?——"These are serious and alarming questions, and deserve a dispassionate consideration."—
This disposition has been the great wheel and the main spring in the American machine of court politics.—We have been told, that "the word Rights is an offensive expression." That "the King, his Ministry, and Parliament, will not endure to hear Americans talk of their Rights." That "Britain is the mother and we the children, that a filial duty and submission is due from us to her," and that "we ought to doubt our own judgment, and presume that she is right, even when she seems to us to shake the foundations of government." That "Britain is immensely rich, and great, and powerful, has fleets and armies at her command, which have been the dread and terror of the universe, and that the will force her own judgment into execution, right or wrong." But let me intreat you, Sir, to pause—Do you consider yourself as a missionary of loyalty or of rebellion? Are you not representing your K—, his Ministry and Parliament, as tyrants, imperious, unrelenting tyrants, by such reasoning as this?—Is not this representing your most gracious Sovereign, as endeavouring to destroy the foundations of his own throne?—Are you not representing every Member of Parliament as renouncing the transactions at Runyn Mead; [the meadow, near Windsor, where Magna Charta was signed,] and as repealing in effect the bill of rights, when the Lords and Commons asserted and vindicated the rights of the people and their own rights, and insisted on the King's assent to that assertion and vindication? Do you not represent them, as forgetting that the Prince of Orange was created King William by the People, on purpose that their rights might be eternal and inviolable?—Is there not something extremely fallacious, in the common place images of mother country and children colonies? Are we the children of Great Britain, any more than the cities of London, Exeter and Bath? Are we not brethren and fellow-subjects, with those in Britain, only under a somewhat different method of legislation, and a totally different method of taxation? But admitting we are children, have not children a right to complain when their parents are attempting to break their limbs, to administer poison, or to sell them to enemies for slaves? Let me intreat you to consider, will the mother be pleased, when you represent her as deaf to the cries of her children? When you compare her to the infamous miscreant, who lately stood on the gallows for starving her child? When you resemble her to Lady Macbeth in Shakespear, (I cannot think of it without horror)
Who "had given suck, and knew "How tender 'twas to love the babe that milk'd her." But yet, who could "Even while 'twas smiling in her face, "Have pluck'd her nipple from the boneless gums, "And dash'd the brains out."
Let us banish for ever from our minds, my countrymen, all such unworthy ideas of the K—g, his Ministry, and Parliament. Let us not suppose, that all are become luxurious, effeminate and unreasonable, on the other side the water, as many designing persons would insinuate. Let us presume, what is in fact true, that the spirit of liberty is as ardent as ever among the body of the nation, though a few individuals may be corrupted.—Let us take it for granted, that the same great spirit, which once gave Caesar so warm a reception; which denounced hostilities against John, 'till Magna Charta was signed; which severed the head of Charles the First from his body, and drove James the Second from his kingdom; the same great spirit (MAY HEAVEN PRESERVE IT TILL THE EARTH SHALL BE NO MORE!) which first seated the great grandfather of his present most gracious Majesty on the throne of Britain, is still alive and active, and warm in England; and that the same spirit in America, instead of provoking the inhabitants of that country, will endear us to them for ever, and secure their good-will.
This spirit, however, without knowledge, would be little better than a brutal rage.——Let us tenderly and kindly cherish therefore the means of knowledge. Let us dare to read, think, speak and write.——Let every order and degree among the people rouse their attention and animate their resolution.—Let them all become attentive to the grounds and principles of government, ecclesiastical and civil.—Let us study the law of nature; search into the spirit of the British constitution; read the histories of ancient ages; contemplate the great examples of Greece and Rome; set before us the conduct of our own British ancestors, who have defended, for us, the inherent rights of mankind against foreign and domestic tyrants and usurpers, against arbitrary kings and cruel priests, in short against the gates of earth and hell.—Let us read and recollect, and impress upon our souls the views and ends of our own more immediate forefathers, in exchanging their native country for a dreary, inhospitable wilderness. Let us examine into the nature of that power, and the cruelty of that oppression which drove them from their homes. Recollect their amazing fortitude, their bitter sufferings! The hunger, the nakedness, the cold, which they patiently endured! The severe labours of clearing their grounds, building their houses, raising their provisions, amidst dangers from wild beasts and savage men, before they had time or money, or materials for commerce! Recollect the civil and religious principles, and hopes, and expectations, which constantly supported and carried them through all hardships, with patience and resignation! Let us recollect it was liberty! The hope of liberty for themselves and us and ours, which conquered all discouragements, dangers and trials!——In such researches as these, let us all in our several departments chearfully engage! But especially the proper patrons and supporters of law, learning and religion.
Let the pulpit resound with the doctrines and sentiments of religious liberty.——Let us hear the danger of thraldom to our consciences, from ignorance, extream poverty and dependance, in short from civil and political slavery.—Let us see delineated before us, the true map of man. Let us hear the dignity of his nature, and the noble rank he holds among the works of GOD! that consenting to slavery is a sacrilegious breach of trust, as offensive in the sight of GOD, as it is derogatory from our own honour, or interest or happiness; and that GOD ALMIGHTY has promulgated from heaven, liberty, peace, and good-will to man!——
Let the Bar proclaim, "the laws, the rights, the generous plan of power," delivered down from remote antiquity; inform the world of the mighty struggles, and numberless sacrifices, made by our ancestors, in the defence of freedom.—Let it be known, that British liberties are not the grants of princes or parliaments, but original rights, conditions of original contracts, co-equal with prerogative, and co-eval with government.—That many of our rights are inherent and essential, agreed on as maxims and established as preliminaries, even before a parliament existed.—Let them search for the foundation of British laws and government in the frame of human nature, in the constitution of the intellectual and moral world.—There let us see, that truth, liberty, justice, and benevolence, are its everlasting basis; and if these could be removed, the superstructure is overthrown of course.—
Let the colleges join their harmony, in the same delightful concert.—Let every declamation turn upon the beauty of liberty and virtue, and the deformity, turpitude and malignity of slavery and vice.—Let the public disputations become researches into the grounds and nature and ends of government, and the means of preserving the good and demolishing the evil.—Let the dialogues and all the exercises become the instruments of impressing on the tender mind, and of spreading and distributing, far and wide, the ideas of right and the sensations of freedom.
In a word, let every sluice of knowledge be opened and set a flowing. The encroachments upon liberty, in the reigns of the first James and the first Charles, by turning the general attention of learned men to government, are said to have produced the greatest number of consummate statesmen, which has ever been seen in any age, or nation. The Brooke's, Hamden's, Falkland's, Vane's, Milton's, Nedham's, Harrington's, Neville's, Sydney's, Locke's, are all said to have owed their eminence in political knowledge, to the tyrannies of those reigns. The prospect, now before us, in America, ought, in the same manner, to engage the attention of every man of learning to matters of power and of right, that we may be neither led nor driven blindfolded to irretrievable destruction.——Nothing less than this seems to have been meditated for us, by somebody or other in Great Britain. There seems to be a direct and formal design on foot, to enslave all America.—This however must be done by degrees.——The first step that is intended seems to be an entire subversion of the whole system of our Fathers, by the introduction of the canon and feudal law, into America.——The canon and feudal systems though greatly mutilated in England, are not yet destroyed. Like the temples and palaces, in which the great contrivers of them were once worshiped and inhabited, they exist in ruins; and much of the domineering spirit of them still remains.—The designs and labours of a certain society, to introduce the former of them into America, have been well exposed to the public by a writer of great abilities; and the further attempts to the same purpose that may be made by that society, or by the ministry or parliament, I leave to the conjectures of the thoughtful.—But it seems very manifest from the Stamp Act itself, that a design is formed to strip us in a great measure of the means of knowledge, by loading the Press, the Colleges, and even an Almanack and a News-Paper, with restraints and duties; and to introduce the inequalities and dependencies of the feudal system, by taking from the poorer sort of people all their little subsistence, and conferring it on a set of stamp officers, distributors and their deputies.—But I must proceed no farther at present.—The sequel, whenever I shall find health and leisure to pursue it, will be a "disquisition of the policy of the stamp act."——In the mean time, however, let me add, These are not the vapours of a melancholy mind, nor the effusions of envy, disappointed ambition, nor of a spirit of opposition to government: but the emanations of an heart that burns for its country's welfare. No one of any feeling, born and educated in this once happy country, can consider the numerous distresses, the gross indignities, the barbarous ignorance, the haughty usurpations, that we have reason to fear are meditating for ourselves, our children, our neighbours, in short for all our countrymen, and all their posterity, without the utmost agonies of heart, and many tears.
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